
1 



P C ON , 



ft : 



/ 



THE PRIVATE LIFE 



THE ANCIENT GREEKS. 



LONDON : PRINTED BY 
SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE 
AND PARLIAMENT STREET 



CHARICLES 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



PRIVATE LIFE OF THE ANCIENT GREEKS. 



WITH NOTES AND EXCUESUSES. 



FROM THE GERMAN OF PROFESSOR BECKER, 



TRANSLATED BY THE 



REV. FREDERICK METCALFE, M.A. 



FELLOW OF LINCOLN COLLEGE, OXFORD. 



FOURTH EDITION. 




LONDON : 

LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
1874. 



UP?/ 



Tlpäyfia ßpa^i) 7ro\\aKig Kai pj/jua Kai Trai£id Tig IfX'paoiv i/Qovq 
tTToujot. jxaWov i] /u«x at pvpiovtupoi. — Plutarch. 



ADVERTISEMENT 



TO 



THE THIED EDITION. 



"N the first edition of the English translation of 



-L Becker's Gharicles, many of the author's quotations 
from Greek and Latin writers were merely referred to, 
some left unnoticed, or only the pith of them inserted. 
Other curtailments were likewise introduced, partly in 
deference to the wishes of the publisher, who desired to 
keep down the bulk of the book. In the two subsequent 
editions, at the suggestion of several English scholars, 
many of these citations have been given at length, and 
some of the omitted matter incorporated. It only re- 
mains further to add, that the simultaneous call for a 
new edition of Charicles, and its companion Gallus, 
and the extensive use of these works in our public 
schools and universities, quite justify the idea which 
the translator formed of the high value which classical 
students would be likely to attach to both works. 

Oxford : June 20, 1866. 




TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE, 



IHE motto from Plutarch prefixed to Charicles, while 



J- it intimates the scope and object of the author, is an 
eloquent though brief argument for the utility of such a 
work. This description of the every-day pursuits and 
lighter occupations of the Greeks, this glimpse at their 
domestic scenes, and introduction, so to speak, to the 
interior of their dwellings, not only infuse additional zest 
into the student's survey of their life as a nation ; but will 
also prove no mean auxiliary in estimating the motives and 
springs of their public actions as chronicled by the historian ; 
pretty much on the same principle that we are prone to 
contemplate the doings of public men with more curious 
interest, should we happen also to enjoy their private 
personal acquaintance. The words of Böttiger respecting 
Eome admit of application here : 4 We gain a correcter 
and deeper insight into the private life, a look, as it were, 
behind the postscenia of a people, whose public virtues 
and vices we are too apt to pronounce judgment on with 
reference solely to the universal history of the world and 
of nations.' The learned author here quoted, who for 
fifty years so successfully prosecuted his antiquarian and 
archaeological researches, may be pronounced the originator 
of this species of antique domestic literature. 

In his Kleine Schriften he has investigated many 
points here discussed afresh, though frequently with the 
same conclusion, by decker ; and his Sabina, or Morning 




viii 



translator's preface. 



Scenes at the Toilette of a rich Roman Lady, probably 
supplied the first hint for the construction of Gallus and 
Ckaricles. Still, though Sabina displays great powers of 
combination and research, and is in some respects more 
attractive and readable than either of Becker's productions, 
yet it falls far short of them in comprehensiveness and 
finish. Moreover, Ckaricles is the first work devoted to 
the private manners and customs of Grreece. It is de- 
dicated to the veteran Professor Hermann, and is a very 
meet pendant to its predecessor Gallus. 

We possess in these works compendious portraitures, 
tableaux vivants as it were, representing private life at 
Rome and Athens ; and by looking on this picture and 
then on that, much knowledge may be derived alike in- 
structive and suggestive. In the former we behold the 
favourite of Augustus, stern in his sense of honour ; ma- 
jestic and dignified even in his pleasures; fond of art, 
though his devotion for it, true to the imitative nature of 
his countrymen, is rather of a formal and acquired than 
inborn and imaginative cast. He is the type of his nation, 
who loved to adorn their palaces and villas with works of 
Grreek art, as with so many pieces of elegant furniture; 
thus verifying the proverb, that the wolf's-milk which 
suckled their progenitors never became a real fountain of 
the muses. They were the great borrowers of their day, 
adapting themselves to foreign habits and institutions with 
marvellous facility, doing violence to nature, and trampling 
over obstacles physical and moral. How perfectly an- 
tipodes to them in all the phases of their character were 
the children of Daedal Grreece ! 

What a remarkable phenomenon is the Athenian, that 
creature of impulse, all gushing with nature and vivacity, 
sudden and quick ; with wits as clear as his own 6 pure 



translator's preface. 



air,' and temperament not less light than 4 the soil.' Un- 
like the Eoman race, they are studious, as by intuition, 
4 of arts that polish life, inventors rare ; ' combining sim- 
plicity and beauty as no nation ever combined them before 
or since, and unfolding the most delicate bloom of aesthetic 
culture almost before their alphabet was complete. 4 A 
people who,' in the words of an ingenious writer, 4 con- 
ceived all that was beautiful in art and profound in philo- 
sophy ; who became the instructress of all liberal sciences 
and arts ; the teacher alike of her own times and posterity.' 
The Greek is essentially the personification of exclusive- 
ness, indigenous beyond belief, and local in his tastes and 
habits; the Eoman is a citizen of the world. Such then, 
not to trace their character further, or follow it into its 
darker details, are the people whose customs and habits 
the author has proposed to investigate ; and nobody can 
deny the interest and importance of the theme. His hero 
is not to our mind so attractive as Gallus. In addition 
to his historical interest as a poet, the Roman moved in 
much better and more refined society than our Greek, and 
there was more individuality and vividness in his portrait. 
But the author has in his preface given satisfactory reasons 
for selecting a character of this kind. 

It now remains to say a few words on the labours of 
the translator. The same alterations have been made in. 
the position of the Scenes, Notes, Excursus and Plates, 
as in Gallus. It has also been deemed advisable to depart 
occasionally from the author's principle of bvofjud^stv ra 
av/ca gvkcl ; by an over-tenacious adherence to which his 
narrative has here and there become offensive to good 
taste, without much being gained thereby. Accordingly, 
one entire Excursus has been left out, and the one on the 
kralpai much curtailed, though the translator rather regrets 



X 



translator's preface. 



the necessity of making the latter omissions, for it seems 
to him that this part of the work throws much light on 
the Excursus relating to the Women ; by illustrating the 
consequences resulting from the Athenian mode of treating 
married women. 1 Again, all iteration, to which the learned 
author seems unduly propense, has been avoided as much 
as possible; many quotations have often been merely 
referred to, some left unnoticed, when it seemed unneces- 
sary to multiply authorities, or only the pith of them, and 
that part strictly bearing upon the subject, inserted. In 
consequence of these alterations, some passages had to be 
remodelled, and rather adapted in English than literally 
translated. But at the same time everything of moment 
has been carefully retained ; and it is hoped that, as it was 
the translator's intention to make the English version as 
widely useful as possible, the liberties he has thus taken 
in greatly reducing the bulk of the work will meet with 
the approbation of the English scholar ; and that the value 
of the book, which is in high estimation in Germany, will 
not have been diminished by this Procrustean operation. 

Lastly, the favour extended to his adaptation of Gallus, 
encourages him to hope that this attempt at presenting 
another most learned and clever work in an English form 
will be productive of a similar result. 

London: May 1845. 



1 Eor further information on this I Greek female society, Quarterly 
subject, see a very able article on j Review, Vol. xxn. p. 163. 



AUTHOE'S PREFACE. 



THE author has been encouraged in offering this work 
to the public by the favourable reception which his 
work on Eoman manners has met with, and which served 
to convince him that an illustration of that portion of 
antique life was by no means unacceptable. Less has 
hitherto been done, in this respect, for Greece than for 
Rome. The earlier philologists either ignored this de- 
partment of Grecian Antiquities, or merely made occasional 
allusions to it ; while they drew parallels between the fea- 
tures of Grecian and of Roman life, or identified them, in 
a most unwarrantable manner. The Italians, for instance, 
who seem to have felt themselves especially called, by the 
mementos of early grandeur and magnificence around them, 
and by the classic atmosphere which they inhaled, to an 
investigation of antiquity, have, above all others — perhaps 
from a proud contempt of everything not Roman — either 
utterly disregarded Greek customs, or handled them after 
a very desultory and faulty method. In the collections of 
Gronovius and Grsevius, and of their successors, Sallengre 
and Polen, we are usually presented with an undigested 
and confused medley of passages, quoted without any re- 
gard either to the context, the period referred to, or the 
value of the author, and these are often brought for- 
ward in support of the most marvellous hypotheses. Ex- 
ceptions, it is true, must be made in favour of a few great 
names, such as Casaubon, Salmasius, and perhaps Meur- 



Xll 



author's preface. 



sius ; but the results of the investigations of these writers 
are widely scattered about in commentaries, so that the 
student would only be repaid for the labour of wading 
through them by obtaining a number of insulated notices, 
without acquiring any systematic information on the 
subject. A careful perusal of the Greek authors shows, 
moreover, that all that these commentators have gleaned 
stands in much the same relation to what they have over- 
looked, as does the paltry produce of a sand-washing to 
the yield of an exhaustless gold-mine. 

In later times, several acute investigators have laboured 
in the field of Attic law and polity, and these researches 
have occasionally thrown light on the relations of private 
life. But no comprehensive work, illustrative of the 
every-day occurrences of Grecian life, has as yet been 
undertaken, for neither Mtzsch's Description of the Greeks, 
nor Potter's compilation, deserve to be mentioned in the 
present state of antiquarian science. Barthelemy's Travels 
of the Younger Anacharsis, though a meritorious per- 
formance for its time, is anything but satisfactory to 
those who have become acquainted with the Greeks from 
their own literature. The figures often resemble antique 
statues attired in French court costume and lace ruffles ; 
they are like pictures by Le Brun or Coypel, where the 
artist's subjective conception has entirely effaced the an- 
tique character of the original, and where the clever 
treatment of the details is no recompense for the failure 
of the attempt as a whole. 

In the works which have lately been written on 
Grecian customs and institutions, such as Wachsmuth's 
Hellenischer Alterthumskunde, and Miiller's History of the 
Dorians, somewhat more has been done to illustrate pri- 
vate life. The comprehensiveness of the plan of the 



author's preface. 



xiii 



former work prevents, however, the introduction of the 
necessary detail. In Böttiger's Kleine Schriften many of 
the points in question are discussed, and many of his 
observations, those for instance on the Grecian Dress, 
are very valuable. Some of his enquiries are, however, 
absurdly frivolous ; for instance, his investigations as to 
the use of pocket-handkerchiefs by the Grecian ladies. 
Jacobs' works, Die Erziehung der Hellenen zur Sittlichkeit, 
and his Beiträge zur Gesch. d. weibl. Geschlechts, are of a 
more serious tendency, and are written in a remarkably 
clever and attractive manner. Yet neither of these pro- 
ductions can be considered as anything more than enthu- 
siastic apologies for certain flagrant vices rife among the 
Hellenes. He who undertakes faithfully to describe the 
character of a people, ought not, while he gives promi- 
nence to its nobler features, to place a screen before the 
blemishes that deform it. An excellent essay, which esti- 
mates, on impartial principles, the religious and moral 
development of the Greeks, Limburg Brower's Histoire de 
la Civilisation morale et religieuse des Grecs, only reached 
the author while this treatise was in the press ; he rejoices 
to find that with respect to the darker vices of the Greek 
people he has himself arrived at nearly the same results 
as this learned and unbiased writer. 

The author of Charicles, discarding the incomplete 
labours of his predecessors, has uniformly gone to the 
fountain-head, and has carefully perused, with reference to 
his present object, the whole range of Greek literature 
down to the time of Aristotle. Of the succeeding writers 
down to the fourth century, he has gone through the most 
important, more especially Theophrastus, Strabo, Plutarch, 
Lucian, Athenseus, Pausanias, iElian, Diogenes Laertius, 
Dio Chrysostom, Libanius, Maximus Tyrius, and Philo- 



xiv 



author's preface. 



stratus ; also the Erotic writers, Alciphron, Artemidorus, 
and others, as well as the grammarians, Pollux, Harpo- 
cration, Suidas, Hesychius, Photius, Phrynichus, Timasus, 
Eustathius, and other Scholiasts. The later Roman his- 
torians have also been consulted, though in a more cur- 
sory manner. There is not one of these writers from whom 
materials of greater or less value have not been derived. 
But more regard has been paid to every minute intimation 
in authors of the better period, than to the most explicit 
explanations of the grammarians, which are often founded 
solely on well-known passages of classic writers, or are 
forced into accordance with the customs of a later age. 
The Attic orators have proved by far the most valuable 
sources of information, for by them Greek manners are 
incidentally depicted with a reality and naturalness which 
is wanting in the lofty and ideal conceptions of the tragic 
and lyric poets, or in the caricatures of the comedians, 
as well as in the phantasies of Utopian philosophers, or 
the pragmatical reflections of philosophical historians. 
Though less weight has been attached to the writers 
of later periods, yet there appears to be no reason to 
suspect their testimony in general ; and though it is seen 
at a glance that manners greatly degenerated, yet we still 
recognise all the more important features ; and thus Plu- 
tarch bears witness that the character of the Athenians, 
in his day, and their whole mode of life, both in serious 
as well as in more trivial concerns, were the same as in 
preceding times. 

Another important point to be taken into account was 
the genuineness of the writings quoted ; but here less stress 
has always been laid on the name of the writer, than on 
the date, or the recognised antiquity of the production. 
Everybody knows that the speech against Neaera, that of 



author's preface. 



XV 



Andocides against Alcibiades, certain dialogues of Plato, 
the second book of Aristotle's (Economics, the Apophtheg- 
mata Laconica attributed to Plutarch, and many other 
treatises, are spurious or doubtful; but they have stood 
from time immemorial among the works of those writers 
whose names they bear. 

The mass of materials being so overwhelming, it is 
very possible that some omissions may have occurred, 
but it is hoped that nothing has been neglected which 
might have been decisive on any of the mooted questions. 

In addition to these literary stores, much information 
has been derived from extant works of art ; and the rich 
collection of illustrated archaeological works in the uni- 
versity library of Leipsic has proved of the greatest 
service. These materials, it is true, do not throw so 
much light on Grecian as on Eoman customs, for no 
buried town has been discovered, with its baths, houses, 
and household furniture; nevertheless the Greek speci- 
mens extant, especially the painted vases, are, so far as 
they go, of a very high value, inasmuch as they belong to 
an early period, which is not the case with those of 
Italy. 

In a work descriptive of state antiquities the form 
here adopted would have been unsuitable, because unsys- 
tematic. But the case is different in an attempt to illus- 
trate the checkered and numberless phases of private 
life, which do not admit of any very strict classification. 
The Scenes had to be written with inconceivable care and 
caution, in order to combine the scattered traits, and give 
unity to the picture, and all imaginative licence on the 
part of the writer had to be rigidly suppressed. But 
this was the only way of accomplishing the prescribed 
task ; except by the composition of Adversaria in modum 

a 



XVI 



author's peeface. 



Turnebi, which seems, of all methods, the least happy 
and the most repulsive. Mere pedantic disquisitions on 
habits and customs would have been like anatomical 
plates, wherein we can trace, to their minutest details, 
all the bones, muscles, nerves, and blood-vessels ; though 
we can form no idea, from these dismembered and de- 
formed parts, of the human body as a whole. The 
Scenes, then, are intended to give this tout ensemble, this 
portraiture of Greek life ; and if the writer has in any 
measure been successful, he thinks that a desirable object 
will have been achieved, since nothing of the kind is to 
be found in the writings of antiquity. 

It must not however be supposed that this work par- 
takes, to any great extent, of the character of a romance. 
The materials previously collected, on being classified, 
seemed spontaneously to suggest the course of the nar- 
rative, and it will be seen, on comparing the text of the 
Scenes with the ^otes and Excursuses, that the former 
consist almost entirely of excerpted passages of Greek 
authors. 

It did not seem desirable, as was done in Gallus, tc 
link the narrative to any historical occurrence, because 
among the Greeks the private life of every important 
personage is much harder to separate from the public 
doings than at Eome, and it would thus have been ne- 
cessary to encroach frequently on a department of inves- 
tigation of which the writer desired to be independent. 
For the same reason a point of time has been selected 
in which public life had begun to fall into the background, 
while the egotistic spirit of the age gave a greater promi- 
nence to individual interests. The consequence has been, 
that whereas the Koman scenes wore more of a tragic 
aspect, these are couched rather in the tone of comedy, 



author's preface. 



xvii 



in the Greek sense of the word. It does not, moreover, 
appear necessary that an excessive o-KvOpcoiraafibs should 
be essential in conducting every scientific enquiry ; on the 
contrary, it would seem that in the treatment of many 
phases of antiquity a certain tone of irony is more 
appropriate. 

The rest of the arrangement is similar to that of 
Gallus : but it is hoped that the explanations contained 
in the Notes and Excursuses will be found more com- 
prehensive and elaborate. 

The Classical authorities which bear out the asser- 
tions here put forward, have, for the most part, been 
cited in extenso ; for this seemingly cumbrous procedure 
is the only one which can be really satisfactory to the 
student. In every case the recognised and most recent 
editions have been employed, and the greatest care has 
been taken to secure accuracy in the references and 
citations. 

That Attic customs have been those chiefly por- 
trayed, can be no matter of surprise. Greece being 
divided into many small states, each of which had its 
own peculiarities in customs and manner of life, all these 
nuances ought of course to be noticed in a general picture 
of Greek life. But there is, unfortunately, a great deficiency 
of original materials for such a work. Little is known 
except in reference to Athens and Sparta; and in the 
latter state, with her bizarre institutions, all individuality 
is so utterly destroyed, and such an undue and unnatural 
importance is given to her political strength and the re- 
nown of the people as a whole, that she must be considered 
as an anomaly in the social condition of Greece ; and thus 
the mode of life which was there prevalent can by no means 
be taken as representative of that generally established. 

a 2 



xviii 



author's preface. 



Attic life, therefore, so varied and comprehensive in its 
phases, and so abundantly illustrated by contemporary 
literature, must serve as the norma for the rest of Greece, 
and the usages of other states can only be considered in 
a comparative point of view. Doric customs have, more- 
over, been already investigated by Manso, Müller, and 
Hoek ; so that the author has generally contented himself 
with noticing those points in which their conclusions seem 
to be manifestly erroneous. 

If he has occasionally failed in arriving at the truth, 
he can plead in mitigation that in most cases he has 
had to commence from the very foundations, no edifice 
existing on which to rear a superstructure. But where 
wrong, he will thankfully submit to be set right, and will 
carefully attend even to criticism which he considers to 
be erroneous, since it will afford an opportunity for the 
more extended investigation of disputed points. 



CONTENTS. 



Advertisement to the Third Edition . 
Translator's Preface 
Author's Preface 



CHARICLES. 

SCENE THE FIRST. 

THE FRIENDS OF YOUTH 
Excursus. Education 

SCENE THE SECOND. 

CORINTH 

Excursus. The Hetaerse 

SCENE THE THIRD. 

THE ANCESTRAL ABODE 

Excursus I. The Grecian House 

„ II. Bookselling and Libraries 



SCENE THE FOURTH. 

THE TRAPEZIT^E .... 
Excursus. The Markets and Commerce 



XX CONTENTS. 

SCENE THE FIFTH. 

PAGE 

THE HABITS OF YOUTH 7± 

Excursus. The Gymnasia . . . . .293 

SCENE THE SIXTH. 

THE BANQUET . . 89 

Excursus I. The Meals . . . . .310 

„ II. The Symposia . . . . .333 

III. The Games . , . . .348 

SCENE THE SEVENTH. 

THE TEITON 109 

Excursus. The Slaves . . . . . .356 

SCENE THE EIGHTH. 

THE INVALID 130 

Excursus. The Doctors . . . . • .374 

SCENE THE NINTH. 

THE WILL 153 

Excursus. The Burials . . . . . .383 

SCENE THE TENTH. 

THE DIONYSIA .178 

Excursus. Theatre-Going ..... 403 . 



CONTEXTS. 



SCENE THE ELEVENTH. 



THE KING . 

Excrssrs I. The Dress 

II. The Shoes 

,, III. Hair and Beard 



SCEXE THE TWELFTH. 



THE WEDDING DAY 

Excursus. The Women . 
Ixdex 



C HAK I CLE S. 



SCENE THE FIRST. 



THE FEIEND S OF YOUTH. 

NOT far from the ruins of Mycenae, those primaeval wit- 
nesses of the grandeur of the earliest Grecian princes, 
which, stupendous even in their downfall, have endured for 
upwards of three thousand years, is seen a narrow defile, 
winding northwards between precipitous walls of rock, and 
leading to the hill whereon Cleonae, probably, whilome stood, 
and which, though insignificant in size, is famous from the 
eulogy of Homer. 1 This confined way was anciently the 
main road from Argos to Corinth, and passable for carriages ; 2 



• 1 The topographical portion of 
this book, though of minor import- 
ance, was one of considerable diffi- 
culty. In the absence of personal ac- 
quaintance with the region describ- 
ed, the author has carefully perused 
all the most important works on the 
subject. Besides the accounts of 
Strabo and Pausanias, the following 
books have been consulted. Gell's 
Itinerary of the Morea ; Dodwell's 
Classical and Topographical Tour 
through Greece ; Leake's Travels in 
the Morea ; Pouqueville's Voyage 
dans la Grece; and the Expedition 
de Mor'ee. For the position of Cleonse, 
see Strabo, viii. 6, 19 : KAewval 8' 
dal ir6\i(Tfxa eVl bdw Kei/xeuov 
rfj 4£ v Apyovs els Kbpadov eVl 
\6<pov -Kspiomoviievov iravraxoOev 
nal TereixiCfJ.4vov KaKws' wtt' ol- 
Ke'iws clprjcrdai fxoi hoKei rb ivKTi/xe- 
vas KKewvds. Leake says that there 



is stiU a hamletof four or five houses 
called Clenas (KAeVcus), although 
Curtesi, a larger village, is usually 
supposed to occupy the site of the 
ancient town. 

2 Two roads formerly led from 
Cleonse to Argos. Paus. ii. 15, 1 : 
4k KXecovcHv Se elffiv is "Apyos 65 oi 
5vo. 7] jxkv av5 p&aiv ev(dovois, Kai 
4ar\v hrlrofios. r) 5k eVt rod KaXov- 
fxevou TprjTov, (TTev^) uev Kal avrii 
7repie%(Wa;i> bpwv, bxhp-o.cn Se 4<r r riv 
'6fxws iTUT-qSsioTepa. One of them 
was named KoifToiropia. Athen, ii. 
p. 43 : 5id rris KovTOivopias KtOCov- 
fiem^s, Kara rr]u a.Kpd>p€iau irpoaßai- 
vovmv slvai Kprjurjy va/xa avie?(rav 
Xibvos ipvypbrepov. The name is also 
mentioned by Polyb. xvi. 16, 4, 5 ; 
and its direction from Corinth said 
to be eyyivra irpbs 5vaeis xemepi- 
vds. But whether by this is to be un- 



CHARLCLES. 



[_SCE2*E 1. 



but in our time, from its neglected state, it presents diffi- 
culties even to a traveller on horseback. 3 The western 
side of the defile is skirted by a brook, which, rising to 
the north, here forces itself through a dense overgrowth 
of bushes. The rugged rocks are indented by numerous 
fissures and caverns, one of which is now, as it was in 
the time of Pausanias, pointed out as the lair of the Ne- 
mean lion. 4 The whole surrounding region presents the 
aspect of a mountainous chain severed and intersected in 
various directions. Over the western heights the pillars 
of the Temple of Jupiter serve to mark the former site of 
Nemea; whilst two leagues southward of Mycenae, the 
ancient Argos still survives in its modern transformation. 5 
It was in the last month of the 111th Olympiad, that 
a youth, whose years could scarcely have exceeded those 
of an Ephebus, was proceeding along this road. He was 
mounted on a dark-coloured steed, 6 bearing no brand, it 



derstoodthe carriage-road mentioned 
by Pausanias, or the foot-path, is still 
undetermined. Müller, in his Dori- 
ans, i. p. 79, declares for the former ; 
Leake, on the contrary (iii. 328), 
thinks it more likely that the shorter 
road, which now leads by Aion Oros, 
is meant ; and there is some weight 
in one of his three reasons for thi s opi- 
nion, viz. that Ptolemseos found the 
cold spring on the height (Kara tV 
atcpdcpeiav), an expression which would 
scarcely suit the carriage-road. And 
Dodwell (p. 208) says of the Kovto- 
iropia : ' This was probably not the 
way which passed through Nemea.' 
On the other hand, it is certain that 
Pausanias does not call the hill, but 
the coach-road itself, Tprirbs, for he 
says, § 4, aveXdodtfi Se is tov Tp-qrhv 
Kai avdts t^v is *Apyos iovcriv eVrt 
MvK7]vwv ipelTTM iv apicrrepa. 

8 Pouquev. iv. 48 : ' Elle est ac- 
tuellement dans un tel etat de degra- 



dation, qu'on a quelque difficulte a 
y voyager ä cheval.' 

4 Pausan. supra', iv tovtois rots 
opecri rb o-irtiXaiov %tl Se'iKvurai tov 
Xeovros. Cf. Dodwell, p. 207 ; Leake, 
p. 329. 

5 Expedition de Moree, ii. 147 : 
'Distance totale, 2heures 5 minutes.' 

6 In the heroic age carriages were 
frequently used for long journeys. 
In the historic period people mostly 
went on foot, and carriages are an 
exception, not the rule ; (see notes 
23 and 26 to Sc. vn.). Even em- 
bassies travelled thus, as appears 
from JEschin. Be Falsa Leg. p. 272. 
Still there are instances of horses 
being used, and Demosthenes thus 
accompanies Philip's ambassadors as 
far as Thebes. Ib. 282 : i^io-daxrar 
avrois '6t' cinrjeaai' opino, fcvyrj Kal 
av/xTrap^i i<f Vttttov. Cf. in Ctesiph. 



Scene I.] THE FRIENDS OF YOUTH. 3 



is true, to mark him of celebrated blood, but of a strength 
and mettle not unworthy of the noble form that bestrode 
him. The rider lacked not breadth of chest and shoulders, 
but his frame was rather slim and supple, than thick- 
set and muscular. His slightly tanned neck rose proudly 
and freely, but in the animation of his blue eye was 
blended a languishing expression, betokening him one that 
longed to love and to be loved. Beneath the broad brim of 
his dark travelling cap crowded an abundance of light- 
coloured locks, while a delicate down besprinkled his cheeks 
and chin. His whole appearance, his noble carriage and 
finely-chiselled profile, bespoke a youth of good descent 
and careful nurture. 7 

A single slave, apparently scarce ten years senior to 
his master, was his only attendant, and strode along man- 
fully in the wake of the steed ; though the drops of sweat 
that ran down his forehead, shewed that the bundle on his 
shoulders containing the coverlet for the night, and other 
appliances necessary for a journey, was no light burden for 
a hot sunny day in the month of Skirophorion* 



p. 467. In Xenophon's Sympos. 9, 7, 
some of the guests even arrive at Cal- 
lias' house on horseback, or perhaps, 
as Schneider supposes, order their 
steeds to be brought for the journey 
home. In writing the foregoing de- 
scription, Lucian, Asin. § 1, and 
Appul. Metam. i. p. 12, have been 
kept in view. 

T An almost verbal imitation of 
Cybele's description of Theagenes. 
Heliod. Mthiop. vii. 10: evpvs tis 
?iv to; cTepva Kal tovs iofiovs, Kal rbv 
avx^va opdiou Kal eXevQepov virep 
tovs &XXovs aXpuv, Kal els Kopvcp^v 
tovs airai/Tas vTrepex wv i yXavKi&v 
to ßXefX/xa Kal eitepaffTOV ajxa Kal 
yopybv irpoo ßXetrwv, 6 KaraßSarpv- 
%6s irov rrdpTcas 4kuvos, tt)v irapeiau 
apri J^avQcp rip lovXw irepiOTetywv. 



8 Every one of respectable con- 
dition was accompanied out of doors 
by one or more slaves ; (see Excursus 
on The Slaves ;) so also on a journey 
slaves attended, to carry the sleeping- 
apparatus, o~Tp&{xaTa, and the other 
baggage. Aristoph. Av. 615 : 

ovtco fjiev el<rC(oiX€V. aye Se, HavOCa, 
Kai Mai'dSwpe, Kafißauere ra <TTfj(*>iJ.aTa. 

Gl Ran. 12.Xenoph.ikfemor.iii. 13,6, 
is very explicit: ''AXXovbe XeyovTos, 
ws iraperdQt} fiaKpau ddbv iropevQels, 
tfpeTO avrbv, et Kal dpopriov ecpepe. 
Ma At", ovk ey<ay\ e(pr\, aXXä to 
IfiaTiov. Mövos 8' iiropevov, e<pr), f) 
Kal o.k6XovQ6s aoi T\KoXovOei ; 'H/co- 
XovOei, ecpr]. Tl6repov, ecpiq, Kevbs, ^ 
(pepcov ti ; <J>epa>j>, vt? At', e(pr}, t6. T6 
arpdo/xara Kal to. &XXa ffKevrj. The 
pack or receptacle for these things 

2 



4 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene I. 



The two wayfarers had arrived at a spot where the wall 
of roek on the east curved inwards semicircularly, leaving 
space for a green carpet-like lawn, surrounded by a thick 
bosquet of blooming myrtles and oleanders ; between which 
a holly-bush here and there protruded the points of its 
glistening leaves, as if to protect the luxuriant foliage. 
Just at the. foot of this leafy curtain, amidst the boulders 
scattered around, exuberant ferns extended their bright- 
green fans ; and the nakedness of the rocks was sparingly, 
though picturesquely clothed with branches of red-fruited 
arbutus, and tufts of the yellow-blossomed sage. 9 The 
rider drew up, and turning to his slave, said, 6 Manes, 
how high is the sun ? ' 4 The fourth hour is passed for 
certain,' replied the other. 6 Let us stop here then ; 
'twere hard to find a more inviting spot for our morn- 
ing meal. The projecting rocks will shield us from the 
burning rays of the sun ; while these moss-grown boulders 
seem placed purposely for the repose of the wanderer, and 
the spring which bubbles from the rock up yonder, pro- 
mises us a refreshing draught.' With these words he 
sprang from his horse, rubbed the foam and froth from his 



was called a-TpoofxarSdeo-ixou : Plato, 
ThecBt. p. 175 ; iEschin. de Falsa Leg. 
273 : ffvwr]Ko\ov6ovu 8' civtoS av6pa>iroi 
Svo (rTpci.iiaToSeafAa cpepovres, eV Se 
t<£ iripcp tovtcov cos ainbs e(pr], 
raXavrov ivrjv apyvpiov. It was 
afterwards called a-Tpoo/xarevs, Poll, 
vii. 79 ; x. 137. Pollux seems not to 
restrict their use to the journey. The 
weight borne by the slaves was some- 
times considerable. It is true silver 
money is not meant in the passage of 
iEschines ; but see Theophr. Char. 
30 : t$ aKoKovQcp iTri6e?vai /ie?£bz/ 
cpopriov, SvvaraL <p4peu/. Even 
when the master was on horseback, 
still the slave followed on foot, though 
part of the baggage may have been 
carried by the horse. Lucian, Asin. 
1 : 'Lttkos Se p.e Karrjye Kai to. aKevT], 



Kai Oepdirwi' 7]KOhoudei els. 

9 These are the plants and shrubs 
which really grow in this region. See 
Pouqueville, p. 148: 'le Trete, dans 
lequel coulent la riviere et les eaux de 
la source de Eito au milieu d'un fourre 
epais de myrtes, de lauriers-roses et 
d'arbustes.' The holly, ilex aquifo- 
lium, Linn., Greece irplvos aypia, is 
also to be found between Corinth and 
Nemea : ' une campagne couverte de 
petits buissons et de houx. Exped. de 
Moree, iii. 35. The strawberry-tree, 
arbutus unedo, is indigenous through- 
out Greece. The yellow sage, salvia 
pomifera, acpaKos, (now aArjo-cpaKia) 
abounds in the vicinity. Dodwell, 
228, says: ' This plant is common in 
the rocky places in Greece.' 



SCEKE I.] 



THE FRIENDS OF YOUTH. 



5 



neck and back with a handful of leaves, and then turned 
him loose to enjoy himself among the tall grass, at which, 
in passing, he had already nibbled hastily. 10 Meanwhile 
Manes had lost no time in depositing his bundle, and 
drew from it bread, Sicilian cheese, and dried figs, with 
some fresh ones gathered on the road ; not to mention 
leeks and onions collected in the same manner, and set 
apart by him for his private use. 11 A small skin full of 
Mendsean wine — a present from their host at Argos — 
and a silver drinking cup, 12 completed the preparations 
for the frugal breakfast, the best relish for which was 
their morning's exercise. 

Manes soon clambered up to the eminence, where the 
spring spouted forth abundantly from the rock, and 
brought the earthen vessel filled with water, whose cool- 
ness proved an admirable freshener to the wine, already 
somewhat flat from the warmth of the day. 

The youth had concluded his repast, and was reposing 



10 Vid. Appul. Metam. i. p. 13. 

11 There is no doubt that Grecian 
hospitality allowed the wayfarer to 
eat of the fruit growing by the road- 
side. Plato, Leg. viii. p. 845 : tav Se 
£ei'os iiri5rifx'{](ras bir&pas eiriQvixfj <pa- 
yeiv, SiairopevS/xepos tcis ofiovs, T7js fj.lv 
yevva'.as {birdipas, yevvaioov arcupv- 
Kwv (Tijkcov) cnrTecrQco, iau ßo6\rjTat, 

kvbs a.Ko\ov8ov, x°°P^ s Tifirji, 
%4via Se^^ej/os 1 ttjs Se aypolitov 
ksyop.£vr\s Kal tS>v toiovtwv 6 vSfxos 
flpyerco fir] Koivwvziv Tjpuv tovs |e- 
vovs. The distinction between onvpa 
ytvvaia, and aypo?Kos, is explained 
by the context. He evidently means 
certain sorts of grapes ; for instance, 
those not used for must, but for the 
table. Afterwards, speaking of ap- 
ples, pears, pomegranates, &c, he 
says : £evq> 8e, KaQdirep o-rrwpas, i^effrco 
teal t£)V 7010VTWP (xirox^v zivai. 



Leeks and onions were very much 
esteemed, especially by the lower 
orders. See Plutarch, Symp. iv. 4, 3 : 
rb fjikv yap 'OfxripiKbu e/ceIVo, KpSfxvov 
ttotov otyov, vavrais Kal Kooirr]\dTacs 
fiaWov ßa<ri\ev<riv iirLT-fiSeiov %v. 
See also Excursus on The Meals. 

12 As with the Germans, so among 
the Greeks, in every family not quite 
indigent were to be found some 
little articles of silver-plate, such as 
cups, and so forth, serving partly for 
sacrifices, partly for the table. See 
Cic. Verr.iv.21. Drinking vessels are 
frequently mentioned, and they were 
also carried on ajourney. An instance 
occurs in Demosth.m Timothy. 1193. 
The Kv/xßiov (Id. in Euerg. 1156), 
which belonged to the freed-man was 
doubtless of silver, else the plunderers 
would never have so maltreated the 
woman in order to obtain it. 



G 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene I. 



comfortably on the mossy slab, when a second traveller 
wound round the eorner of the crag, and made straight 
for the spot, with which he seemed already to be well 
acquainted. He was on foot and unaccompanied ; and his 
dress, though respectable, did not betoken particularly 
flourishing means ; but his powerful figure and resolute 
bearing were admirably united with a litheness and acti- 
vity of limb, which could only have been acquired by a 
complete course of training in the Gymnasium. The 
manly beauty of his features corresponded well with the 
symmetry of his person. That lively eye beneath the 
lofty brow, which was encircled by a wreath of raven locks, 
betrayed an acute understanding, and keen powers of ob- 
servation ; while the well-turned mouth, besides a slight 
expression of shrewdness, bespoke much good humour and 
benevolence. His form might be well likened to that of a 
Hermes in the flush of incipient manhood. He seemed 
neither surprised nor annoyed at finding the resting-place 
pre-occupied, for he walked up, and with a friendly salu- 
tation greeted the first comer, who returned it with no less 
cordiality, and invited the other to a share of the natural 
retreat. For a few moments the stranger examined 
thoughtfully the features of the stripling. Some dim and 
distant reminiscence of a similar face, seen of yore, seemed 
gradually to dawn upon his mind. £ We seem bound to 
the same goal,' was his answer, as he presently loosened 
the clasp of his chlamys, and proceeded to accept the 
invitation. C I have observed the footmarks of your 
steed ; you are on your way to Cleonse.' 6 Certainly,' 
replied the other, £ by Cleonse to Corinth.' 6 In that case 
we can travel in company, that is, if you will tarry till I 
have got cooler, and mounted to yonder fountain, which 
the benevolent nymph pours forth to refresh the traveller.' 
6 Eight willingly,' replied the fair-haired one ; 6 but there 
is no need to toil up the ascent. Gro, Manes, fill the hy- 
dria anew, and bring hither the goblet and wine, that I 
may pledge my future companion in a cup of welcome.' 



Scene I.] THE FRIEjNDS OF YOUTH. 



The offer was gratefully accepted, and Manes soon returned 
with the sparkling beverage. 'May every drop in this 
goblet,' said the youth, as he presented it to the stranger, 
6 become a never-failing fountain of hearty good-will be- 
tween us. You possess, in a wonderful degree, the gift of 
winning a man's confidence : though but a moment since 
we were perfect strangers, I already feel marvellously 
drawn towards you : I hope we shall be friends.' 6 Zeus 
Philios grant it be so,' replied the other as he received 
the cup and emptied it. His look again rested on the 
stripling, whose features he seemed to scan attentively. 
4 Peradventure, however, we are not quite such strangers 
to each other as you think,' continued he ; 6 and this is 
not perhaps the first time that we have partaken of the 
same salt. 13 At all events we are compatriots, for though 
your speech has somewhat of a foreign accent, there is no 
mistaking the Athenian ; so I shall have to put only half 
the question of the Homeric heroes : 

Who art thou, and whence among men ? Where dwellest thou, where 
dwell thy parents ? 

'Doubtless,' rejoined with a smile the person to 
whom this query was addressed, 4 doubtless, I can lay 
claim to the name of an Athenian burgher ; but it is 
no wonder if, after six years' absence, I do not speak 
the dialect of my native city with such purity as you. 
But to answer the other portion of the question; my 
name is Charicles, son of Charinos ; a family of some dis- 
tinction, even though it cannot trace its descent either 
from Hercules or Hermes. 14 But I am the sole surviving 



13 'A\S>u Koivwve?v was a prover- 
bial expression for oiiprpair^ov yeue- 
crdai. Lucian, Asin. 1. 

14 The desire of having a long an- 
cestral tree, and of claiming descent 
if possible from some god or hero, 
need not excite our wonder in the 



case of the Greeks, who assigned 
to the whole human race a divine 
origin of no very remote date ; while 
the genealogies of the heroic age af- 
forded abundant materials on which 
the heralds of a later time might exer- 
cise their ingenuity. When also, so 
strict a line of demarcation existed 



8 



CHAKICLES. 



[Scene 



scion of my race, born to the great joy of my father, after 
he had been married six years without having an heir, 
that is, if,' — he stopped thoughtfully and earnestly sur- 
veyed a ring on the fourth finger of the left hand. ' If 
what your mother told you be true,' laughingly rejoined 
the other, who, to judge from the expression of his face, 
had now become convinced of what before he had only 
surmised. 'That is a point on which we cannot do 
better than imitate Telemachus, and hope for the best. 
But what was the cause of so lengthened an absence from 
Athens ? Now-a-days Attic burghers migrate not unfre- 
quently to the richer plains of Asia. 15 Mayhap your father 
also was one of those whose motto is, " There rest, where 
you fare best." 16 Or did he fancy that he would be 
better able to finish your education abroad? Are you 
not afraid that this may prove a reproach to you in a 
city, where the great boast of an exemplary burgher is, 
to have avoided all unnecessary journeyings ?' 17 'Oh' 
no,' replied Charicles. 6 It was no such motive that in- 



between strangers and citizens, and 
certain families enjoyed ancient'privi- 
leges, pride of ancestry might natu- 
rally be expected, though it was often 
pitied or derided by sensible men. 
See Aristoph. Nubes, 48, where the 
words, eyrifia MeyanXeovs rod Me7a- 
k\4ovs aSeXQidrjv, allude no doubt to 
Alcibiades, who boasted his descent 
on the father's side from Ajax, while 
his mother Deinomacha, daughter of 
Megacles, belonged to the race of the 
Alcmseonidse. The orator Andocides 
traced his descent, we are told, to 
Ulysses, and thence to Hermes and 
Zeus. Plut. Alcib. 21 ; Dec. Orat. vit. 
i v. p. 347. An instructive passage on 
the worth of such old nobility occurs 
in Plato, Thecet. 174, and is the more 
valuable as the philosopher was him- 
self on both sides of ancient and noble 
families. 



15 This had happened earlier. Thus 
Helos pleads in his father's favour : 
el 5' eV Atvcp xu>po0iAet, tovto ovk 
airoarepwu ye rau els rr)v ir6\u> 
Zavrbv ovSepbs, ouS' erepas irSXews 
iroXirris yeyevy/nevos, Sxrirep erepovs 
opoo robs fxev els 7T)v tfireipov I6vras 
leal olaovvras ev rois iroKefxiois rots 
v/xerepois, Kai Sifcos airb £v/j.ß6\wp 
vjxiv diKafyfievovs. Antiph. de Ccede 
Herod, p. 744. Nobody was prohibited 
from so doing (Plato, Crito, 51), but 
still it could not be acceptable to the 
state. 

16 The principle, ubi bene, ibi 
patria, is not new. It is the leading 
idea of the Aves of Aristophanes, and 
Hermes is made to express the senti- 
ment quite plainly in Plut. 1151 : 

Trarpis yap Ictti na&' , iV äv n-paTrrj rts e5. 

17 See Plato, who says: Ta?s 8£ 



Scene I.] THE FRIENDS OF YOUTH. 9 

duced my father to change his abode ; no one could 
have been more anxious than he to give his son a genuine 



Tr\ei(TTaLS iroXzffiv, are ovBa/jLUS eu- 
uofMovfieyais, ovfiev diacpepei cpvpecrdai 
SexofJ-evovs re avrots £evovs, Kal av- 
robs eis ras &XXas iinKwfxd^ovra<i 
iröXeis, ftrav eTridvp-^ar] Tis a7ro57j- 
fxias oVtj ovv Kal (hröVe, eire vios, 
efre ical iv peer ßvr epos &v. Leg. xii. 
p. 950. He disapproves of the liberty- 
being conceded to every one of tra- 
velling when and where he would : 
UpwTOv fxkv vctoripq) £tS>v Terrapd- 
Kovra /j.'T] e|eo"Tft> airoS-qixeiv fiifiajxr) 
l-KTi^aficos. %ri Se idlq ixrjSevl, S^/xoaia 8' 
eVr« K^ipvl-iu ^ irpeaßeiais, 7) Kai ricri 
Qecapols. p. 951. No such prohibi- 
tive law actually existed anywhere ; 
though the words rais TrAe/cn-cus ttS- 
Xeai may indicate that certain re- 
strictions were occasionally enforced. 
Most Athenians had to make frequent 
journeys on business, but travelling 
into other countries, merely for plea- 
sure, and with no important object, 
was another matter ; and it was the 
duty of a good burgher not to indulge 
in such absence. So in Plato, Crito, 
52, Socrates says : Kal out' iirl 0e«- 
piav ircairoTe e/c rrjs TrSXews effixOes, 
'6ti fjL^) a7ra£ ets 'larBfxbv, ovre 'aXXoo-e 
ov§ap.6o~e, et fit] iroi arparevo'Sfjievos. 
ouVe &XXt]v eVoi^tr« aTrodr)p.lav irdo- 
irore, ctxnrep ol aXXoi &v6pwTroi, ou5' 
hridvfila <re &XXtis ttSXccds, ovd' aX- 
Xo)v v6p.cov eXaßev etSeVcu * aXXa. 
7ip.e?s (Tol Uavol ^fieu Kal T] 7]jxerepa 
iroXis. How far any control was ex- 
ercised in the matter is hard to say ; 
yet it seems certain that passports 
were required for a journey abroad. 
Thusin^w-s, 1212,Peisthetseros asks 
Iris on her entering the new state, 

cr<f>/jaytS' f^ei? rrapa toiv ireAapylav ; 'IP. ti 
to kclkov 

II. ovk. eAaße? ; 'IP. vyiaiveis pev ', IT. oüoe 
trvfjLßoXov 

eneßaAev bpvLQapxos ovSei? croi irapdiv ; 



on which the Scholiast remarks, olov 
(TvfjißoXov e7rl Tcp (Tvyx o} P' f ]^l vaL ^o.p- 
eX6e?v. Cf. Plaut. Capt. ii. 3, 90, 
where Roman customs are by no 
means necessarily intended. Another 
remarkable passage, Trin. iii. 3, 65, 
almost seems to hint at some sort of 
police for the surveillance of persons 
arriving. The trcppayls of Aristo- 
phanes is nothing but the passport ac- 
credited with the state-seal,or the seal 
itself. See Böckh's Bubi. Econ. p. 207. 
A fact of great interest we gather 
from Strabo, who tells us, (ix. 3, 1,) 
that the Ozolse had the evening-star 
engraved on their state-seal : exoucri 
T6 iirl rfj druxoala. o~(ppay?dt, rhv eairepov 
ao-ripa eyKexo.payp.ivov. The oip.- 
ßoXov is not quite the same, being 
any object given a person as his cre- 
dentials or token of recommendation. 
So a line quoted from Euripides by 
Eustath. ad Riad. vi. 169 : 

£eVoi? re Trefxneiv <ruja/3oA.', oc SpacroucrtV ev. 

The purpose and nature of these av/x- 
ßoXa is more clear from Lysias de 
Bonis Aristopk. 628, oVt eAaße (Tv/j.- 
ßoXov irapa ffacriXews rov fj.eya.Xo» 
(piaXris pCev xpvo-yjs. Andagain, p. 629, 
iroXXwv yap ayadoov Kal aXXwv xprj- 
jidrav ebnop^aeiu diet rb avp.ßoXou 
iv irdcrr) rfj fjireipq. The same kind 
of accrediting was usual in private 
transactions, though here the <rv/j.ßo- 
Xov was merely an impression of the 
signet-ring. Plaut. Pseud, i. 1, 53 : 

Ea causa miles hie reliquit symbolum, 
Expressam in cera ex anulo suam imagi- 
nem, 

Ut qui hue aff erret ejus similem symbolum. 
Cum eo simul me mitteret. 

Cf. ib. ii. 2, 52 ; Baechid. ii. 3, 29 ; and 
Plutarch, Artaz. 18. Of this descrip- 
tion, too, are the o-v/xßoXa mentioned 
in Poll. ix. 7 1 , which are similar to the 



10 



CHAKICLES. 



[Scene I. 



Attic education. 18 Often have I heard him talk with 
indignation of those fathers who appointed, as their sons' 
pedagogues, uneducated slaves with their language full 
of barbarisms ; or who showed themselves indifferent as 
to the selection of a proper school for their children. 
Even in the choice of a nurse for me he was vastly par- 
ticular. The distress which prevailed at the period of my 
birth gave him the opportunity of gaining the services of 
a respectable female of the middle class, who was reduced 
to rather indigent circumstances ; and all my attendants 
moreover, both male and female, were subjected to a strict 
scrutiny, to ascertain whether they were thoroughly Greek 
in speech and habits. Even now, I recall to mind with 
pleasure, how the aged Manto, while the other slaves were 
all busy at the loom around my mother, would beguile 
the winter's evening with pleasant stories. But, it was 
not till some time after, that I perceived the difference 
between these sensible tales and legends, and the absurd 
ghost-stories, of which nurses and waiting-maids are 
usually so fond. Then again, my pedagogue ! — he was, 
to be sure, a cross old fellow, who was rather hard upon 
me at times, if I chanced to use my left hand instead 
of my right at meals, or sat with one leg across the other, 
or if, on my way to school, I peradventure lifted up my 
eyes from the dirt in the street just to have a peep at 
some swallow, that was being greeted joyfully as the 
harbinger of spring. 19 But after all, he did so merely 



tessera hospitales ; and so also those 
referred to in an Athenian inscription, 
a decree in honour of Strato of Si don : 
TTOLi](ra.(rQw Se nal (TV[j.ßo\a rj ßov\)] 
Trpbs rbu ßaai\ea rbv ^iSooviwv, '6nws 
hu 6 Srj/xos 6 'AOrjvaicav el$fj, edv ri 
ire/XTTT] 6 'SiSawLoov ßaaiAevs deo/xevos 
T7)s ir6\ea>s, nal 6 ßa&i evs b 2i5co- 
victiV ei5?7 orav ird/xirr] nvcc &s avrbv 6 
Sriixos 6 'Adrjj/aiccv. Marmor. Oxon. ii. 
24 ; Böckh, Corp. Inscr. Gr. i. p. 126. 
As Böckh remarks, these cvp.ßo\a 



have nothing to do with the state- 
treaties which are also called by the 
same name ; but are the ambassadors' 
credentials, and therefore are also in 
some sort tesserce hospitales. 

18 See Excursus on Scene i. for all 
the details respecting education. 

19 The Greek longed, even more 
eagerly than we do r for the return of 
the bird of spring. Hence the prover- 



Scene I.] 



THE FEIENDS OF YOUTH. 



11 



because he was full of notions about Old- Attic subordina- 
tion and decorum.' 

4 Your father must have been a man of great wealth,' 
remarked the other, 6 or he would scarce have paid more 
attention to these touches of Attic refinement than to a 
slave's general usefulness.' 'He was far from rich,' an- 
swered Charicles, 6 and, besides, he had expended consider- 
able sums on Trierarchies, Choregies, and other patriotic 
contributions; but in every thing connected with my 
education he spared no outlay ; and I can well remember 
how wroth he once was with a friend, for advising him to 
send me to the cheaper school of Elpias at the Theseion, 20 
instead of to Hermippos, of whose reputation as a teacher, 
at that time, you have doubtless heard.' 

The youth smiled, and said, c He is not unknown to 
me ; but then, how came it that your father left Athens, 
and kept you so long away from it ?' fi It was no voluntary 
act on his part,' rejoined the other; 'but an unlucky 
concatenation of events, of which some worthless syco- 
phants took advantage, to effect his exile. You, surely, 
recollect the consternation at Athens, after the luckless 
battle of Chseronea ? ' 

6 Eecollect it ! Never will the terror of that day, on 
which the unhappy tidings arrived, fade from my memory. 
Even now I see in fancy the people rushing hurriedly 
through the streets to the assembly ; — free-born dames 
standing at their doors, almost forgetful of decorum, amid 
their painful anxiety ; and tremblingly questioning the 



bial exclamation of joy, &pa vea, %eAt- 
dwu. Thus in Aristoph. Equit. 419, 

<rice\pacr6e, 7rcuSej. oi>x öpaö' ; wpa via, 

and the comic lament of Mnesilochus, 
Thesmoph. 1 : 

*fl Zev, x^'Swy Spa nore (fravrjcreTat.. 

Our own proverb, too, ' One swallow 
does not make a summer,' was identi- 
cally current among the Greeks. Aris- 



tot. Ethic. Nie. i. 6, fiia yhp xeAiSw? 
eap ov TToie?. So also the gled-kite, 
Yktlvos, which returned still earlier, 
was saluted with joy. Aves, 712. And 
ib. 500, we have irponvXivdelcrOai ro?s 
Iktlvois. Cf. Schol. on the passage. 

20 The school mentioned Demosth. 
de Corona, 270, where iEschines and 
his father performed menial offices. 
Cf. Apollon. and Liban. Vit. JEschin.. 



12 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene I. 



passers-by as to the safety of their husbands, their fathers, 
and their brothers ; — hoary veterans, long released by law 
from military service, parading the streets in the habili- 
ments of war; — and what a wound was inflicted on 
Attic pride, when the slaughter of three thousand of her 
burghers reduced the city to the desperate resource of 
manumitting the slaves, making the allies free burghers, 
and reinstating the infamous in the social privileges which 
they had forfeited.' 21 

' Your description is a faithful one,' continued Chari- 
cles. £ Though but a boy, scarcely more than fourteen at 
that time, and troubling myself little about public matters, 
I can speak to the depression that universally prevailed ; 
and there were few families, methinks, who were more 
painfully alive than ours to the horrors in prospect for 
them. My father had taken ship only a few hours before 
the dreadful tidings came. 22 He had advanced a large 
sum to a Lycian merchant, to trade with wine and other 
goods to Crete, and return to Athens with a cargo of 
Egyptian corn; 23 the proper period for the merchant's 
return had elapsed some time, when my father heard that 
the ship had run into Epidauros, and the freight been sold. 
Alarmed, not only for the safety of his capital, but also for 
his own, lest he should be accused of lending money for 
illegal traffic, 24 he seized the opportunity, though ill at the 



21 Word for word from Lycurg. in 
Leocr. p. 165. 

22 Lycurgus says, rb yeyovbs tt&Qos 
t<£ Si]fj.a) TrpQ<Tif]yyeKXero. It would 
seem that the news first reached the 
Prytaneion, and was then told to the 
people, as appears from comparing 
this with the transactions on the tak- 
ing of Elateia. kvirzpa yap i\v. ^/ce 8' 
äyyeWwv Tis ws robs Trpvrdvsis, w? 
'EXareia KardArjirrai. . . rfj 8' v<tt€- 
pala. ä(j.a T-f) rifJ-epa 01 /J.eu irpvrdveis 
tV ßou\r)v sKaXovv €is rb ßov\€vrrj- 



piQV v/xels 8' els r^\v iKKK^a'iav eiro- 
peue<r0e . . . Kai /xera, ravra, cos elar- 
rjkOev 7] ßovXr], Kai air{\yyeiXav to 
Trpo(TT]yyeXfj.eva kavTois, Kai rhu t}- 
Kovra irapriyayov, k.t.\. Demosth. 
de Cor on. 284. 

23 The manner in which concerns 
of this kind were conducted, appears 
from the orations of Demosthenes 
against Lacritos and Dionysodoros. 
See Böckh, Puhl. Econ. p. IZQ— 139. 

24 There was a law which for- 
bade any Athenian to lend money for 



Scene I.] 



THE FKIENDS OF YOUTH. 



13 



time, of embarking in a vessel bound for that port, being 
determined to call his fraudulent debtor to a personal 
account. He succeeded in finding him, and extracted a 
promise of payment immediately on the cargo being sold : 
the excitement of the journey had, however, made him 
worse, and he was so powerfully affected at the account of 
the misfortunes of Athens, which, soon after, arrived at 
Epidauros, that he fell violently sick, and could not leave 
the place. The rascally Lycian profited by his illness, and, 
with the unsold portion of his cargo, set sail for Athens, 
where circumstances gave him a prospect of obtaining a 
better market ; and where my father, only half conva- 
lescent, found him on his return. The city had recovered 
from its panic, there being no immediate calamity in view, 
as PhiHp had conducted himself with moderation ; this was, 
however, only the signal for all sorts of nefarious intriguiag 
against all who might seem in any way to have been con- 
nected with these disasters.' C I can guess the upshot,' 
exclaimed the stranger. 4 Your father was doubtless accused 
of deserting his country in the moment of danger, contrary 
to the express decree of the people.' 25 

4 Just so. Nobody would have ever dreamt of prefer- 
ring such a charge, had not the vile Lycian, in order to 
escape from his liabilities, and avoid the two-fold accusa- 
tion, bribed two notorious sycophants. At first my father 
treated their threatened accusation with contempt ; — but 
when he met here and there a growing coldness among his 
acquaintance, and learnt that two powerful demagogues, 
his personal foes, were about to appear against him, he 
began to consider the danger of staking his life on a 
moment of passionate excitement ; he bethought him of the 
untimely fate of Lysicles and others, 26 and of the disgrace 



the purpose of buying corn destined 
for foreign ports. See Böckh, ibid. 
p. 85, and Demosth. in Lacrit. 941. 

25 Lycurg. in Lcocr. p. 147. 



' i6 He was condemned to death on 
the accusation of Lycurgus. See the 
fine passage of the oration, preserved 
in Diod. Sic. xvi. 88. 



14 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene I. 



that might ensue to his family ; and with the consciousness 
of perfect innocence, he determined to evade the accusation. 

4 It was indeed a moment of sorrow and consterna- 
tion when my father, who had secretly made all the neces- 
sary preparations for departure, told us one evening that 
we must leave Athens, and sojourn in the land of the 
stranger. Instead of embarking openly by day, and in the 
presence of a crowd of leave-taking friends, we stole in the 
dead of night through the small gate, towards the shore, 
where the ship was waiting for us, and on board of which 
our slaves had already placed the baggage. 27 We first 
sailed for Troezene, but as severe epidemic disorders were 
then prevailing there, 28 we departed and went to Sicily, and 
abode five years at Syracuse. It was but a few months 
ago that news reached my father that his friends had suc- 
ceeded in establishing his innocence, and procuring permis- 
sion for his return ; but the intelligence arrived too late, as 
the next day was the last he had to live. My mother had 
died a few months previously, and so I am returned alone, 
full of tearful regret, and yet of yearning anticipation ; 
for, after all, nothing can replace one's fatherland. Fair 
too, above all towns beside, is Athens ; though my father 
was wont to assert that it was full of attraction for the 
visitor, but replete with dangers to its own inhabitants.' 29 

e His remark was a just one,' said the other. ' What 



27 The flight of Leocrates has 
served as the type here, with but few 
changes. o'vffKevacrdfj.evos a eT^e /xera 
rööv oIk€twv iirl rbv Kefxßov ko.t€k6- 
fiiffe, rrjs veks ffiri trepl rr/v o.ktt)v 
e£opiA(t)cr7)S' Kal irepl 5€i\r]u btyiav 
avrbs /xera rrjs kraipas ElprjviSos 
Kara fi4<rr)v rr\v a/crV dia rrjs IIv\i- 
dos i£e\6cbj/ irpbs rhv vavv rrpoa- 
67rAeu<T€ Kal <£x €T0 (p^iycou. Lycurg. 
p. 148. Cf. ib. p. 178, where the de- 
parture from the harbour is depicted, 
wrb iravrwv rS>v (piXoov opcafxevoi Kal 
b.TTo(rreXk6fievoi. Cf. Antiph. de Ve- 
mf. p. 613. Lucian, Amoves, 6. 



28 Isocr. Mgin. 12, gives a some- 
what similar account of the misfor- 
tunes of a family, and adds, '6ri rb 
■)(wp'iov (Tpoi£r)va) 4irvv6dvero vo<t5>- 
8es eivai. Epidemic, not endemic 
disorders must be meant. 

29 According to JElian, Tar. Hist. 
xii. 52, Isocrates compared Athens 
to a courtesan, whose charms might 
excite a temporary pleasure, though 
no one would choose to have her for a 
wife : Kal ouv Kal rrjv 'Adrjvalwv v6\iv 
£vemdr]iAr)<Tai [xev efoai t]Sl(Ttt]u, koI 
Kara" ye rovro iraawv rwv Kara 



Scene L] THE FRIENDS OF YOUTH. 15 



the pupil is to the eye, that is Athenae to Hellas. But 
its people are volatile and fickle ; as easily inspired with 
any noble thought, as they are hurried away into acts 
of injustice and atrocity; — now moved even to tears 
by the tragic end of an (Edipus, or the woes of unhappy 
Trojan women, — now hastening from thence, to entangle 
the house of a fellow-citizen in a web of malicious trickery, 
and plunge it into ruin and despair ; a spoiled child, full 
of vanity and humours ; basking in the sunshine of a 
former age, the spots of which are hidden by the light 
of noble deeds ; pluming itself on the empty name of pure 
Hellenic blood, and on having been the first to recognize 
law and justice, while it yet fosters in its bosom a most 
venomous brood of worthless sycophants, and subjects every 
law to the caprice of the moment ; with the name of free- 
dom for ever in its mouth, yet threatening every careless 
word that may not please the people's humour with death 
or banishment. And then again its character presents a 
most pleasing union of the grave and gay. Blithe and 
gladsome is the life of the Athenian, who is ever contented, 
provided he has something to wrangle about or laugh at. 
He is equally capable of appreciating the grandest crea- 
tions of the tragic stage, and the most farcical caricatures 
of comedy; he enjoys alike the society of the most staid 
philosopher, and of the flightiest heicera. Penurious is he 
at home, and mean at the table of the money-changer, 
but most lavish when he wishes to cut a grand figure in a 
choregia, or pass for an admirer of vertu? so 



t^]v 'EAAaSa 5ia<pepeiv • ivoiKriaai Se 
ä(r<paKrj ixrjKeTi elvai. 

30 When Aristotle was asked his 
opinion of Athens — tls iffrtv r) t&u 
'A0i]valeov ir6\is ; he answered, Tray- 
k&Xt). aAA,' 4v avrfj 

oy\vrf &ir* oy\v(i -yiypacncei, vvkov S* enl 

<TVK(0. 

JElian. Var. Hist. iii. 36. This witty 



application of Homer's line has the 
same point as the simile of Isocrates, 
and in both we read the voice of anti- 
quity, which, though extolling the 
renown of Athens, complains no less 
loudly of the want of personal secu- 
rity there ; which is to be ascribed 
partly to the form of the government, 
I partly to the idiosyncrasy of the Athe- 
I nian people. The words of Philo, ii. 



16 CHAEICLES. [Scene L 

4 My father thought of them pretty much as you do,' 
said Charicles. 6 But, as you now know more about me 



467 #7rep ev b<pQa\[j.& Kopr], if) ev ^vxfj 
Xoyia/J-bs, rovr ev 'EAAaSi 'Adrjvai, 
and those of Dicsearch. Stat. Grcec. 
p. 10 : oarov at Aoiiral iröAeis irpös re 
riSovTjV Kal ßlov di6p8a)(Tiv rS>v aypwv 
oia<pepovo~i, roaovrov rav Aoittwv 
ir6Aecov fj ra>v 'Adrjvaiwv irapaXXdr- 
rei, are a just tribute to the intel- 
lectual and mercantile supremacy of 
Athens. And Athenseus, i. p. 20, com- 
paring various cities, says : 'AAe|af- 
Spewv fxev rrjv xpvcTTji', ' Avr wykw 5c 
TTjv KdK^v, Ni/co/xTjSeW Se rr\v rrepi- 
KaWrj, -Kpocreri Se 

Trjv \afi.TrpoTa.T-r\v woKeuiV ira<r<i>i>, onwas 
6 Zev? äva^ouVei, 

ras 'Aö-qvas Aeyw. Cf. Alciph. Epist. 
ii. 3 : '6Xr\v ev Tats 'A6r}pais rrjv 'EA- 
AaSa, '6\r]v rrjv 'lovlap. But besides 
this external splendour, Athensmight 
boast of being a genuine patron of 
science and art, a very temple of the 
muses, and a school for all Greece. 
So Thucyd. ii. 41 ; andlsocr. Paneg. 
p. 63 : roaovrop airoKeXoiirep 7] tt6\is 
rjjxuu -rrepl rb <ppope?v Kai Xeyeiv robs 
&AAovs avQpaiTovs, &a& ol ravrrjs 
jxady\ral rojp dXXwv dLddo~Ka\oi yeyo- 
vaai. But the vanity of the inhabi- 
tants was so assiduously fostered by 
the orators and demagogues, that 
an arrogant contempt of other states 
sprung up among them. Even De- 
mosthenes betrays this weakness, de 
Faid. Alex. p. 218 ; and Isoer. adv. 
Callim. 19, says: vvv Se evdai/j.ovi- 
crraroi Kal cr<a<ppoveo~raroi ra>v 'EA- 
Xijvoov doK.ovjji.ep eivai. Every funeral 
oration teems with their former great 
deeds in behalf of Greece, and puts 
prominently forward their claim to 
the dubious honour of being the only 
Autochthones in Greece. Of more 
significance than this inflated com- 
mon-place, are the earnest words of 



Lycurgus, in Leocr. p. 170 : (o S^os) 
os irpurov eirl rep abrox^wv eivai Kal 
eXevöepos io-e/jLvvvero • and the chorus 
in Aristoph. Vespcs, 1076, says, 

Attiko!, fiovoiSiKaiuis evyevels avroxOoves. 

The notion abroxdwv eivai has been 
variously interpreted. Originally it 
meant that the people of Attica were 
indigenous, neither having been ex- 
pelled from anywhere, nor having im- 
migrated of their own accord, but rrjv 
X&pav äel ol avrol o'lKovvres. Thucyd. 
ii. 36. Lesbon. Protrept. p. 22, is even 
more explicit: ol jxev &.XX01 irdvres 
"EXXyves 4k rrjs o~<perepas dvrwv 
fj.eraJTa.VTes oIkovctiv eKaaroi abrwv, 
e^ehderavres erepovs, Kal avrol e£e- 
XaQepres b<p' erepcop, Kal Kara, rovro 
5vo cpepeo~6e Kau^/mra aperrjs. ovre 
yap e^nXddrjre rrjs acperepas abrwp 
virb ovSafJLwv äpßpdoirwp, ovre e|eAa- 
aapres erepovs avrol olKeire. They 
also considered themselves yriyepels, 
i.e. earth-born, in the literal sense 
of the word. So Demosth. Funebr. p. 
1390 : ob yap \xovov els ivarep abrols 
Kal twv &va Trpuyovwv Kar' avSpa 
aveveyKeiv eKaarw r))v <pvo~iv eo~nv, 
dAA' els fXrjv KOipfj rty* vtrdpxovaap 
irarplda, ijs abroxdoues SfxoXoyovp- 
rai eivai fi6poi yap irdvrwv dvBpd- 
ircav ?io-irep ecpvaap, ravry\v äKrjO'av 
Kal ro?s e| avr&p irapedccKap ' "and 
Plato, Menex. p. 237 '■ avrSxQovas 
Kal r<$ ovri ev irarpiSi oiKovpras Kal 
(a>pras, Kal rpe<pojJ.evovs ou% inrb jXT}- 
rpvias, ws äAAot, aAA' inrb /xrjrpbs, 
TTjs x^pas ev p $kovv. The idea that 
in Attica the pure Grecian blood 
could ha ve ever been a dulterated with 
that of foreigners, is scouted in Menex. 
p. 245 : dAA' avrol "EAArji/es, ov fJ-i£o- 
ßdpßapoi, olKov/xep' and again in Isocr. 
Paneg. p. 55 : ravrrju yap o'ikov- 
fxev, oi>x erepovs eKßaKopres, ou8' 



Scent: L] 



THE FRIENDS OF YOUTH. 



17 



than my mere name, tell me yours also : I seem to have 
an indistinct notion that we have met in days of yore.' 

4 Charicles ! ' exclaimed the youth, as he walked up and 
looked straight into the other's face. 4 1 knew you at our 
very first salute ; but you have no recollection of me, I see. 



4pT)p.t)v KaraXaßovres, oi>8' 4k ttoX- 
Xwv 4Qvu>v fxiydSes avXXeyevTes, aXX' 
ovru KaXws Kal yvrjcrbus ysyovajASV, 
wot e| ficrirep %<pvp.iv, t<xvtt}v £%ov- 
T€S airavra rbv \povov dLareXovfxev, 
avroxQoves ovre's. Antisthenes (Diog. 
Laert. vi. 1 ) ridiculed the immense 
value attached to this distinction, 
and classed them with snails : eXeye 
/xTjSev etuai kox^i&v Kal aTTeXeßwv 
ehy^vecrripovs. In proportion as the 
Athenians loved to be nattered about 
their ancient renown, so they could 
not endure to hear reproof or any 
unpleasant truths ; and thus in a state 
that plumed itself on being freest of 
the free, freedom of speech was fet- 
tered by the caprice of the public. 
This intolerance is animadverted on 
by Isocrates, de Pace, o : 4ya> oida 
fj.ev, Stl 7rp6(ravres 4o~tiv iuavriov- 
adai reus vjierepais diavoiais Kal '6tl, 
drjiwKpaTias ovcrrjs, ovk fort irap- 
prja'ta, ttXtjv ivddSe ixkv to7s äeppo- 
ufcrrdrois /j.7]tihv vfxwv (ppovrt- 

(ovaiv, 4v 5e ra^eaTpw rols kw/j-coBo- 
SiScMTKaXoLS .... irpbs 8e tovs eirt- 
; irX-^rrovras Kal vovderovvras v/xas 
ovru SLarWecrde SvctkoXws, wairep 
tovs KaKhv rt tt)v ttoXiv £pya£o/i4~ 
vovs. Again Aristot. dcRepub. v. 10 : 
Kal yap i) S-q/xoKpaTia i) reXevrala 
rvpavvis icrriv ■ and he adds : Kal yap 
6 Sr)/j.os eivai ßovXeTai ixövapxos. 
5tb Kal 6 k6Xo£ Trap' a/j.(pOT€pois 
evri/xos. Cf. Plutarch, Demosth. 26 ; 
and Aristoph. Eguit. passim. And 
what was this 8'rjfios? Euthydemos 
replies, tovs Tvivt]Tas rwv ttoXitwu, 
(XeDoph. Memor. iv. 2, 37,) which 



is a better definition than those of 
the philosophers. Aristot. de Rep. 
vi. 2. See Hermann's Gr. Staatsalt. 
for a capital estimate of the cha- 
racter of the Stj/xos. The inordinate 
taste for litigation was a special 
trait of the Athenian public. See 
the apposite remark, Lucian, Ica- 
romen. 16: tovs AiyvnTiovs yewp- 
yovvTas eTreßXeTrov. Kal 5 #otV/| Se 
ivenopeveTO, Kal 6 KlXiI- iXrjaTtve, 
Kal o AaKwv ifxacTTiyovTO, Kal 6 
'Adrjvalos idiKa&TO. So also Xenoph. 
de Repub. Athen. 3, 2, and Aves, 40: 

'A6r)vauoL 6* aei 
erri rOiv Succov oSoucti rräi/Ta rbv ßtov. 

The character of the people, as 
shewn in the Market, the Gymnasium, 
and the Theatre, will be discussed 
hereafter. The preceding estimate of 
the Athenian character will scarcely 
appear too severe to an unprejudiced 
student of the orators. See Dio Chry- 
sos. Or. xiii. p. 427, and xxxi. p. 574. 
The distinction drawn between the 
'AttlkoI and 'Adyvaloi, (Dicsearch. 
Stat. Grcec. p. 9,) will not hold at all ; 
there are a hundred instances to prove 
. the mixture of excellent and despic- 
able qualities in the Athenian cha- 
racter. What Pliny relates of Par- 
rhasios is much to the point: ' Pinxit 
et Demon Atheniensium, argumento 
quoque ingenioso. Debebat namque 
varium, iracundum, injustum. incon- 
stantem, eundem exorabilem, demen- 
tem, misericordem, gloriosum, excel- 
sum, humilem, ferocem fugacemque 
et omnia pariter ostendere.' Rat. 
Hist. xxxv. 10, 36. 



18 



CHARICLES. 



[SCENÜ L 



And yet, there was a time, when we saw each oth$r daily s 
and my poverty withheld you not from being my friend 
and playmate. What ! have you forgotten the poor lad, 
who was a drudge in that very school of Hermippos, and 
performed menial offices to which he had not been born ? 
Who used to mix the ink, sweep out the school-room, and 
cleanse the benches with a sponge ? ' 31 

6 Ctesiphon ! ' cried the stripling, as he rushed forward, 
and seized his friend by the hand. 6 Yes ! it is indeed you ; 
my feelings were more truthful than my memory, and told 
me from the first that we must have once been friends. 
But how could I have forgotten you ? How have become 
forgetful of the thousand acts of kindness which you did me 
in preference to all others ? How you used to give me little 
cork carriages carved by your own hand ; or caught for 
me whirring cockchafers, and fastened a thread deftly to 
their legs ; and afterwards, how you, being yourself quick 
at ciphering, would teach me all the little artifices of the 
science ; so that even the stern pedagogue took a liking to 
you and was pleased to see us in company, notwithstanding 
your being my senior by a year or two, and that the cut of 
a lad's coat usually made all the difference with him. For- 
gotten it ? Oh ! no. But your beard so disguises you, 
my friend. And who could ever recognise in that athletic 
frame, embrowned by the sun, the pale, weakly boy of my 
school-days ? Moreover, we have not met for eight years. 
How came it, by the bye, that you left Hermippos in such 
a hurry ? ' 

4 Of that presently,' replied Ctesiphon. £ It is nigh 
mid-day : let us try by that time to reach Cleonas ; it is 
still eighty stadia from thence to Corinth.' 32 

The friends broke up their bivouac. Charicles took 



31 Demosth. de Coron. 313, relates 
this of iEschines. 

32 Strabo, viii. 6, 19: Si4x<>v<ri 8' 
al KXeuval tov ,ue;/ "Apyovs cradiovs 
eiKocrt Kai tKarov, KooivQov 5' byZoi]- 



Kovra. On which Dodwell, Class. 
Tour, ii. p. 206, observes, that it 
' agrees nearly with two hours and 
a half that it took us to reach it, from 
that place,' though in the Expedit, 
de Moree, 3 hrs. 4 m. are assigned. 



Scene Z] 



THE FRIEXDS OF YOUTH. 



19 



the bridle of his charger, which Manes had again bitted, 
drew it over his head, and thus led him along, walking 
side by side with Ctesiphon, who beguiled the way with 
the recital of his fortunes during the last eight years. 

The father of Ctesiphon 33 was an Athenian citizen, well 
to do in the world ; and having only one son surviving from 
a former marriage, he took for a second wife his brother's 
daughter. The offspring of this alliance were Ctesiphon, 
and a younger sister. The father, who was engaged in 
large mercantile transactions with distant countries, had 
occasion to go to the Pontus and Chersonesus. Before 
quitting Athens, he resolved, in case anything should be- 
fall him on his journey, to entrust his will to his brother, 
who was bound to his children by a double tie ; and, at 
the same time, he committed to his custody, partly in cash, 
partly in bonds and mortgage deeds, a fortune of more than 
fifteen talents. He never returned. The faithless guardian 
concealed his death till he had got hold of the papers 
which the deceased had left under seal. He then broke 
the sad news, disposed of the widow in marriage, though 
not with all the dowry that had been intended for her, and 
undertook the education of Ctesiphon, who was not eight 
years old, and of his younger sister, as well as the mainte- 
nance of their elder step-brother. When the latter had 
attained his twentieth year, and was declared of age, the 
uncle summoned them all three, asserted that their father 
had only left a property of twinty mince in silver and thirty 
gold staters, that he had himself expended a sum far ex- 
ceeding this on their education and nurture, and it was 
quite out of his power to take any further charge of them. 
' You are a man now,' so he addressed the eldest, 4 it is 
your business to care for your brother and sister.' With 
this he turned the unfortunate orphans out of their father's 
own house — which he himself now occupied — badly clothed, 



33 The history of Ctesiphon's youth is taken from a classical model. 
Lysias, adv. Diogeiton, p. 894 — 903. 

c 2 



20 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene L 



and worse shod, without a slave to attend on them, with- 
out a bed for the night, or a single iota of their father's 
property. The younger ones were utterly helpless. Their 
mother had been dead about a year; the elder brother 
sought employment in foreign service, and nobody stood 
by them to substantiate the charge against their infamous 
guardian. A decayed relative, himself in great penury, 
took charge of the orphans. He used to officiate at the 
aforementioned school, in the capacity of assistant, and 
thinking that the boy he had adopted ought to contribute 
something to their support, he made him perform menial 
duties, for which his birth had certainly not destined him. 
Ctesiphon's intelligent manner and obliging behaviour won 
him many a friend among the boys who came to the school, 
and on the death of one of them, an only son, the father, 
a rich burgher, who had conceived a predilection for 
Ctesiphon, then fourteen, adopted him as his son. 4 My 
benefactor also is now dead,' said Ctesiphon in conclu- 
sion, 'and I have just been to Argos to receive a debt, 
due to me as part of my inheritance, which, though not 
very considerable, still affords me the means of living in 
the simple fashion that I love. Luckily I preferred the 
high road, which is more shady, to the shorter route by 
the foot-path, and so have been the first to welcome you 
on your return to your fatherland. But tell me one thing, 
how come you at Cleonse, on your way from Sicily ? ' 

4 Our ship,' answered Charicles, 4 put in at the port of 
Epidauros. I resolved to go the rest of the journey by 
land, and took the route by Argos, because the shorter 
cut over the mountains to Corinth would have been more 
hurtful to my horse's feet, 34 and also because I wished to 
visit an old friend of my father's at Argos.' 



34 Beckmann, in his History of In- 
ventions, has, with tolerable success, 
attempted to show that horse-shoes 
were unknown before the fourth cen- 
tury of our era. Ottfr. Müller, on 



the contrary, believes that a horse- 
shoeing scene is represented on a 
certain antique Attic vase. Socks or 
sandals, however, were tied on the 
feet of beasts of burden : these were 



Scene L] THE FRIENDS OF YOUTH. 



21 



In the course of this colloquy the friends had arrived 
in the plain, which was overlooked by the town of Cleonse, 
its houses built on a slope, and rising terrace-fashion one 
above another. 35 There they rested for a brief while, and 
then continued their journey to Corinth. 



regular viro^jxara, and hence (Lu- 
cian, Asin. 16) the metamorphosed 
ass is called auvTröSeros. 

35 Dodwell, Class. Tour, ii. p. 206 : 
' On the side of the hill are six 



ancient terrace- walls of the third 
style of masonry, rising one above 
another, on which the houses and 
streets were situated.' Comp. Leake, 
Travels in the Morea, iii. p. 325. 



22 

SCENE THE SECOND. 



CORINTH. 

THE sun had sunk low in the west, when the two friends, 
emerging from a little wood of cypresses and pines, 
found themselves in sight of the mighty city, mistress of 
two seas, which, while it lay on the high-road between 
southern and northern Greece, 1 connected also with its 
double haven the eastern and the western world. 

Not many stadia off, the proud Acropolis arose before 
them, hiding the chief part of the city by its steep northern 
slope, although detached houses and villas might be descried, 
reaching down to the plain on the south. To the right of 
the road, and on the verge of the wood, was an artificial 
basin, encompassed with stone seats which invited the 
wanderer to repose. A number of young female slaves, 
with their dress girt up high, were just then busy filling 
their earthen hydria at the crystal stream that leapt in 
three jets from amidst festoons of flowers, sculptured — as 
well as the youths holding them — in marble relief. 2 

Not far from this charming spot the friends separated. 
Ctesiphon, who intended to put up at the hospitable abode 
of an acquaintance, turned to the left, making for the 
Sicyonian gate ; while Charicles pursued the road, which, 
after threading plantations of olive and pomegranate, led 
to the Craneion. Having no friends or acquaintance what- 



1 On this happy situation of Co- 
rinth, see Strabo, viii. 6, 19 : 'O Se 
K6pivQos atveibs fiev \4yerai dia rb 
i/Airopuov, iirl t<£ 'laO/j.^ Keifxeuos Kai 
Svolv Xifievwv Kvpios, . . . nal padias 
iron? tcls eKarepwOev äfioißas twv 
(popriwu. Owing to the perils of the 
passage round Cape Malea, goods 
were usually trans-shipped across the 
Isthmus : ayairrjTbv %v . . . roh ifxirS- 



pois a^eitri rbv «r! MaAeas 'itXovv 
els Kopipdov Kardyecrdai rbv <p6prov 
avrSdt. So Dio Chrysos. Or. viii. 
p. 276, says : '6ti r) ir6\is 8><nrep iv 
rpi65cp rrjs 'EWddos eiceiTO. 

2 Near Mistra a spring so enclosed 
may still be seen. Exped. de Moree, 
ii. pi. 42. 



Scene IL] 



CORINTH. 



23 



soever in the city, he purposed looking for one of those 
houses in which the traveller can purchase a good reception 
and entertainment. His friend at Argos had mentioned 
to him the house of one Sotades, who was reputed to be 
a tolerably reasonable mau, and very solicitous for his 
guests' comfort ; and our young hero, not being averse to 
pleasure and gaiety, was glad to hear that the female 
portion of the household was as free from restraint in its 
intercourse with the other sex, as it was personally at- 
tractive. Nay, it was even asserted, that they had long 
been initiated by brilliant torch-light into the mysteries 
of Aphrodite : 3 and report said that their mother was 
not the person to reject a well-filled hand, that sued for 
the favours of her daughters, though, outwardly,' they 
avoided the appearance of regular hetcerce.* It is true that 
Ctesiphon had cautioned the inexperienced Charicles, and 



3 Comp, the expression, Lucian, 
Navig. 11: Ma>j/ ipwriicöv ri iariv ; 
ovde yap tovto a(j.w)Tois rjfAiv e£a- 
yopevaeis, aAA.' wrb Xafxirpa rfj Sa5t 
Kcd avrols rereXeafjJvois. 

4 In a set of pictures illustrative 
of Greek customs, it was quite im- 
possible to leave out the hetcerce, 
who gave such a peculiar colouring 
to Grecian levity, and exercised so 
potent a sway over the life of the 
younger members of the community. 
Abundant materials for such a sketch 
exist, for the Greeks made no secret 
of matters of this kind ; the difficulty 
has rather been not to sacrifice the 
vividness of the picture of the ordi- 
nary intercourse with these women, 
to the demands of* our modern sense 
of propriety. But without describing 
the enormities that characterise the 
symposia where these hetarcB were 
present, it seemed desirable to enter 
a good deal into details. All the 
features of the picture, even to the 
minutest details, are taken, almost 



without exception, from the classics ; 
especially from the speech againsf 
Ne<sra, and from that of Lysias on the 
murder of Eratosthenes ; besides Lu- 
cian's Toxaris, Asinus, and Bialogi 
Meretricii ; as well as from Appuleius, 
Heliodorus, and the comedians. The 
narrative given by Demosth. in Near. 
p. 1366, forms the outline of the story, 
and the details are supplied from 
Lysias and elsewhere. The passage 
in Demosthenes is as follows: 'Eiral- 
verov yap rby "Avdpiov ipaarrjv ovra 
Neaipas ravrrjal iraKaibv teal iroWa, 
au7]\wK6ra els avr^v, «al KaraySfievov 
irapa tovtois oirSre eiriSrjfjL^a'eLev 
'Ad-ftva^e 5ia rhu <pi\iau ttjs Neaipas, 
eirißovAevaas 6 ^recpauos ovroai, 
fj.€Tair€jx\l/diJ.euos els aypbv, ws dvuv, 
Xapißavei fjLoixbv eir\ rfj Ovyarpl rr\s 
Necupas TavrT}(r\, na\ els cpSßov na- 
ra(TT7}(Tas irpaTTerai jxvas rpiaKou- 
ra' Kai Xaßüiv eyyvqras tovtoov 
'Api(TT6fj.ax<iv Te rbu QecrixoQerii- 
cravTa, Kai ^avcrl<piXov rbv Navffivi- 
kov tov &p£avTos vlbv, a<p'n}(Tiv, ws 
a-KoZdxTOV'r' avry rb apyvpiov. 



24 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene II 



depicted the perils, that here, more than elsewhere, await- 
ed him who suffered himself to be entangled in their 
seductive toils. He had well explained the meaning of 
the proverb : — 

Non cuivis homini contingit adire Corinthon, 5 

adding instances of merchants who had been forced to 
leave both ship and freight in the clutches of the greedy 
hetcerce. 

But Charicles had firmly assured his monitor that he 
would not stay at Corinth more than three days ; nor did 
he suppose that, in so short a sojourn, he would need even 
a tithe of the two thousand drachmce that he had with 
him. It was in the best possible spirits therefore that 
he directed his steps to the Craneion, in the vicinity of 
which Sotades lived. 

The place that went by this name 6 was by far the 
most frequented point of Corinth. Here was an evergreen 
cyprus-grove, in which lay the shrine of Bellerophon, and 
the temple of Aphrodite Melanis, 7 the goddess in whose 
service more than a thousand hierodulce ministered to the 
pleasures of the countless stream of strangers. 8 A source 



5 Strabo, viii. 6, 20: Ov iravrbs 
avhpbs is Kopivdov ecrö' ö irXovs. 

6 The oldest mention of the Kpd- 
vsiov or Kpdviov, and perhaps the 
only one, previous to the destruction 
of Corinth, occurs in Xenoph. Hist. 
Gr. iv. 4, 4. Diog. Laert. vi. 77, calls 
it a gymnasium : iv t$ Kpaveiw rep 
irpb rrjs KopivQov yvfivacricp, andSuidas 
says, Kpdveiov (pvrbv, nal rb yvjj.ua- 
ciov. But Pausanias, ii. 2, 4, says 
nothing of this, and apparently makes 
it merely a pleasure-grove : irpb 5e 
TTjs iTÖXews Kvnapi(T(ru)v iarlv d\aos 
6j/ofj.a^6{Xfvou Kpdveiou. Perhaps, on 
the rebuilding of the city, the place 
lost its former destination. That it 
•was a very agreeable resort, appears 
from Plut. de Exsil. 6. 



7 Pausanias, supra : ivravQa BeA- 
Xepocpovrov T€ icrri ri/Aevos, Kai 
'AcppoS'irris vabs MeXavidos. Con- 
cerning Aphrodite Melanis, see Pau- 
san. viii. 6, 2. Whether this was the 
temple in which ware the thousand 
hierodulse, is nowhere distinctly 
stated, but it would seem not impro- 
bable. See Excursus on The Hetcerce. 

8 The merchants of antiquity, who 
were often absent from home for 
years, as e/x-rropoi or vavKXr\poi, 
doubtless often yielded to the temp- 
tations thrown in their way at the 
several places they visited. Cf. Isocr. 
JEgin. 2 : TrXavi]s Se yevo/xevos koI 
$iaiTT]6e\s iv iroXXais iroXeffiv &.X- 
Xais re ywai£l crvveyevero. S>v tviai 
Kai iraibdpC aTT&ei^av, a iKeivos 



Scene IL] 



CORINTH. 



25 



of wealth, doubtless, to the temple and city, but to the 
easily-inveigled sailor, of more certain destruction than the 
whirlpool of the all-engulphing Charybdis. On the mo- 
nument of Lais hard by stood, like a warning-sign, the 
lioness, holding in her claws the captive ram, an easily in- 
telligible symbol of her life. 9 What a strange chance was 
it, that, at no very distant period, this identical spot should 
be selected for the burial-place of Diogenes of Sinope ; just 
as though this example of unnatural abstinence was in- 
tended as a contrast to the memorial of wanton licentious- 
ness. * The vicinity of the hetserse, 10 and the pleasantness 
of the place, drew hither daily a vast number of residents 
and strangers, and by a natural consequence, abundance 
of hawkers, who exposed their goods for sale. Damsels 
with bread and cakes, others with chaplets and tcenice, boys 
with baskets full of fruit, plied their trade, offering their 
wares to the loungers. 11 

If people congregated here merely for pleasure and 
amusement, such was not the case in the street leading 
from the harbour of Cenchrea, which presented a most 
animated scene of business and traffic. Man and beast were 
everlastingly busied in transporting the contents of the 
vessels to the town or to the harbour of Lechseon, or from 
thence to the eastern harbour. In one place might be 
seen numberless beasts of burden carrying Byzantine corn 
to the city ; waggons meeting each other, some conveying 



ouSe TTwitore yv^cia iv6fj.i<re, Kal 5)j 
Kal tt)v TctvTrjs ^lyripa iv rovrois 
rots xp^vois eXaßeu. Hence seaports 
generally, the Piraeus for instance, 
abounded with ir6pvai and irSpvoi. 
Cf. Terent. Phorm. iv. 1 ; and Plaut. 
Epid. iv. 1, 13. 

9 Pausan. supra : Td<pos Aäßos, 
$ 8$7 hiaiva iirlOrifxa. ecrri Kptbv 
exovcra * v T0 *s irpor4pois ttog'iv. 

10 Dio Chrysos. Or. viii. p. 276, 
says of Diogenes of Sinope : [Aereßri 



els K6pivQov KaKei dirjyev, ovre o'lKiay 
fJLicrdw(rd[Ji.evos, ovre irapa £evcp tlv\ 
Karay6fxevos, aAA.' eV T<j3 Kpaviy 
dvpavAwv. edpa yap '6ti wAetcrrot 
&vdpwiroL e/f€i ffvviaai diä robs Ai/j.4- 
vas Kai rds eraipas. 

11 Alciphr. Epist. in. 60: 'tis yap 
iAovaavTO ot troWol Kal {xeffovffa 
7)fj.4pa -t\v, (Ttw(mv\ovs eQeacrafx^v Kal 
ev<pve?s veaviffKOvs ob irepl ras oWias, 
aWa irepl rb Kpdveiov el\ovfx4vovs, 
Kal od jxaXiffTa rals apTOir(&\io~i Kal 
6irocpoKa7rr]\ois edos avaarp4(peiv. 



26 



CHARICLES. 



[Scent II. 



the wines of the Grrecian isles to the west ; and others 
taking the equally renowned growths of Sicily and Italy 
to the cities of Greece. In another, carefully packed 
marble statues, the masterpieces of the Attic studios, 12 
were being conveyed by surefooted mules, to be submitted 
to the judgment of Sicilian connoisseurs. Here, again, 
the scarcely less valuable works in bronze, of Corinth and 
Sicyon, were about to be shipped for the towns of Asia 
Minor : not to mention the variety of costly products, and 
what not, which the innumerable chests and bales con- 
tained. The choicest aromatics from the scented plains of 
Araby, the costly web of the forests of Ind, its ivory and its 
curious woods ; gorgeous tapestries, the toilsome produce 
of Babylonish ingenuity, the wool of Milesian flocks, the 
gauze drapery wrought by maidens of Cos, — all found their 
way to this emporium of an hemisphere. 

Charicles, in pleased surprise, strode through the 
crowd, which presented a phenomenon to which he was 
unused. During the six years of his absence, the picture 
of Athenian life had been nearly effaced from his recollec- 
tion. The Sicilian towns which he had seen, were so de- 
serted, that the wild beast made his lair there, and the 
suburbs were not unfrequently the scene of the chase. 13 



12 Works of art, such, as images 
of the gods, were exported in great 
quantities, not merely on order, but 
also on speculation, as is evident from 
the story of Apollonios, who met a 
ship's-load of them in the Piraeus. 
ipofxivov Se rov ' AttoWwvlov, tls b 
<p6pros ; ®ewv, %<pT], aydXfxara a-rrdyw 
is 'iwviav, ra fiev xP vcro v Ka ^ Mdov, 
to. 5e i\e<pavTOS Kal xpvcrou. e lSpva6- 
luLevos, t) t'l ; 'Airo^wao/xevos, ecpy], ro7s 
ßovXo/jievois ISpvecrdai. Philostr. Vit. 
Apollon. Tyan. v. 20. The love of art 
in Sicily appears from Cic. in Verr. iv. 

13 Plutarch, Timoleon, 22 : 77 /u.hv 
iv 'Svpa.KOvaats ayopa, 8j' ip-qfjiiav 



ovTco iroW^v Ka\ ßaQe?av il-icpvvev 
v\7jv, Scttc rovs imrovs iv avrr) 
Kaxavijxeo-Qai, tuv l-mroKOfxc^v iv rfj 
X^V Karaneifievcov. at 8' äAAcu tto- 
Aets 7rAV iravreAus oXiyuv i\d<puv 
iyevovro /xecTTai Kal ffvwv aypiccv. 
iv Se rols irpoaareiois Kal irepl to 
Tet'%77 ttoWolkls ol o^oA-V &yovres 
iKuvTiyerovv. This refers to a period 
ten years before the date of this nar- 
ration. Many other towns were in a 
similar state. SoDioChrysos. Or. vii. 
p. 233, speaking of a town in Eubcea, 
says : ßAeVere yap abrol Srjirovdev, 
OTi rb yvfivdcriov vjjuv &povpav 7re- 
TTOLTjKacriv ' ware rov 'HpaitXia Kal 
dWovs avtipidvras avxvovs inrb rov 



Scene IL] 



CORINTH. 



27 



Syracuse itself, which Timoleon had found so desolate that 
horses pastured on the tall grass which overgrew the mar- 
ket-place, had recovered but little of its former anima- 
tion. But here was a scene to which the busy hum of the 
Piraeus, or the liveliness of the Athenian agora, could alone 
afford a comparison. He asked a boy, who offered him fruit 
for sale, if he could show him Sotades' domicile. 6 Oh, 
you mean the father of the pretty Melissa and Stephanion ? ' 
replied the urchin. 6 He lives no great way off,' added he, 
and forthwith he offered his services as a guide, and, at 
Charicles' bidding, tripped gaily along before him. 

The house of Sotades was not a common inn 14 that 



64povs airoKtKpvcpQai, robs fikv rjpctiwy, 
tovs 8e 6ea>v. Kal '6tl Kaff 7][x4pav to. 
rov p-ftropos roirov irp6ßara eooQev 
ds t)\v ayopav iußaWei Kal Kara- 
ve/xerai irepl to ßov\evT7ipiov. 

14 As has been shewn in Gallus, 
2nd Ed. p. 353, it is erroneous to 
suppose that there were no inns 
among the ancients, or that their use 
was confined to the lowest class of 
travellers. Of course there was no- 
thing of the kind in the Homeric age. 
People on a journey, in those days, 
found a hospitable reception in the 
house of a stranger, and thus arose 
ties of friendship which even extend- 
ed to their posterity. This beautiful 
custom even reaches down to the 
historic era. Herod, vi. 35, Ovros 5 
Mi\Tia5r7s (5 Kv\p4\ov, 'Ad-qvaios) 
Karijfxevos iv roten irpodvpoi<ri toIctl 
eaiuToD, bpidiv robs AoK6jkovs itapihv- 
ras, effdrjTa ixovras ovk iyxoopirju 
Kal alxfJ-OLs, irpocreßw<TaTO' Kai <r<pi 
TTpoaeXdovcri iwnyyeiXaro Karayw- 
yr)v koI |eiVter and a law of Charon- 
das prescribes, £4vov irdvra top iv 
rrj kaviov TrarplSL aeßdfjLevov, Kai 
Kara robs oIkc'iovs vS/xovs, evcp-fifAws 
Ka\ oiKtiws irpoa^x^Qai Kal airo- 
CTeA\e»/, fJL€/xuT)fi4vovs Atbs azviov, 



&s irapa ttugiv iSpv/x4vov kolvov 6eov, 
Kal ovtos £ttktk6itov <pi\o£evias T6 
Kal KaKo^vias. Stob. Tit. xliv. 40. 
See iElian, Var. Hist. iv. 1. But 
when intercourse grew more frequent 
and towns like Corinth and Athens 
were overflowing with strangers, it 
is natural to suppose that the want 
of inns became felt. At the great 
Grecian festivals, for instance, the 
majority of the strangers could have 
no other house to lodge at but an 
auberge. Wealthy individuals, even 
at a later period, were very hospitable 
to strangers : so Xenoph. (Econ. 2, 5 : 
eweira £4vovs trpoariKei <roi iroWois 
84x£<r6ai, Kal tovtovs /AtyaAoTrpe- 
7r <2s. See also Plato, Protag. p. 315, 
where the house of Callias is crammed 
with guests, but these were some of 
themfriends, some bidden guests, and 
others persons of distinction. Other 
persons had to put up at an inn, 
iravdoKe7ov, Karayc&yiov, KardXv<ris. 
See Plato, Leg. xii.p. 952. At festi- 
vals, however, places of shelter were 
provided in the vicinity of the temples 
at the public expense. Schol. to Pind. 
Olym. xi. 55 : rb yap iv kvkXcp tov 
tepov Kuraywyiois SieiXrjiTTO. Cf. 
iElian, Var. Hist. iv. 9. It does 
not appear whether these Karaywyia 



28 



CHAKICLES. 



[SCEXE II. 



took in every stranger seeking shelter and entertainment ; 
or where travellers of all grades might reckon on obtaining 
protection from the inclemency of the weather, or a place 
of temporary repose. Particular guests only were free of 
the house, and they mostly were well-known, and accus- 
tomed to visit it several times a-year, and then to make a 
lengthened stay. 15 Indeed it was no secret to many in 
Corinth, that the two damsels, whom Sotades called his 
daughters, were the main support of the family, in like 
manner as their mother Nicippe — who commonly went by 
the sobriquet of iEgidion — had formerly been the Amalthea 
that procured subsistence. 16 Sotades, however, pretended 



or <TK7)vai, erected on such occasions, 
offered anything besides shelter. It 
was usual for travellers to provide 
the necessaries of the journey for 
themselves, and many probably lived 
entirely in their own tents. See 
Plutarch, Alcib. 12. There was a 
similar arrangement at the temple of 
Aphrodite at Cnidos : ?\v 8' vnb reus 
&yav Trakivcntiois vXais iXapaX kXi- 
oriai rots iveariciaBai 8e\ovcnu, eis 
a Twv fxev hffTiKwv (Tirav'iws eire<poi- 
T03V rives' adp6os 8' 6 TroXiTiubs 
öxXos eiravT\yvpi£ev, ovtws o.<ppo8i- 
a-idCovres. Lucian, Amor. 12. The 
most important building of the kind 
was that erected near the Heraon, 
on the site of Platsea, after its de- 
struction by the Spartans : $koZ6\xt)- 
&av irpbs t§ 'Hpat^j Karay&yiov 
SiaKoaiwv iroZwv, Travraxv KvuXcp 
oliffi/Jiara %%ov naTwQev ical &vw9ev. 
Thucyd. iii. 68. But these public 
establishments did not exclude the 
existence of private inns also, and 
perhaps the <rKi\VLTai, in an inscrip- 
tion about a Boeotian festival, refers 
to this. Böckh, Corp. Inscr. Gr. 
No. 1 625. That these inns were used 
by the wealthy classes, as well as by 
the poor, would in itself be probable, 
even were there no instances of this 



being the case. Thus the ambassa- 
dors from Athens to Philip lodge 
everywhere in inns, -navSoKeiois. 
JEsch. de Falsa Leg. p. 272 : oidels 
ai)T$ avaairetv, '6r' e^-pei^ev iir\ tt)v 
verrepau irpeaßeiav, ¥)Qe\ev, ovde ev 
reus 6So7s, oirov Swarbj/ els ravrb 
iravloKetov KaraKveiv. Cf. Plutarch, 
de San. tuend. 15; de Vitios. pud. 8; 
de Esu cam. 5; Liban. Or. xxiv.p. 79. 
So Dionysos enquires as to the inns 
on the road to Hades : Aristoph. 
Bancs, 114. As with the Eomans, 
{Gallus, p. 356,) so among the Greeks, 
the trade of the innkeeper was deemed 
highly contemptible, first, because 
entertainment for gain is totally at 
variance with the duties of the £evla; 
and, secondly, because of the villany 
and extortion of these people. See 
Plato, Leg. xi. p. 918 : ir&VTa to irepl 
t^v KairrjXe'iav Kai e/xiroplav Kai 
iravSoiciav yevt] SiaßeßXriTai re teal 
ev aiaxpoh yeyovev oveiSeaiv. Cf. 
Theophr. Char. 6. 

16 Epsenetos is just a case in point. 
Demosth. in Near. p. 1366. 

16 Plutarch, de Aud. Poet. 8, men- 
I tions a similar instance. As Nico was 
I nicknamed At£, so Nicippe might 



Scene II.] 



CORINTH. 



29 



before strangers to be ignorant of the course of life which 
his daughters followed, and the cue of the mother, who 
played her part to admiration, was to take advantage of his 
apparent strictness, and so to pursue her plans to greater 
advantage. 17 

Under the boy's guidance, Charicles soon reached the 
house, which looked rather insignificant outside, but was 
situate near the Cenchrean gate, in one of the busiest spots, 
where there was a strong muster of taverns and various 
retail shops. 

The vicinity of the Craneion and the street leading to 
the harbour, brought numbers of people to the spot ; and 
here the gar lick-chewing sailor, as well as the beau reeking 
of perfume — the one at the price of a couple of oboles, 
which was perhaps half his day's earnings, 18 the other 
making light of a handful of silver — were accustomed to 
indulge themselves, each after his own peculiar fashion. 

Charicles rewarded his guide with a few coppers, 19 and 



very well have received the sobri- 
quet AlyiSiov. See Excursus on The 
Hetcera. 

17 It was so with Nicarete and 
her seven girls. Demosth. in Near. 
p. 1351. Trpoaeiirovaa avräs ovSpari 
Ovyarepas, ti? cos fieyiffTOvs fxio-Qovs 
irpaTTOiro tovs ßovXojxevovs itXt}0~i- 
afeti/ avrais, ws i\€v64pais oü<rat.s. 
Nesera made a similar use of her mar- 
riage with Stephanos. Ib. p. 1359. 

18 "What were the wages per diem 
for common labour, cannot be ac- 
curately stated. Lucian, Tim. 6, 
mentions four oboles, and this cer- 
tainly refers to his own time. See 
Böckh's Publ. Econ. of Athens, 
p. 117. So again, Epist. Saturn. 21, 
we read, bveipoiroXelv, et ir6Btv bßoXol 
ritrcapes yevoivro, ws %x 0L P* v &pTwv 
yovv ^ aK<p'iTwv ifjiirarXricrfxevot Ka- 
QevBeiv. The daily pay of a rower is 



fixed elsewhere (de Electro, 3) at two 
oboles only, et 5e tfv ti toiovtov, ofet 
Tlfxas Zvdiv bßoKolv eVe/ca iperreiu 
av $ %\K€iv . rä irKola irpbs havriov 
rb vdwp, oJs i£rjv irXovreiv. 

19 For some services, however, 
much more pay, in comparison, was 
demanded. See Böckh's observations 
on Aristoph. Ban. 173, in his Pabl. 
Econ. of Athens, p. 117. Fees and 
gratuities were demanded on the most 
frivolous pretences. So Lucian, de 
Merc. Cond. 14 : evBvs oZv Trp6<rei<TL 
irapayyeWwv ris, t^kclv eVt rb Suirvov, 
ovk avo/j.L\7}TOS oiKerris, hv XPV "tpo- 
repov 'l\ewv iroii)o~ao~6ai, napaßv- 
cravra is t^jv X 6 'P a » wS A 17 ? aSe^ios 
elVat SoKrjs, rovXdxHTTOV irevre dpa- 
XM"S ' o 5e aKKicrafjizvos nal "Anayz, 
irapa o~ov 5' 4yti!> ; Kal 'HpditXeis, fj.)} 
yivoiro, iireiirwv, r4\os iirzi<rQ7), 
Akin to these douceurs were the 



30 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene IT. 



was proceeding to the house-door, when the lad hailed him, 
and pointed to a strong-built man, in slovenly habiliments, 
and of audacious mien, who proved to be Sotades himself, 
just returning home. The youth therefore turned, and 
briefly informed him that he wished for entertainment for 
a few days, and had been recommended to his house by 
a friend at Argos. With the eye of a trapezites, going 
to lend money, the man scanned him from head to foot, 
dwelling complacently on the stately charger and good- 
looking heavily-laden slave, and then said half surlily : 
4 Mine is not a house of call for every chance stranger, and 
you might have done better at the adjacent inn. I have 
daughters whose beauty brings suitors enough already be- 
fore my doors, and it is a delicate matter to receive strip- 
lings like you into my somewhat confined domicile ; but 
notwithstanding, as you have been sent to me by my friend 
at Argos, you shall be welcome ; no attention shall be 
spared to make you and your horse comfortable.' So 
saying, he opened the door, called a slave to take the steed, 
and bid Charicles enter, he and Manes following after. 

The man's brusque tone, and whole appearance, had 
not created a particularly pleasant impression on the youth, 
and an air of disorder visible in the entrance-hall, was 
little calculated to raise the inmates in his estimation. In 
one corner lay fragments of broken wine-stoups, in an- 
other relics of withered garlands ; 20 while from the interior 
sounded a buzz of heterogeneous voices, with now and 
then the stave of a song. One might have fancied that 
the noise proceeded from a drinking party ; but this could 
not be, as the master of the house had but just entered. 



presents given to one's own servants 
at certain annual festivals, as Christ- 
mas-boxes are with us. So Lucian, 
ib. 19 : cwrep iv eoprais irycriois elicbs 
71/j.as irapefeif • and Athen, x. p. 437, 
says : tt? Se eoprrj rwu Xowv %0os iffrlv 
'Ad-fjvricri Trefiirecrdai 8copd re ml tovs 
(xicrQobs to?s (To<piffrous. 



20 Plutarch, de Cohib. Ira, 15, de- 
scribes the appearance presented by 
the house of a dissipated person : Stb 
twv (xkv aadiTwv tcus olniais vpoaiov- 
res avKyrpfios a.Kovofj.ev ewdivrjs teal 
Tn)Xbv, S>s ris 6?7rej/, dtvov, Kai ffira- 
pdy/xara ffrecpdvuu, koX KpanraXGiVTas 
douuev iirl dvpais äKoKauä/ms, 



SCEJTE II.] 



COEINTH. 



31 



In point of fact, the latter seemed half perplexed, half 
angry at it, and hurried his guest up a flight of stairs to 
the upper story, where he assigned him a pleasant apart- 
ment, such as Charicles had scarcely expected to find in the 
house. 6 1 hope this will suit you, 5 was his host's remark. 
• But you have travelled some distance,' he continued, 
'and your weary limbs must need refreshment. 21 Gro, 
Psegnion,' said he to a lad of some fifteen years old, ' bring 
oil, strigils, and linen-cloths, and show the stranger to the 
nearest bath. 22 Take care also that his evening meal be 
not deficient in wine and solids.' Hereupon he took his 
leave, and the boy soon arriving with the needful appa- 
ratus, led Charicles to the bath, on returning from which 
he found supper ready, though he soon dispensed with 
Paegnion's services, as rest and sleep were what he most 
needed. 

But the tranquil god would not sink upon his heavy 
eye-lids so soon as he desired. Indistinct cries and wild 
laughter ever and anon penetrated to his chamber from 
below. It was now night, and yet Charicles heard stormy 
knockings at the outer door, and swarms of Comastce rush- 
ing noisily in. He fancied he could distinctly catch the 
name of Stephan ion. Was not that the very name by which 
the boy had called one of the daughters ? The domestic 
discipline here, thought he, must be rather more lax than 
my friend at Argos was aware of. 

But on the other hand, the father's harsh, nay almost re- 
pulsive manner, hardly tallied with his supposition: persons 
of his supposed class behaved in a manner quite the reverse, 



21 With the ancients the chi ef anti- 
dote to fatigue was the bath. So Aris- 
toph. Bancs, 1279, where Dionysos 
says: 

eyu> /xew oiv es to ßaKavelov /3ovAo/u.ai. 
vrrb TOiv köttuv yäp tw ve</>pä> ßovßuiviö). 

And again, Aristot. Probl. i. 39, p. 
863 : Sta rl robs fiev Qepivobs k6ttovs 
\ovrpcp lao~0ai Se?, robs Se xet^eptvous 



atei/jLixciTi; Also Lucian, Lexiph. 2: 
Xcupa) Se yue-ra Ka/xarov aTroXovd/xevos' 
and Athen, i. p. 24 : Xo-aGi Se koI Aov- 
rpa &K7] tt6vo3V iravToia. 

22 Lucian, Asin. 2 : e?ra Tre'yUTre 
avrbv els ßaXaveiov ovxl J&p "e- 
rpiav iki]\vdei' 6$6v and more at 
large, Appul. Metam. i. p. 72. 



32 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene II. 



and fawned amiably on their future victim. Still the ladies 
must be pretty well known, for the urchin had mentioned 
them by name. They were comely, too, by all accounts; so, 
be the character of the house what it might, Charicles deter- 
mined to make their acquaintance next day, at all hazards. 

The opportunity presented itself more quickly than he 
had expected. Next morning, when he was just going out, 
Sotades approached, and requested the favour of his com- 
pany at their family breakfast. 4 1 am in general very 
cautious about introducing my daughters to strange men, 
but somehow, your eyes betoken so much modesty, your 
brow such earnestness, and so much wisdom hovers on 
your lips, that I am certain I shall have nothing to fear 
from you.' 

The stripling accepted the courtesy with a smile. A 
sudden light seemed to break over the character of his 
host, whose chief object was evidently to shun inconvenient 
notoriety. This made the youth all the more curious, and 
probably he had never waited for the breakfast hour with 
so much impatience. 

At last the oft-consulted gnomon 23 proclaimed that the 
moment had arrived when the hospitable inmates of the 
mansion expected the stranger's presence. 

The damsels were indeed beautiful. Stephanion's tall 
figure, her raven locks, falling in rich luxuriance down her 
rosy neck, the full black orbs beneath the finely-arched 
and j etty eyebrows, that ripe embonpoint so manifest even 
through the thickness of her dress, were qualities that 
called to mind the ideal of a Hera : but her attractions 
seemed as nothing to Charicles, who was lost in the con- 
templation of Melissa, her younger sister. A naive and 
merry being was she, just budding into womanhood, not 
one to dazzle by any lofty regularity of beauty, but with 
a nameless grace in every movement of her softly-swelling 



23 Concerning the gnomon and the division of the day into hours, consult 
Note 3 to Scene xn. 



Scene IL] 



CORINTH. 



33 



limbs, that was irresistibly bewitching. So careful and 
proper was their toilet that Charicles began to waver in 
his preconceived opinion ; yet the easy familiarity with 
which Melissa seated herself between him. and her mother, 
and their free way of partaking of the wine, 24 and joining 
in the conversation, little accorded with the reserve of 
Grecian virgins. 

Indeed they seemed gradually to lay aside their dis- 
guise. Melissa's glances, and all her movements, became 
anything but correct, and when in the temporary absence 
of Sotades, Charicles handed her the goblet, she carefully 
applied her lips to the very place that his had touched. 25 
The youth, burning with passion, caught the vessel from 
her hand, and did the same, upon which the damsel leaned 
lovingly towards him, and the clasp that fastened the chi- 
ton over her shoulder became loosened, as if by accident, 
at the same moment. Unable to restrain himself, he 
imprinted a hasty kiss on her dazzling shoulder, and 
the gentle slap with which she punished his presumption, 
showed that it was not considered an insult. Sotades here 
returned, and breakfast ended. Melissa's eyes seemed 
to say, 8 1 hope we shall meet again,' and Charicles took 
his leave completely enthralled. He needed no further 
enticement : breakfast had been the trap ; and he was 
now helplessly ensnared. 26 



24 Xenoph. de Rep. Lac. 1, 3 : 
oXvov ye /j.t]v r) irdyLitav airexofxevas 
r) uSopet xpwjue'j/as didyovffiv. 

25 This was a silent declaration 
of love, or a sign of mutual under- 
standing. Ovid, Amor. i. 4, 31 ; 
Lucian, Dial. Meretr. 12 : teal ttlwv 
av iKe'ivy (xkv vir48ei£as rb Trorripiov, 
olttoSlSovs 5e t<£ TraiBl irpbs rb ods 
€k4\€V€S, el fJLT] Ilupa\Als aiT^creie, 
fxr) av &Ww iyxeai. Achill. Tat. 
H. 9 : qpvox^et 8e 6 Sarupos tj/mu Kai 
Ti iroiil ipoiTinöv. AiaWda a e £ yap 



to. cKTTUfiaTa Kal rb fxev e/xbv rrj 
}t6pri irpocrrldricri, rb Se eKeiwqs ifxoi. 
Kal hfxitav a.fx(porepois Kal eyKepa- 
adfxzvos tipeyev, 'Eyu 5e eirirr]pr]cras 
rb jxepos tov eKTTwjxaros evda rb 
X^Xos r) Koprj irivovcra irpoaeQiyev 
evapixocrdfxevos einvov airoaToXi- 
/xa7ov rovro (piXr^ia iroiwv Kal a/xa 
KarecpiAovv rb eiarwfxa. 

26 See the striking comparison, 
Plaut. Asin. i. 3, 63 : 

. . . attceps ego, 
Esca est meretrix, lectus illex est, amatores 



34 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene II. 



That the damsels were hetasras, was clear enough ; but 
the very veil of secrecy they adopted made them the more 
alluring. Dismissing, for the present, all intentions of de- 
parting, he could think of nothing but a second interview 
with his charmer. Manes was put a poor hand in such 
matters, or he could have used his services ; as it was, he 
must apply to some one in the household. 

4 Pasgnion,' said he the same evening to the slave who 
waited on him, 6 wilt thou earn some money ? ' 4 Ah ! that 
I will,' replied he. 4 It won't be difficult,' continued Chari- 
cles. * I love the beautiful Melissa ; try to procure me an 
interview to-night.' 6 What sort of a notion is this that 
you've got about the daughter of a respectable family — ? ' 
e Pish ! ' interrupted Charicles ; 4 1 know the extent to 
which your respectability will reach. Don't assume asto- 
nishment ; it suits you ill. But no more of that. Bring 
me to Melissa, and ten drachmae are your reward.' 

6 Ten drachmas ? ' repeated the slave, — 4 no, it won't do. 
Melissa herself won't object, I dare say : she has been half 
beside herself ever since she saw you. She weeps, and 
keeps repeating your name ; she can't live without you. 
We all believe that you have mixed some love-potion in 
her cup.' 4 Well, and why won't it do ? ' asked Charicles ; 
4 her mother won't mind, surely ? ' 4 She is not so strait- 
laced as all that,' replied the menial; 'and with the 
family's narrow means, I take it, some four or five gold 
pieces will go far towards persuading her to open to you 
the door of the parthenon. But isn't Sotades at home ? 
and you see how jealously he guards his daughters.' 
4 Ah ! there's the rub,' said Charicles with a knowing- 
laugh ; 6 but perhaps Mcippe will be able to remove that 
difficulty. Away, Paegnion ; no more disguise. Tell the 
mother that a mina of silver is hers if she accomplish my 
desire to-morrow evening. Off with you, and earn your 
ten drachmas.' 4 Ten drachmas !' repeated the boy a second 
time. 4 Why I'm fifteen years old.' 4 Well then, fifteen 
drachmae,' said the youth ; 4 but now be off, and mind 



SCENE II.] 



CORINTH. 



35 



what you're about.' Paegnion departed, assuring Charicles 
that the project should not fail by any fault of his ; but 
that nevertheless he thought it would be hardly feasible. 

It was scarce dawn when Charicles sprang from his 
couch. His sleep had not been sound, and towards morn- 
ing he fancied he had heard a noise, as if the inner and 
outer doors were opened. 27 The thought that a favoured 
lover was creeping off, disturbed him. Pasgnion made his 
appearance before long, and his self-satisfied air announced 
good news. He informed Charicles that his master pro- 
posed going to Sicyon to-day on business, and would be 
obliged by the loan of his horse. He would only be absent 
two nights, and Charicles of course did not intend leaving 
Corinth before then. Charicles fancied he saw through 
the meaning of the journey, and felt relieved at getting 
rid of so great an impediment to his wishes on such easy 
terms. He therefore immediately assented. 

Paegnion brought nothing fresh from Melissa, and on 
being interrogated about the opening of doors in the night, 
alleged as the reason, that the light 28 had become ex- 
tinguished, and a female slave had, towards morning, gone 
to fetch one from a neighbour's. 29 

Charicles persuaded himself into the belief that this 
was true. 

Sotades had set off, noon was long passed, and Chari- 



27 Lysias, de Ccede Erat. p. 20 : 
ava/xifj.vr]<TK6fievos, on kv e/ceu/p rfj 
vvkt\ £\l/6<pei 7] fj.erav\os 6vpa Kal 
fj auAeios. Consult the Excursus on 
The Hotise. 

29 The use of a night-light was 
not general, although not uncommon. 
Mention of it occurs in Aristoph. 
Eccles. 8 ; Lucian, Catapl. 27 ; Hut. 
Pel op. 1 1 ; and on the other hand, in 
Nub. 18; Theoph. Char. 18; and 
Theocr. xxiv. 48, it is not lit till | 
■wanted. 



29 Lysias, de Ccede Erat. p. 15: 
hpaijL&vov Se fiov, ri at Bvpai vvurocp 
ipo<j>6iev, e<pa(TKe rhu \vx vov aircxr&e- 
crQrjvai rhu Trapä rw 7rai5i<p, eFra 
e/c tu>v yeirovwv avatyacrQai. icruf'wp 
iyu, Kal ravra ovrws %X^ lv r]yovu.7]u. 
Neighbours did not scruple to beg 
a light, even at night. So Xenoph. 
Mem. ii. 2, 12: oukovv na\ r<? yei- 
roui ßovXei erb äpecrKeiv, 'Iva <tol Ka\ 
■rrvp evavT], orav rovrov derj. Other 
small services were willingly ren- 
dered. See Theophr. Char. 10 ; 
Aristoph. Eccles. 446. 



D 2 



36 



CHARICLES. 



[SCENE II. 



cles still waited for the message that Paegnion was to bring 
him. The place of rendezvous was one of the arcades 
in the Agora, where he used to meet Ctesiphon. He had 
already made his friend a confidant of his hopes, and had 
induced him to prolong his stay for another day, though 
much against the will of Ctesiphon, who had again warned 
him. But the youth could see nothing dangerous in the 
game, which was one of such very common occurrence. He 
paced to and fro in great impatience, when at last the boy 
approached. The news he brought was favourable; he 
had succeeded in talking the mother over, and Melissa was 
impatiently expecting him ; and as soon as all were asleep 
in the house, he would lead the youth where Dionysos and 
Aphrodite, the inseparable deities of joy, would be ready 
to receive him. 30 ' Only don't forget,' he added, ' to hand 
the mother the mina of silver, when she opens the door, 
and bethink you of my sendees also.' 



In the hospitable house where Ctesiphon was staying, 
six young men, including himself and his friendly host, 
had just met for a symjposion, and unguents were being 
handed round, and wine mingled. The lively discourse of 
the party betokened them all to be men of the same sort, 
addicted to pleasure, and well acquainted with the merits 
of the Corinthian beauties. 'You'll have to keep me a 
day longer,' said Ctesiphon to his host. 6 The friend who 
bore me company hither has lent his horse to his lodging- 
house keeper, and Sotades — such is his name — won't be 
back for two days.' 'Sotades?' exclaimed one of the 
company ; ' you don't mean the would-be papa of my Ste- 
phanion ?' ' And of the charming Melissa ?' cried another. 
' So the girls are called, I believe,' said Ctesiphon. ' You 



30 Eurip. Bacchs, 729 : 

olvdv Se firiKer ocros ovk Kvjrpts. 

So also Aristot. Prob, xxx. 1, p. 953 : 



bpQws Aiowaos Kal 'AtypoSfor) \4yov- 
rai fier' aW-fjXcov etvai. 



Scene IL] COKINTH. 37 

know the man then? he went to-day on a journey to 
Sicyon.' 4 Impossible ! ' cried the second ; 6 1 spied him 
but a short while ago, stealing along in the dusk of the 
evening towards the Isthmian gate ; I knew him well, 
spite of his pains to muffle himself up. And, strange 
enough, just afterwards I met a slave of his, who, now I 
think of it, was leading a fine-looking horse.' 4 All is not 
right,' said the first, starting up. 'Stephanion sent me 
a message to-day, pleading sickness as an excuse for her 
not being able to receive me this evening. I hope that 
the girl who is my property for . . . .' 'Don't disturb 
yourself,' said Ctesiphon ; 6 my friend loves her sister 
Melissa.' 4 In that case, some danger, doubtless, threatens 
him. This Sotades is the most rascally of pimps, and 
it would not be the first time that he had allured a 
stranger, and then accused him of being the seducer of his 
daughters.' 31 4 Well, then,' cried Ctesiphon's host, 4 the 
best tiling for us to do, is to make all speed to Sotades' 
house, and see if we can't prevent a knave's trick.' This 
proposal met with universal approbation, particularly as 
(xlaucos wished to assure himself personally about Stepha- 
nion's indisposition, while the rest of the party reckoned on 
having an amusing scene in an hetsera-house. 4 But they 
will never let us in,' interposed one of the guests. 4 Oh ! 
be easy on that score,' said Glaucos ; 4 1 have the key of 
the garden-door, which leads directly to the women's 
apartments. Nicippe herself let me have it for a couple of 
gold staters, so long as Stephanion is mine. And even 
suppose the bolt inside were shot forward, I can take the 
whole door off its hinges. 32 But let us be quick. We 
shall, I hope, soon return to our cups.' 



31 This is the history of Stephanos 
and Epsenetos. See note 4 ; and De- 
mosth. in Near. 1366 and 1359. 

32 This is the back-door of the 
house, usually called 8vpa K-rjiraia. 



See Excursus on The House. That a 
fastened door could thus be opened, 
appears from Lucian, Dial. Meretr. 
xii.: t\\v avKiov evpov cnroKeKXeHT- 
H*vt)v iiri/seXus ■ fxicrai yap vvures 
■ficrav. ovk e/co^a 5' oZv, aAA' iirdpas 



38 



CHARICLES. 



[SCENE n. 



Charicles was at the summit of his wishes. At the door 
of the small room, which Nicippe had fastened outside, 
Paegnion stood listening ; for he was prevented by the tapes- 
try within from peeping through the little hole which he 
had bored through the door to satisfy his curiosity on such 
occasions. 33 He now glided gently away towards the house- 
door. This he cautiously opened, and peered out into the 
darkness of the night. A group of five or six men, who 
had come down the street from the town, were standing at 
a small distance, and he felt rather uneasy at the circum- 
stance. But they presently disappeared into a narrow lane 
that led along the garden wall to the next street. He 
kept jingling the fifteen drachmas in his hand with much 
satisfaction, 34 and then stole lightly but quickly down the 
street. At the fourth house he stopped and tapped. He 
was admitted, and not many seconds after, four men 
came out of the door, accompanied by three slaves and 
Pasgnion. 35 One of the men — it was Sotades — purchased 
two links in a neighbouring shop, and having lighted 
them, 36 advanced with the others towards his house. 
6 Shut the doors,' said he to Psegnion as soon as they had 
entered; 'the bird is safe enough now, but unbidden 
guests might come in.' They stole noiselessly to the cham- 
bers of the women. 

Charicles reclined on a couch, which smelt sweetly of 
roses, 37 with the beautiful Melissa in his arms ; she was 
clad in the slightest manner, and she clung closely to him, 
her arms clasped around his neck. On a sudden the door 
was dashed open with a tremendous blow, and Sotades 



7]p4fxa T7?i> dvpav (fjBr} Se koX &XXore 
i-!reTroi7]K€LV avrb) irapayaykv rhv 
arpocpea irapr\X6ov a-tyo<pr)TL. 

33 Mart. xi. 45, 6 : 

puncta, lasciva qua? terebrantur acu. 

34 Appul. Metam. ii. 154. 

35 Lysias, de Cade Erat. 27. 

36 Lysias, ib.: kox SaSas Xaßovres 



e'/c tov iyyvrdrov /ccwnjAetov etff- 
epxfaeOa. On the use of torches and 
lamps, see Notes 1 and 5 to Sc. rx. 

37 Lucian, Asin. 7 : rwv Se a-rpw- 
jxärav poSa TroWa KareiveiracrTO, tb 
fjiev ovTca yvfji.ua. «a0' avra ra Se 
KeXvfxeva, to. Se (Trecpdvois avfiire- 
TT\eyp.eva. Appul.il/etow.ii. p. 126. 



Scene Tl.] 



COKINTH. 



39 



rushed in with his myrmidons, like one frantic. 38 6 Villain ! ' 
he exclaimed, advancing on the youth, 6 is it thus that you 
abuse my hospitality ? Is it thus you disgrace the house, 
and seduce the daughter of an honest man ? ' The youth had 
risen up. 4 Seduce your daughter, indeed ! why it's notorious 
that her charms support your house ! ' 4 You lie,' screamed 
Sotades. 6 Friends, ye know the blameless reputation of 
my roof, and I call you to witness, that I have caught this 
good-for-nothing fellow on this couch, with my daughter 
in his arms. Seize him, slaves, and bind him.' Charicles, 
who was young and powerful, attempted, but in vain, to 
break through his assailants. The contest was an unequal 
one, and Sotades, by the help of his slaves, soon mastered 
and bound him. £ A sword ho ! ' cried he : 4 he shall 
atone with his life for the stain he would bring upon my 
house.' 4 Sotades!' exclaimed the youth, 4 take care how 
you commit a crime that will not go unrevenged. I did 
not wish to stain your house. Your wife has herself re- 
ceived a mina of silver from me for her part in the trans- 
action. But even granted that I have really injured you, 
what can you gain by killing me ? Take a ransom, and let 
me go free.' 4 Not I,' said Sotades : 4 the law kills you by 
my hand. You have deserved death,' he continued after a 
slight pause ; 4 but I will have pity on your youth. Give 
me three thousand drachmae, and you shall be free.' 39 4 1 
have not so much by me,' replied Charicles, 4 nor any 



38 The whole description is from 
Lysias, (de Cade Erat.rj. 28) with but 
little variation : uxravres 8e rr\v Bvpav 
rod hoifxaTiov oi (xkv TrpuToi eiffiSvres 
en dBopep avrbv KaraKeifievov irapa 
tt) yvvainX, ol 5' varrepov iv Trj K\lvr) 
yvfJLvbv ko~T7)K6Ta. rycb 5', S> &vb*pes, 
nard^as KaraßdW(t> avrbv, nal tw 
Xe*pe -rrepiayayhv eis TofaricrOev nal 
5r)o~as rjpdoruv, Sia ri vßpi^ei, eis ttiv 
olnlav ttjv i/j.7]v tlaiwv ; kolkwos 
äSiKuv ,uej/ w/j.o\6y€i, i)vTiß6\ei 5e 



koI i/feVeue fify avrbv KTslvai, ä\\' 
äpyvpiov Trpd^aadai, £yä) 5' etirov, 
'6ti ovk iyw ere airoKrsvS), aAA' 6 
rrjs ir6\eeos vS/xos. This occurred in 
Athens, but there is no doubt it will 
hold for Corinth also. See Excursus 
on The Women. 

39 This was the sum extorted by 
Stephanos from Epsenetos; Demosth. 
in Near. 1367. 



40 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene n. 



friends here to help me to make up the sum. 40 But there 
are two thousand drachmae in my valise, which shall be 
yours.' * I accept your terms,' said Sotades, 6 but only on 
condition that you quit Corinth by break of day. And you, 
unworthy daughter,' said he to Melissa, who had hid her 
face in the cushion of the couch, 6 may think yourself 
fortunate, if I do not follow the example of that Athenian, 
and consign you alive to the tomb, along with the horse of 
your paramour.' 41 

These last words he had pronounced with much pa- 
thos : — a peal of shrill laughter answered him from the 
entrance of the room. It was Ctesiphon and his friends, 
who had gained the door unobserved. 6 Dog 42 of a pimp,' 



40 A praiseworthy custom pre- 
vailed, not only at Athens, but else- 
where, by which friends considered it 
their duty to help, to the best of their 
power, a friend suddenly thrown into 
pecuniary difficulties. This kind of 
contribution (epavos) has been most 
satisfactorily illustrated by Casaubon 
on Theophr. Char. 15 ; cf. Meierand 
Schöman, AU. Proc, on the twofold 
kind of epavos. 

41 JEschin. in Timarch. p. 175 : 
wctt' dv^p els rS)V ttoXitwv zvpcov rrjv 
kavrov Qvyarepa diecpdapfAeurjv Kal 
t^]v 7}XiKiav ob Kaktus SiacpvXa^aaau 
jx^xp 1 ydp.ov, iyKaTef>Kod6jj.T](Tcv avrrjv 

yU60' 'LlTTTOV eh ipy/AOU ollCiaV, V<p' OV 

irpod7]\ü)s <=fjLeK\eu diroK^adai Sia 
Xifibv (TvyKadeipyfj-evrj. Kal e-rt vvv 
rris oiKias ravTiqs '4(TT7]Ke rd olKoireZa 
iv t$ vixerepy 'dcriei, Kal 6 tSttos 
ovtos Kaktlrai * irap' 'Ittttov Kal 
Kopriv.' Cf. Heracl. Pont. Polit. 1. 

42 As was mentioned in Gallus, 
p. 76, the names of animals, in some 
respects despicable, were not usual 
among the ancients as terms of abuse. 



Sometimes, however, instances do 
occur. KiW is well known : iridriKos 
occurs, Demosth. de Coron. p. 307; 
and KepKwty, Alciphr. Epist. i. 28. 
As vervex in Latin so irp6ßaTov is 
used in Lucian, Alex, seu Pseudom. 
15: (avOpwTTwv) obShv £oik6twv oito- 
cpdyoLs avZpao~iv, aWa /ulSuti rfj /xop- 
<prj fj.7) oi>xl irpoßara elvai diacpepov- 
rwv ' and the proverb in Suidas, irpo- 
ßariov ßiov (rju. See also Lucian, 
Demon. 41. So also ovos is used, 
Plutarch, Gryll. 10: Nw y.\v oh, 
TpvKKs, jj.€Taßiß\t](Tai ab, Kal to 
irp6ßarov XoyiKbv airo<palveis Kal 
rbi> ovov; Lucian, Jup. Trag. 31: 
y6rjra fxkv slvai rovrov, r/pas Se 
ovovs KavQr\K'iovs , vi) Ato, Kal 7](juo- 
vovs, tovs Trio~Te4ovras ai/rcp, Kal 
ficrou at aKpides tov vovv e^ovras. 
Diog. Laert. vii. 170 ; and Lysippus, 
quoted in Dicaearch. Stat. Grcec. 10 : 

e» jotrj reOeacrai ras 'AOyvas, o~re\exos el • 
el Se reOeacrai,, fj.T) TeOrjpevcrat. b", ovos. 

Not only the stupidity, but also the 
laziness of the beast is had regard to. 
Aves, 1327 : 

tt&w yap ßpadvs ris eo-jtv, ioairep ovos. 

See also Lucian, Pise. 34, and Plut. de 



SCEJSE II.] 



CORINTH. 



41 



cried Ctesiphon's host, springing forward, 4 how dare you 
bind a free man, and extort money from him ? ' 4 What 
right have you to question me ? why do you force your way 
into my house ? ' retorted Sotades sharply, though evidently 
taken aback. 4 The man has dishonoured my house.' An- 
other burst of laughter interrupted him. 'Dishonoured 
your house, forsooth ! shall I tell you to whom Steph anion 
belongs for two months by your written contract ? or who, 
last night, enjoyed Melissa ? ' Meanwhile G-laucos and the 
rest had entered. e Tell me, Sotades,' exclaimed one of 
them, 4 which marriage may these daughters of yours be 
by? It strikes me, that scarce ten years have elapsed 
since the notorious hetcera iEgidion became your wife, 
and brought you these girls, who would in vain hunt for 
their fathers all Greece over.' 43 Sotades turned pale, the 
witnesses whom he had brought with him slipped out, 
Ctesiphon rushed towards Charicles and loosed the cords 
with which he was bound. 4 You shall pay for this,' shouted 
Sotades, gnashing his teeth, and striking his hands to- 
gether in a perfect fury. 44 4 Congratulate yourself,' replied 



7s. et Osir.Zl. The word XiQos is also 
applied to simple-minded heavy indi- 
viduals. SoNubes, 1202. WhenAris- 
tippus was asked what advantage his 
son would derive from instruction, he 
answered, Kal el firjb'ev aWo, ev y' 
ovv tS öedrpco ob KaQeZi)creTai \l8os 
eVi Atdcp. Diog. Laert. ii. 72 ; Terent. 
Heaut. iv. 7, 3: 'Quid stas, lapis?' 
And Hecyr. ii. 1 , 1 7 : ' quae me omnino 
lapidem, nonhominemputas.' Insen- 
sibility or apathy is also censured 
under this term, Lucian, Dial. Mer. 
xii. : ^Cl rrjs aypiorriTOS, to Se fxr] 
eiriKXacrdr}vai daKpvovarjs, Xldos, oi>K 
&v6pwir6s iffn, Cf. Dio Chrysos. 
Or. xxi. p. 506. The epithet o-i8r)povs 
isusedlikeA./011/os. Lysiasw Theomn. 
p. 363 : a\\' el fir] crtSripovs iffriv, 
k.t.K. Other terms of abuse are to 



be found in Aristophanes, some of 
them very coarse. This perhaps 
strikes us more than it would the 
Greeks, whose ears were accustomed 
to the phrases in question. 

43 This was the case with the re- 
puted daughters of Stephanos. De- 
mosth. in Near. 1367 : koX w/xoXSyei 
fx.hu (d 'E7ra/VeTos) xP^°"^ at T V ° LV ' 
Qpwivu>, ob fxivToi fioixo's ye elvai ' 
ovt€ yap ~2,Te<\>avov OvyaTepa avT7)v 
eluai, aXXct Neaipas, tt)v Se fxrjTepa 
avTr]s (rweideuai TrXr)o'ia.£ovo~av avTui, 
avr]K(i}Kevai Te iroXXa els avTas, Tpe- 
<peiv Te, 6ir6Te eirihr]fJL7]o'eie, ttjv oIk- 

44 Lucian, Somn. 14 : i) Se olwo- 
XeL<pde?o-a t& fjiev irp&Tov riyavaKTei 



4f> 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene H 



Ctesiphon's host, i if we, from a regard to your daughters' 
friends, don't bring you before a court of justice. But now 
have your baggage conveyed to my house, Charicles, and 
abide with me till your departure.' With this all seven 
went up to Charicles' room. Sotades and Melissa alone 
remained behind. 6 You stupid, you ! ' said the pimp, 6 you 
forgot the garden-gate.' 



Kai toi x e *P e crvveKpÖTzi, Kai robs I is also a token of joy. See Jacobs on 
odSuras ipeirpic. Clapping the hands J Achill. Tat. i. J. 



43 



SCENE THE THIRD. 

THE ANCESTKAL ABODE. 

TILREE days after the events above recorded, the 
friends landed at the Piraeus. Charicles, somewhat 
ashamed, and out of humour with himself, had willingly 
listened to Ctesiphon's proposal to go by sea, which was 
shorter, instead of continuing their journey by land through 
Megara. A ship, too, chanced to be just weighing anchor, 
and was ready to convey him thither, slave, horse, and 
all, for the moderate sum of one drachma ; while Ctesiphon, 
who was unattended and without baggage, had only three 
oboles to pay. 1 

The youth's heart beat, oh how quickly! as he put 
foot on his native soil, and greeted the well-known spots, 
associated with so many happy memories of days gone by. 
Just the same bustling life as formerly ; the same throng 
and pressure of the multitude, streaming towards the 
great emporium, where merchants from all parts of the 
world had exposed samples of their wares, 2 to sell them 
to travellers from every land. Nowhere could a more 
tempting assortment be met with, and though elsewhere 
an article might be sought in vain, yet in this central mart 



1 TVe learn from Plato, Gorg. 
p. oil. how very low pas sage -money, 
vav\ov, was : iav /iev e| Alyivrjs SeOpo 
crdxTT], olfiai 5v oßoXovs iirpd^aro ' 
iav 5e || Alyvirrov ^ e/c rov Uovtov, 
iav irduiroXv, ravT-qs tt)s fxeyaXris 
ei/e/ryecn'as, awcracra a vvv 5r? eheyov, 
Kol abrbv nal 7rat5as, nal ypTiixara 
nal ywcuKas, dvaßißdaao~a els rhu 
Aifxiva ovo Spaxp-ds iirpataro. It 
rose considerably at a later period, for 
Lucian mentions four oboles, instead 



of two, as the fare from Athens to 
iEgina. Navig. 15 : ica'iTot -n-pwrov 
Kal is Pdyivav . . . olaOa iv rjXiKCf crua- 
(pihico Trdvres afxa oi cpihoi rerrdpwv 
eKaaTos oßok&v dLeirXevaa/xev. See 
Böckh's Publ.Econ. of Athens, p. 118. 

2 The building -where these sam- 
ples, dely^ara, were exposed, was 
itself called Ae?y/j.a. See Excursus 
on The Markets and Commerce. 



44 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene LH. 



of Grecian commerce all imaginable commodities were 
assembled, only waiting for a purchaser. 3 On this account 
the harbour became a sort of second town, provided with 
all that either resident or stranger might require, — taverns, 
inns, workshops of all sorts, and houses of ill fame, 4 as well 
as the benevolent establishment of the physician. 5 The 
prospect, too, of making a ready livelihood, no doubt 
attracted thither plenty of swindlers and sycophants, who 
even formed organized societies, 6 ever ready to assist in 
the dishonest practices of the knavish dealer, or in fleecing 
the unsuspecting foreigner. Naturally enough, numbers 
of citizens resorted hither daily, to meet some stranger, or 
to await the arrival of a friend, or perhaps only for a 
lounge on the pier or among the shops, and to amuse 
themselves with the animated scene. 7 

But the pleasure which Charicles felt was alloyed by 
the painful feeling of finding himself almost a stranger 
amongst his fellow-citizens. While Ctesiphon repeatedly 



3 Isocr. Paneg. p. 60 : 'EnirSpiov 
yap iv fxecrcp rrjs 'EWdSos rbv Ylei- 
paia KareffKevdcraro, roaavryv exov9 J 
vTT€pßohr]v, a irapa ra>v &\*.a>v 
%v irap 1 eicdcrrwv x a ^ e ' ir ^ t/ ^crt haße7v, 
raid' oiiravTa Trap' avrrjs pdfiiov eJvai 
iropioraaOcu. Though Corinth was 
the chief place of transit, yet the 
Piraeus was the most important 
market for foreign goods. 

4 At least one of those public 
establishments mentioned in the Ex- 
cursus on The Hetarce was in the 
Piraeus. Aristoph. Pax, 165 : iv 
Ueipaiei irapa. reus irdpvais. So 
Suidas : KepapeiicoL 5vo t6ttoi 'A0^- 
vycnv. iv Se rep iripep derr-fiKeierav at 
Tröpvai. Cf. Bekker, Anecd. Gr. i. 
p. 275. A third is mentioned, Steph. 
de Urb. : 2/ci'pos. "Eari Kal erepov 
"Snipov r6irov 'ArriKov . . . iv 8e rep 
r6ircp rovrep at ir6pvai iita9l£ovro. 



5 iEschin. in Timarch. 65 : e/c<£- 
drjro iv Tleipaiei iirl rov EvOvSIko* 
larpelov. 

6 Demosth. in Zenoth. p. 885: 
ecrrtv ipyaetri\pia fxox^peov av6pei>- 
ireav ffvveerrr\K6rwv iv rep Tletpaiet. 
From the context of which passage, 
compared with in Pantesn. 978, it 
appears that there was a regularly 
organised band of sharpers, who were 
in league with one another. Demosth. 
in Bmt. dvSp. p. 995, also calls it 
ipyaerr-fjpiov exvKoepavreav. 

7 Demosth. in Laer. 932 : otroi 
de irepieirdrovv iv rep Seiypari rep 
Tjfierepep, /cai ^uets irpoeriovres die\e- 
ydfieOa, K.r.X. Theophr. Char. 23 : 
'O Se aAafov roiovrSs ris, olos iv 
rep Aelyixari e<rr7]Ke\>s Siriyeiabu.. 
i-4vois, us TToKXa. xp'hl JLara «wt < ? 
iariv iv rrj Qdkdrrr). 



Scene HI.] THE AtfCESTKAL ABODE. 



45 



met with acquaintances, and was more than once tugged by 
the cloak from behind, 8 and affectionately greeted, Chari- 
cles, who had left the city when a boy, passed through the 
crowd unnoticed. Still he consoled himself with the hope 
that old acquaintanceships would speedily be renewed, and 
fresh ones made as well. 

Ctesiphon did not at first go to his lodgings ; having 
met his slave at the place of debarcation, he had dis- 
patched him home to await his arrival. He himself di- 
rected his steps to the Lyceion, where he reckoned on 
meeting a great number of his friends, preparing them- 
selves by gymnastics and the bath for the approaching hour 
of repast. Charicles accompanied him on his road. The 
house of his father's friend, to whose good offices he was 
indebted for his return, and to whom he was now going to 
pay his respects, abutted, as he understood, on the Itonian 
gate, near the Olympieion, so that the Phalerian road, 
which diverged to the right from the Long Walls, was no 
bad way for him to the city. 

How happy he felt at seeing the stream of the Ilissus, 
sacred to the Muses, which, though not deep, came cours- 
ing along, so pure and transparent in its hollow bed ! * Oh ! 
let us put off our sandals,' said he to his friend, c and 
lave our feet in the cool water as we walk along the 
stream. 9 I have often done so as a boy, when my peda- 
gogue let me stroll out beyond the Palaestra. Not far 
from hence is the place where, as the legend goes, Oreithyia 
was ravished by Boreas ; a sweetly pretty spot in sooth, 
and worthy to have been the play-ground of the royal 



8 This -was the common method of 
attracting the attention of one -with 
whom a person wished to speak. 
Plato, de Bepub. i. p. 327, also speak- 
ing of the Piraeus : nal pov oTnadtv 6 
trais KaßS/ifvos rod {uartov, K.r.\. 
So also ib. p. 449 : 6 8e Uo\4fj.apxos . . . 
iKTcivas tV X 6 'P a K <ä \aß6fj.evos 
rov lfiar(ov &vco6ev avrod irapa top 



S>fxov. Plaut. Epid. i. 1, 1 : ' Quis pro- 
perantem me prehendit pallio ?' And 
Appul. Met. ii. p. 120 : 'a tergo arri- 
pens eum lacinia prehendit.' 

9 Plato, Pheedr. p. 229. The value 
of such pictures is much enhanced by 
their extreme rarity. 



46 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene III. 



maid. 10 Look where that big platanus yonder rears its 
leafy head high above its fellows ; that was ever my 
favourite spot. That noble tree with wide-spread arms, 
and round it the shady bushes of agnus castus, whose 
blossoms till the air with fragrant odours; the lovely 
spring of freshest water that runs in front of the platanus ; 
the cool quivering of the air so peculiar to the place ; the 
summer-song of the cicadse chanting in innumerous choirs ; 
and above all, the tall luxuriant grass, affording so soft a 
couch to those who seek repose : — every thing, in short, 
unites to render the spot the loveliest retreat that can be 
imagined.' 11 

6 Strange man,' said Ctesiphon ; 6 why, you speak as if 



Plato, ibid. 

11 "We should hardly credit that 
so sentimental a picture of this lovely 
spot belonged to the antique ; but 
these are in fact the very words which 
Plato puts into the mouth of Socrates ; 
ibid. 230 : tV "Kpav, icaX-i) ye y 
Karaywyf], 7) re yap irXaravos avrt] 
fxd\a afj-cpiXaxp^s re not v\pr]X^, rov 
re &yvov rb vtyos Kal rb gvgkiov 
TvayKaXov Kal ws aKfXT]V e% €t T V 5 
&u07)s, as av evwSeffrarov irapexoi 
rbv rSwov. H] ye o3 KT\y^] x^P^crarrj 
virb T7)s irXardvov pet /xd\a tyvxpov 
vdaros, %>s ye r$ tto§\ reK/xiipaffdai. 
vvfxcpwv re rivwv Kal 'A^eAcSou Upbv 
äirb ruu Kopav re Kal äyaXfidrcou 
eoiKev elvai. ei 8' ad ßov\ei rb ev- 
TTVovv rov rdirov ws ayairi)r6v re Kal 
(Tcpodpa 7j8v. Qepivdv re Ka\ Xiyvpbv 
u7r7}X« T V rerrlywv X°PV' "navruv 
8e Ko/j.\p6rarov rb rrjs irSas, '6ri eu 
r)pe[j.a irpocrdvrei iKav^] irecpvKe na- 
ranhivevri r)]v Ke<paK)\v Trayicdhws 
e%eiv. No doubt it is true, as Müller 
{Handb. d. Arch'dol. p. 445) observes, 
that the Greek mind was not much 
addicted to the romantic contempla- 
tion of nature ; and certainly no 



author of the better age nas even 
attempted to portray a landscape; 
and this well agrees with the utter 
neglect of landscape-painting, which 
was never attempted till a very recent 
period, and then never rose to medio- 
crity. The Greeks wanted that deep 
and warm perception of the charms 
of inanimate nature which is so uni- 
versal in our time ; and it is clear 
that Plato's enthusiasm for natural 
scenery was looked on as strange and 
uncommon by the ancients. Hence 
the above passage is frequently al- 
luded to ; even by Strabo, ix. 1, 24 ; 
and the matter-of-fact Plutarch seems 
to have not liked it at all. Amat. 1 : 
&<pe\e rov \6yov rb vvv e-^pv eiroiroiajv 
re XetfjLwvas Kal <TKias, Kal a/j.a Kir rov 
re Kal XdKKuv diadpo/xas, Kal tiffa &\\a 
roiovruv rSircov eirihaßSfxevoL y\L- 
Xovrai rbv UXdrwvos 'iXicrabv Kal 
rbv &yuov eKetuov, Kal r\}v ripe/na 
ivpoo'dvrT] 7T(W trecpvKv'iav, irpoQv- 
/xSrepov KaXXiov iirtypdcpeo'dai. 
Among the few other passages be- 
traying a more genial sense of the 
delights of nature may be mentioned 
Nubes, 1005, quoted infra, note 13 ; 
and Sophoc. (Ed. Col. 16. See also 



Scene HL] THE ANCESTRAL ABODE. 



47 



I were a stranger to whom you must describe the beauties 
of the place. Do you suppose that all this is not as well 
known to me as to you, and that I have never set foot 
beyond the city- walls ? ' 12 

c Pardon me,' said the youth. 4 My father early ac- 
customed me to derive innocent pleasure from the joys 
which nature offers : to revel in the spring-tide in the 
odour of the blossoms, in the silver-dashed leaves of the 
poplar, in the whispering of the elms and platanus. 13 The 
recollection of the blissful hours that I whiled away in 
such- like joys, and beneath yon platanus, made me forget 
that my description was unneeded by you. And yet,' 
he added, £ there are many people, who the live-long 
vear do nothing but jostle about in the throng of human 
oeings, and have no sympathy for all these beauties, or 
rather, have no notion that they exist.' 

Engaged in conversation such as this, they reached the 
neighbourhood of the Itonian gate, where Charicles parted 
from his friend, in search of Phorion's house, while 
Ctesiphon pursued his way to the G-ymnasium. They had 
agreed to meet next morning in the market-place, by the 
tables of the money-changers, whither Charicles was called 
by his own pecuniary affairs. 



The house of Phorion lay in an out of the way place, 
not far from the city-wall ; its outside looked as gloomy 
and uninviting as the owner himself was by common 



Humboldt's Cosmos, Vol. ii. § 1. It is 
absurd to suppose, as some have done, 
that Plato was ridiculing the line, 
Horn. II. ii. 307 : 

Ka\fj virb irX.aTavC<TT<p, oQev peev ayAabv 
vStop. 

12 The answer of Phsedros, in 
Plato i ibid. 



13 Cf. the Parsenesis of the Altcaios 
\6yos. Aristoph. Nub. 1005 : 

äAA' eis f A.Ka8r)iJ.ia.v Karitav vnb t<us fiopt- 

at? a7ro0pe£eis, 
<TTe#ai/w<rap.ej/os KaKayna \ev«S pera crw- 

</>p01/OS i)\lKUtiTOV, 

ayxtAaKO? o£W <al anpayixoavvris, Kal Aev- 

ktjs (/>uA\oj3oA.ou<njs, 
^pos ev wpa xa'pwc, OTrÖTav nkaravos 7rre- 

\eq \j/t9vpC£xi' 



48 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene in. 



report described to be. Charicles had already learnt from 
his friend that this man was generally supposed to be very 
rich, but at the same time inordinately stingy. From the 
account that had reached him of his moody disposition and 
eccentricities, he did not look forward to an over friendly 
reception ; still he remembered that Phorion was formerly 
an intimate friend of his father, and that it was he who 
had now — if not personally, at all events indirectly, and 
by a considerable pecuniary sacrifice 14 — obtained per- 
mission for him to return from exile. And above all, a 
common friend, in Syracuse, of Phorion and his father, 
had given him letters containing the strongest recommen- 
dations ; 15 so that there could not possibly be any one in 
Athens w aom he had such cogent reasons for visiting. 

In a snop near the gate stood an aged crone, of whom 
Charicles enquired if she could show him the house of 
Phorion. 16 6 To be sure I can,' she replied, £ he lives hard 
by. D'ye see the windows yonder, overlooking the gate, 
and the house-door, beside which the two Hermse stand ? 
That's his house. But if you are going to visit him as a 
guest, I would advise you first to look after some supper 
for yourself, and fodder for your horse.' 17 4 Why so ? ' said 



14 That a free use of the purse was 
the successful method of procedure 
in such cases, appears from Xenoph. 
de Bepubl. Athen. 3, 3 : \£yov<ri Se 
rives, tfv Tis apyvpiov i%(av irpoo-fy 
irpbs ßov\i]v Srj/jLov, xp*?i tiOTte ' TC "' 
iyk 8e roirois 6jxo\oyi\<Tai}j! Ixv, 
curb XPW& TWV noWa diairpdrreffdai 
'A6^vri<ri. 

15 Such letters of introduction 
were not uncommon. "We have an 
instance in the seventh letter of Iso- 
crates, p. 607, which contains such 
a recommendation. AvroKpdrup yap 
6 ra ypaixfiara <pepwv olicelws rj/MV 
€X6i . . .dia 8)j ravra irdvra ßov\oLixt]v 



(TvfKpepdvrws a/xcporepois Vfuv, Kai 
yeveadai (pavepov, '6ri fxzpos ri Kal 
5t' ifxe ylyverai ra>v Seovrcov abrq. 
Cf. Lucian, Asin. 1 : ypa^ara 5e 
airy iK6(jLi£ov olnoOev, Sitxre olnrjaai 
Trap* avr$. 

16 After Appul. Met. i. 65. 

17 Lucius gives the same advice, 
Lucian, Asin. 3. It was not thought 
necessary that the host should provide 
his stranger-guest with board as well 
as lodging, though he usually sent 
him presents of provisions, £evia. 
Vitruv. vi. 7, 4 : ' Nam cum fuerunt 
Graeci delicatiores et fortuna opulen- 
tiores hospitibus advenientibus in- 



ScEtfE HL] THE ANCESTRAL ABODE. 



49 



Charicles, not loth perhaps to glean some particulars con- 
cerning the character of the man. 4 Isn't Phorion rich ? ' 
4 Rich enough, I believe ye,' said the woman ; 4 but not so 
rich as he is stingy ; and besides he'll hardly admit an 
Athenian to his house, much less a foreigner. But there 
are reasons for that.' 4 And what are they?' asked Cha- 
ricles curiously. 4 Because,' said she, 4 he possesses the 
Hermes- wand, 18 and is all day seeking for hidden treasures 
by spells and divination. But it is easy to see from his 
looks that riches so gotten bring him no good, 19 for, with 
all his treasures, he leads a wretched life. His children 
are dead, and he scarcely dares put his head out of doors 
by day ; and at night, they say, he skulks about the house 
guarding his buried hoard, with his eye on the party-wall 
that separates his house from the next, for fear of burg- 
lary, and is so timorsome that the slightest noise frightens 
him out of his wits, and he even takes the pillars of 
his house for thieves.' 20 4 But,' said Charicles, 4 1 fancy 
having heard that Phorion was not once in such ill-odour?' 



struebant triclinia, cubicula, cum 
penu cellas, primoque die ad ccenam 
invitabant, postero mittebant pullos, 
ova, olera, poma, reliquasque res 
agrestes.' These presents were also 
sent by other acquaintances, besides 
the host. Appul. Met. ii. p. 15. 

18 Manifold miracles were ascribed 
to the Hermes-wand, a magic rod, 
whose virtues found acceptance with 
many. rovr' eo~ri rb rod 'Ep/xov 
paßdiov ov 6e\eis, (prjalv, atyai, Kal 

\ xp vff °dv eo-rai. Arrian, Epict. Diss. 
iii. 20. Cf. Cic. Off. i. 44. 

19 The belief implied in the pro- 
verb, 'Ill-gotten goods never pros- 
per,' prevailed also among the an- 
cients. This prohibited wealth in- 
cluded hidden treasure taken up by 
one not a descendant of the person 



who buried it. So Plato, Leg. xi. 
913 : a fir] tcare&ov (ii) aveAr). Heliod. 
Mthiop. v. 5 : rovrwv <rvyKeifi4v(ov 
avebvovro rod o~in)ha'iov KeifirjAluv fxev 
&AAwv rwv evairoKeifxevwv ouSevbs 6i- 
ySvres ' rbv yap airb GvAwv irAodrov 
ßeßrjAov ihoKijxaQov. 

i0 Lusian, in his humorous piece, 
Somnium seu Gallus, 29, makes Mi- 
cyllos enter the abode of Simon, a rich 
miser, by night, when he is sleeplessly 
guarding his treasures. Simon says, 
SeSia yovv,pd\ ris wropv^as rbv rolx°v 
vcpeArjraL ravra. . . airacrav TrepieifMi 
Siavaaras iv KvnAcp rr}v oiKiav . . ris 
ovros ; opu ae ye, S> roixu>pvx*-> 
Ai'cr iirel kIwv ye &v rvyxaveis, eZ 
exet. Cf. Moliere's L'Avare, Act iv. 
sc. 7 : 'Quiest-ce? Arrete. Kends- 
moi mon argent, coquin. — Ah, c'est 
moi.' 



50 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene III. 



£ Stingy lie ever was,' rejoined the crone, 4 but it is only 
for about the last five years that he has been as he now 
is. 'Twas then he bought the house of a burgher, who 
had to leave the town, and in this, so folks say, he found 
a great treasure, hidden under a statue of Hermes that 
stood in the court-yard, 21 and since then he has never 
ceased grubbing for new treasures.' These words mani- 
festly disturbed Charicles. Five years ! just so long ago 
had his father's house been sold, and such a statue stood 
actually in the court. Could Phorion be the possessor of 
the mansion, and really have become master of the wealth 
which had perhaps been hidden by some ancestor of the 
family ? He thanked the woman, and hastened to become 
acquainted with Phorion, who now assumed a much greater 
importance in his eyes. 

The portrait drawn of him by the crone, contained 
that usual quantum of exaggeration with which the lower 
orders talk of the faults of those who chance to be in 
better circumstances than their neighbours. Moreover, 
Phorion certainly gave cause sufficient for such reports, 
for though rich, he lived in a house, large enough, it is 
true, but of excessively shabby exterior ; and though he 
had hundreds of slaves, who worked for him as handy- 
craftsmen, chiefly in the mines, he kept but a single male 
domestic, who, together with a cross-grained porter, and 
a solitary maid, completed his household. 22 He was never 
seen abroad but on business, either going to the tables 
of the money-changers, or into the bazaars of the Piraeus, 
or to the courts of justice. He frequented none of the 
customary places of amusement and resort, but stopped at 
home with locked doors, within which visitors could rarely 
obtain admission. 23 An elderly man, who lived with him, 



21 Lucian, Navig. 20 : avopoopvxOco 
Qr)<ruvpbs inrb rbp 'Ep/j-rjv rbv \lQivov, 
'6s Igtiv rjfjuu iv rfj av\fj, jxeSifxvoi 



22 Lucian, Asin. ], says of Hip- 
parchos, '6ri jxiav Oepdiraivau rpecpoi. 

23 Taken entirely from Plutarch's 
sketch of Nicias : ovre (rvvide'nryei 



Scene III.] THE ANCESTRAL ABODE. 



51 



was his only companion, and generally received the persons 
who desired speech with Phorion, excuse being made for the 
master of the house on the plea of pressing engagements, 
which prevented his appearance. 24 This man, according 
to popular belief, served Phorion as soothsayer at his fre- 
quent sacrifices, to direct him where to seek for hidden 
treasure, or, it might be, only to discover the most advan- 
tageous spots for sinking mines. 25 But, besides this, he 
passed for a man of profound learning, to whose care 
Phorion committed his well-stocked library, and his col- 
lection of choice works of art and of curiosities of all 
sorts ; for in such matters he was quite a connoisseur. The 
library was for those times considerable enough. In it 
were to be found not only the writings of the most re- 
nowned poets from Homer downwards, of whose works 
there were several copies, 26 — which, judging from their 
colour, and their wormeaten state, were of great antiquity 
— but also the compositions of the philosophers, orators, 
and historians. Artemi doros, so he was called, had bestowed 
much pains in obtaining fine and accurate copies, and, if 
possible, the autograph manuscript of the authors them- 
selves ; and he had really succeeded in getting from a frank- 
incense-dealer some comedies of Anaxandrides which the 
composer, not having obtained the price he demanded, had 



Tlv\ TtoV TTOXlTtoV, OVTS KOiVOXo- 

•yiais, ovre avvSi^fiepevcrecriv eVe- 
BaXXeu eavrbv, ovS' oXcos io~xd'Xa{e 
Tats roLavrais StaTCußats. . . . et Se 
firjb'ev eV koivw irparr^iv e%ot, Sucr- 
irp6o~odos i\v Ka\ SucreVreu/CTOS, oikov- 
pwu Kai KaTaKeKXeiffjjJvos. Nie. 5. 

24 Plutarch, ibid. : Ol Se (plxoi 
ro?s iirl Tals Bvpais (poirwfflV ivervy- 
Xavov Kai irapyTOvvTO (Tvyyvwjxi^v 
t%ziv, &>s Ka\ r6re Nt/ctou irphs Stj^o- 
cn'as xpei'as Ttvas /cal acxoAias ovros. 

25 See Plutarch, ibid. 4. Augury 
was often employed to discover hid- 



den hoards. Aves, 598 : 

tov? 6ri<ravpovg r' olvtoIs Sei'£ouo-', ovs oi 

rrpÖTepoL Karedeuro 
tS>v äpyvpiujv • oStoi yapl<ra<rL. Xeyovcrio'e 

Tot raSe tt6.vt<s<; • 
OvSei? olSev tov Orjo-avpbv tov ifj.bv, irkr]v el 

Tis ap' opvis. 

25 Lucian, adv. Indoct. 7, shows 
that people were not content with 
one copy of an author only : eVei Se 
eV to?s aXXois /cat tov "OfJ.r}pov iTrp'iu 
woXXaKis. See Excursus on Book- 
selling/ and Libraries. 

2 



52 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene III. 



destined for waste-paper. 27 Doubtless the good Phorion 
was occasionally imposed upon, and had some dearly- 
priced copy palmed off on him as a genuine autograph. 
Who could say whether those tragedies of Sophocles, this 
history of Herodotus, were from the authors' own hand ; 
or whether those mysteriously treasured-up strips were 
the remnants of the condemned writings of Protagoras, 
saved from the flames ; 28 and those eight rolls ! were they 
one of the copies which Demosthenes had made of the 
history of Thucydides, or were they all still in the pos- 
session of the rapid orator ? 

Equally valuable, in its way, was the collection of 
curious works of art, and of historic souvenirs. Among 
other things were to be seen the tablets of JEschylus, 
rescued from the unhallowed hands of Dionysios : 29 the 
stick with which Antisthenes was supposed to have me- 
naced old Diogenes, with similar curiosities. Beside these 
lay marvellous specimens of patience and ingenuity : tiny 



27 Chamseleon.ap. Athen, ix. p. 3 7-4 : 
TLiKpbs 5' &u rb r)9os (' Ava£av$plb~ris) 
ivolei Tt roLovrov ire pi tcls Kap.cpb'ias. 
ore yap [j.7] vikwt], Xaixßdv&v ISwicev 
els rbv Xißavarbv KaTareixelv Kai oi> 
/j.€Te<TKeva(ev &cnrep ol ttoXXol. 

28 This -was the first instance of the 
confiscation and public burning of a 
book, on account of its doubting the 
existence of the gods. Diog.Laert.ix. 
52 : Kai ra ßißXia avrov KareKavtrav 
ev tt} ayopa, vvb KrjpvKa avaSe^d- 
fxevoL irap' eKao~Tov rwv KeKTr\p.evu>v. 

29 Lucian, adv. Indoct. 15, re- 
lates of Dionysios the younger : 
Ovtos roiwv irvQ6jj.€vos, us eyye- 
Xarai (rpayadiav iroir\cras), to Al- 
o~xvXov ttv^'iov, els b eKelvos eypacpe, 
o~vv TroXXrj o-rrovdfj KTrjad/xeuos avTO 
CoeTO evQeos eaecrQai Kal Karoxos e/c 
tov irvj-lov. So also Neanthos had 



obtained by a bribe the putative lyre 
of Orpheus, preserved in the isle 
of Lesbos [ih. § 13). He also men- 
tions the prices which other relics 
of the kind had fetched : Kal rt vol 
rbv 'Opcpea r) Tbv Neavdov Xeyw, 
ottov Kal Kaff T)jxa.s avrovs eyevero 
Ti.s Kal en early, oljxai, os tov 

I 'Ettlktiitov Xvxvov tov ~2,tcclkov Ke- 
pajxeovv ovra Tpiax^&v SpaxfJ-uv 

: eirpiaro ; . . Xdes 5e Kal irpwriv aXXos 
TIS T7]V UpctiTeas tov KvviKOv ßaK- 
TT]piav. t)v KaTade/xevos rjXaro els 
Tb TTVp, TOXdvTOV KCLKelvos eTrpiaTO. 

Doubtless in Lucian's time this^rc- 
chant was more frequent than in 
Alexander's ; but when the Tegeates 
showed as valuable Keifx-ffXia the skin 
of the Calydonian boar, and the 
Thebans the bones of Geryon, it may 
well be conjectured that at an earlier 
date private persons indulged in such 
tastes. 



SCHRE m.' 



THE ANCESTRAL ABODE. 



53 



little works in ivory, among which, was a chariot and four 
which a fry might cover with its wings ; while an ant, the 
size of life, and a sesame-corn, on which, in golden letters, 
two lines of Homer were inscribed, attracted particular 
attention. 30 Delicate objects of wax-work appeared to be 
the owner's especial hobby : for in these the collection was 
richest ; the fruits of numerous kinds, in form and colour 
closely imitating nature, were wonderful efforts of art. 31 
On things like these Phorion lavished considerable sums, 
whereas in other respects his mode of life was simple in 
the extreme, indeed so much so, that he was accounted 
miserly by those who were not aware how often he por- 



30 These fwcpa epya of the artists 
Callicrates and Mvrmecides axe re- 
peatedly mentioned. See Sillig. Catal. 
Ariif. Their precise date is unknown, 
though they probably flourished to- 
ward the end of the Alexandrian era. 

3 ' Tor some account of the ancient 
wax-work, consult Böttiger' s Sabina. 
His error of supposing wax-work 
chaplets to be alluded to in Martial, 
has been pointed out in Gallus.^. 363. 
That the art of working in wax {kt\- 
poTr\a(TTiK7), Poll. vii. 165), was ex- 
tensively practised, is beyond dispute. 
Thus a Cupid modelled in wax is 
mentioned by Anacreon (x. 1 ), and the 
term KripoTrXacnris occurs in Plato, 
Tinueiis, p. 7±, and Kr)porexm]s in 
Anacr. t. 9. Cf.Cic. Verr.\v.\Z, fin- 
gere e cera. Fruit, and the like, was 
often imitated (Diog. Laert.vii. 177), 
for instance pomegranates (Arrian. 
Diss. Epict. iv. 5), or apples (Athen, 
vii. p. 254; Lamprid.i£?/jc<^.2ö). But 
that the art was universal, and indis- 
pensable on account of the symbolic 
festival of Adonis, as Böttiger sup- 
poses, will be difficult to prove. He 
andCorsini are wrong in placing that 
festival between winter and spring, as 
they conjecture from Plutarch, Nie. 



1 3 , The departure of the fleet, there 
mentioned, did not take place till sum- 
mer, as appears from Thucyd. vi. 30 : 
depovs p.ecrovvros rjde 7] avayuyi] iyi- 
yvero. And this tallies with Plato. 
Vhcsdr. 276 : wSrepa o-irooBrj av depovs 
els 'ASuviBos ktittovs apav xaipoi. So 
also Theophr. Hist. Plant, vi. 7 : eV 6a- 
TpaKOLS 5e, wairep ol ASaJviSos ktjttoi, 
airetperai rov Oepovs. The season of 
thefestivalbeing summer, andnotthe 
end of winter, the imaginary necessity 
for the use of wax-fruits entirely dis- 
appears, though waxen images of 
Adonis may have been used. That 
these were employed seems probable 
from Plutarch, supra: koI irpovKeiro 
irotäaxödiTrjSTroXeoL'S eföwXaicai raocu 
irepi avrd. Lastly, the Xenia of Mar- 
tial are groundlessly supposed by Böt- 
tiger to have been wax-fruits ; if the 
poet really intended artificial fruits, 
they were most likely of clay. Cf.Plin. 
xxxv. 12.45; andPetron.68: 'Mira- 
bar, inquam, nisi omnia ista sunt de 
strunto (sic), aut certe de luto: vidi 
Eomae Saturnalibus ejusmodi cce- 
narum imaginem. Cf. Mart.xiv. 1S2 : 

Ebrins txsec fecit terns, puto, monstra Pro- 
metheus, 
Saturnalitio lusit et ipse luto. 



54 



CHAEICLES. 



[SCEJ*E III. 



tioned the daughters of poor burghers, or remitted the 
payment of money lent to persons in distress. 

Charicles had arrived at the door of the house, and 
knocked pretty sharply with the copper ring. 32 It was 



32 Although the house-door was 
not locked in the day-time, still no- 
body thought of entering without 
previously tapping, or otherwise an- 
nouncing himself, and waiting for 
permission to enter. Plutarch, Cimon, 
17 *. Kal yap Qvpav K6tyavras aXXo- 
rpiav, ovk eltfievai irpSrepov, r) rbv 
Kvpiou KeXevcrai. De Curios. 3 : Kcu- 
roi jj.7) KS^avrd ye Qvpav eis oiKiav 
b.WoTp'iav ov vofx'i^erai TrapeXQeiv. 
Xenoph. Symp. 1. 11 : ^'lXi-kitos S 5 «5 
yeXuroiroibs K.povaas rrjv Qvpav elite 
t&j viraKovjavTi elffayyelXai offris 
re eir). The usual method was to tap, 
except among the Spartans, who 
called out. Plutarch, Inst. Lac^ 31: 
eQos r)v avrois [A7i$e Koirreiv ras 
avXeiovs Ovpas, aXX' e^wOev ßoav. 
See also Eurip. Phoen. 1067 ; Iphig. 
in Taur. 1267 ; andPlautus, passim. 
The expression for tapping is kStttclv, 
though the Attic writers, Xenophon 
for instance, sometimes use Kpoveiv, 
but hardly KporeTv, which the gram- 
marians pronounce unattic. The 
word ipocpe7v was used of the noise 
made on opening the door to go out. 
Lucian, Solaec. 9 : Kal el ris ye vvv 
xpocpolr) rrjv Qvpav elffiwv, r) e|tcbj/ 
k6tttoi, ri (pr)<T0fj.ev ere irenovdevai ; 
The generally received expla nat ion of 
the two last-mentioned words, and 
which has been adopted from the old 
grammarians, namely, that one was 
used of knocking outside, and the 
other inside, is very strange, and dis- 
agrees with what is known of the con- 
struction of the door. So Suidas : 
Kdrtrrw enl rxv e^wOev rrjv Qvpav 
Kpovovrav rb KOirreiv Xeyerai' eirl Se 
rwv caaQevtyo<pe?v. luavws 8e SieareiXe 



rovro MevavSpos irrl jxev rwv efaQev Xe- 
ywv icSipw TTjvQvpav, iirlderuvecrwQev. 
öAA' k^i64>t]K.e Trjf Ovpav ris efioii'. 

Cf. Helladius, Chrest p. 25. He 
informs its that the doors anciently 
opened outwards, and that a person 
tapped before going out for fear of 
jostling anyone without: QvQev yap 
aiirds dvarpeirovres evSoQev efyjeaav. 
irp6repov §e rfj X €l P^ ^ocpov eirojovv 
tcpovovres eirl t£ yv&vai rovs enl 
rwv QvpSiV Kal (pvXal-acrQai, fir] irXr}- 
yels ecrrws XaQy rwv Qvpav wQovfiev- 
wv depvw. This explanation, like so 
many others, appears merely to have 
been invented to explain an obscure 
phrase. The word seems never used 
to denote an intentional knocking; 
thus we either have r) Qvpa ipu(pe7, or 
\po<pe? ris e^idov, or thirdly, \po<pe? tls 
ttjv Qvpav. Now, as is shown in the 
Excursus on The House, for the door 
to open outwards, was an exceptional 
case, and this would invalidate the 
generality of the explanation of Hella- 
dius. Again, the phrase often occurs 
wh^re an intentional noise would by 
all means have been avoided; thus 
when the lover creeps out at night, in 
Lysias, de Ccede Erat. p. 20, we read : 
'6tl iv eKelvT] rrj vvKrl e\p6<pei r) fxer- 
avXos Qvpa Kal r) avXeios. So also He- 
liod. Mthiop. i. 1 7. So that we must 
conclude that the grammarians laid 
down this distinction without any im- 
mediate knowledge of the matter ; so 
even Plutarch, Popl. 20 : ras 5e 'EA.- 
XriVLKas [Ovpas) rrp6repov ovrws e^eu/ 
airdffas Xeyovcriv (eKrbs avoiyofxevas), 
airb tü3v Kccfiwdiwv Xafißdvov- 
res, '6rt kStttovo-i Kal tyo<pov<ri ras 
avrwv Ovpas eacoQev ol irpoievai jxeX- 



Scexe HL] 



THE ANCESTRAL ABODE. 



55 



some time before the porter came and pushed back the 
bolt. And even then, he only opened the door a little, 
and seeing the youth in travelling costume, said grumpily, 
4 What d'ye want ? He's engaged.' With this he again 
closed the door. Charicles knocked a second time, but the 
slave, as he secured the fastenings inside, cried out, 4 Don't 
you hear ? he's not at liberty.' 33 4 But, my good man,' 
importuned the youth, 4 just tell your master that it is 
Charicles, the son of Charinos, with letters for him from 
Syracuse.' The slave went growling away. At last how- 
ever he returned, unfastened the door, and said in some- 
what more friendly tones, 4 Master will see you.' 

Phorion had just reclined, together with Artemidoros, 
to his frugal meal. He did not rise from the small table, 
on the entrance of Charicles, but offered his hand and 
saluted him warmly. The youth presented his credentials, 
which the other opened, having first carefully scrutinised 
the seal. £ You had no need of these recommendations,' 
said he, when he had read them. 4 1 had hoped to have 
seen your father again within these walls, but I learnt some 
days ago that his ashes repose in a foreign soil. His son 
is however not the less welcome on that account. You 
must content yourself with temporary quarters here, till 
you have rendered your father's house habitable.' 4 My 



Aoj/res. The reason why kotttci is 
always used of the person entering, 
and \po<pe? of the person going out, 
is, that the first must knock to he let 
in, -while the latter is only audible 
from the noise incidental to his open- 
ing the door to go out. This noise, 
$6(pos, is even made by those who 
enter after having knocked. Thus 
Plato, Symp. p. 212 : koX i^aicp^ris 
TTjv avXeiov Qvpav Kpovo\xkvr\v iroKvv 
$6<pov irapacrx^' an d Lucian, Dial. 
Mer. xii. : e/co^a 8' ovv, aX\' eirdpas 
rjpe/xa ti\v Qvpav . . . irapay ay wv rbv 
arpcxpea iraprjKdov 6.\po(p7]Tl. Metal 
rings were fixed on the door to tap 



with, as in Homer, the nopuvai. They 
were named poirrpa, also Kopaices. 
See Harpocr. poirrpov : and Posidip- 
pos. quoted by Pollux, x. 22 : Kopaia. 
Kpoieff 7] 6vpa. They were also called 
iirL(Tira<TTripes, or iiria-iraarpa, be- 
cause they also served to pull the 
door to from without. Lucian, Amor. 
1 6 ; Herod, vi. 9 1 . In Plutarch's time 
they appear to have become unusual. 
De Curios. 2 : aKXa vvv fxiv elai 
dvpupoi, iraKai 8e poirrpa Kpov6p.eva 
■jrpbs rats dipais oX(xQt]o-lv Tvap^x ei/ ' 

33 Plato, Protag. p. 314. 



56 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene HI. 



father's house ? ' said the youth, astonished. c You suppose 
it is sold, don't you ? ' replied Phorion. 4 Quite right ; and 
the precipitation of the banker, whom your father in the 
haste of his flight, charged with the sale, nearly prevented 
me from preserving for you the home of your fathers, and 
the shrine of jour household gods. 34 I heard, only just in 
time, that it was advertised for sale. I bought it ; it has 
been uninhabited ever since ; and I will restore it to you 
to-morrow, if you do not think the forty minae it cost me 
too high a price.' 

Charicles was overwhelmed with surprise and delight. 
4 Was this the language of such a man as Ctesiphon and 
the woman had described ? A suspicion certainly did flash 
across his mind, that he had purchased it for the sake of 
the treasure ; but if Phorion's intentions were really dis- 
honest, what could hinder him from continuing in possession 
of the mansion, which was perhaps of double the value 
mentioned ? He therefore thanked the old man with 
warmth, and expressed his willingness to repay the forty 
minse next day. 

6 Let my slave now conduct you to your apartment,' 
said Phorion, 'and thence into the bath, that you may 
come back and share our homely fare.' 

The apartment destined for the guest was in a smaller 
house abutting on the main building, with an entrance 
through the party-wall, and consequently, it afforded the 
convenience of retirement and quiet, without fear of inter- 
ruption. Charicles, however, only purposed to stay here 
till his own house could be made ready for his reception. 
With earliest morn he sprang from his couch, impatient 
beyond measure to see once more the dear scenes of his 
happy childhood. Phorion had expressed a wish to ac- 
company him. Charicles during the evening became more 
and more convinced that though the man's character was 
full of eccentricities, it in no way justified the unwarrant- 



See Excursus on The Grecian House. 



Scene III.] THE ANCESTRAL ABODE. 



57 



able reports in circulation about him. Still be was unable 
to rid himself entirely of his suspicions about the treasure. 
While conversing about his father's house, he could not 
suppress a query concerning the statue of Hermes : Pho- 
rion responded with ill-concealed confusion, and a smile 
flitted across the solemn lips of Artemidoros. Was it 
possible that the fellow was content with his rich boety, 
and now inteuded playing the magnanimous ? He was still 
sunk in cogitations like these, when his host's servant 
brought him bread and wine for breakfast, and announced 
that his master was ready to go out. Just dipping a few 
slices of bread into the wine, 35 Charicles hurried away with 
Manes to join Phorion, who was already on the threshold, 
and behind him a slave, bearing a sealed casket. 36 There 
was something mysterious about the man to-day, he spoke 
in monosyllables, and kept looking round at the slave, as if 
fearing to lose him. 

It was still very early, but the streets were already 
full of busy passengers ; — men, who wished to catch their 
friends at home, before they went out 37 — boys, who were 
on their way to school or the gymnasium, attended by 
their pedagogues — women and female slaves, who were up 
betimes to fetch water from the Enneacrynos 38 — country-^ 
folks bringing their productions to market 39 — chapmen of 



35 This was the usual first break- 
fast, taken directly after rising, called 
aKparKT/xa. See Excursus on The 
Meals. 

36 The slave in attendance carried 
the money his master required. So 
Theophr. Char. 23, where the brag- 
gart, who pretends he wants to buy a 
carpet for two talents, scolds his slave 
for not having brought the money. 

37 Such visits were made in the 
earliest hours of the morning. Xe- 
noph. (Econ. 11, 14: 'Eyw roivvv 
at/iaraadai fxkv e'| euj/vjs etöio-fxai, 



rjv'iKa en tvüov KaraKajxßavoip.i, ei 
riva heSjizvos t'SetV rvyx^oifj.1. See 
also Plato, Protag. 311, where Hippo- 
crates calls Socrates before d ay-break, 
in order to pay Protagoras a visit : 
fjL^irw, S> 'yvadz, e'/ceTcre Xwfxev. irpw't 
yap iffriv aXXa, devpo i^avacrrco- 
fj.eu eis tt\v av\j]V, Kal irepiiovrss 
avTOv diaTplxl/w/iei/, ecos av (pws yi- 
vt)t<xi' e?Ta Iwfxtv. 

38 Aristoph. Lys. 327. See Ex- 
cursus on The Women. 

89 Plutarch, Arat. 8. See Excursus 
on The Markets and Commerce. 



58 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene III. 



all descriptions, preparing for the avocations of the day. In 
short, all was life and bustle the moment day broke. 

The two now rounded a corner of the Tripod-street, 
and in a few moments Charicles stood before the well- 
known house, and greeted the tutelar deities who guarded 
the entrance. The agyieus, formed in the antique fashion, 
like a cone, stood still unscathed ; the laurel, spreading its 
branches around, was also there, healthy and green as of 
yore, and vis-ä-vis was the head of a Hermes, decked by 
some passer-by with a chaplet and ribands, and which 
seemed to cast a benign look of welcome on the exile 
returned. Phorion, with his three-toothed key, 40 opened 
the door, whose creaking hinges told plainly that they 
were unaccustomed to revolve. Charicles strode with a 
sad kind of joy into the hall of the deserted mansion. The 
cell of the porter was empty ; rusty lay the chain of the 
watchful dog ; in the colonnades round the court, and in the 
open porticos of the andronitis, swallows had built their 
nests, and busy spiders wove their gossamer meshes about 
the capitals of the pillars. Grreen moss had begun to cover 
the passage-floors, and the vacant space was overgrown 
with rank grass. Here stood the statue of the god, who 
was reported to have guarded the hidden treasures ; but 
the pedestal, which supported it, seemed to the youth 
altered. Formerly, he thought, it sank a little deeper 
into the ground on one side, but now it appeared to stand 
level. He went nearer, to convince himself of the fact ; a 
change had evidently been made, for the red veins in the 
stone which used to face the entrance were now on the 
opposite side. 

Phorion had marked his astonishment, and apparently 
guessed what thoughts were passing in his bosom. With 
friendly earnestness he drew nigh and grasped the youth's 
hand. 41 6 Have you too, perchance, heard the report, that 



40 See Gallus, p. 283 : clavis Laco- 
mca. 



41 Seizing the hand was considered, 
even in Homer's time, as a token of 
great friendship and familiarity : tv t 



Scene III.] THE ANCESTRAL ABODE. 



59 



the god kept watch over hoards concealed beneath his 
feet ? ' Charicles replied by an embarrassed silence. 4 The 
report did not lie, 5 continued Phorion. 4 When I purchased 
this mansion, hoping to restore it to your father at some 
time or other, I perceived that the base of the statue was 
leaning to one side, and its fall was imminent. I caused 
it to be removed, and discovered underneath a pot con- 
taining two thousand staters of the purest gold. Thus,' 
said he, as he took the heavy casket from the slave, 4 thus 
I restore thee the sum, which some forefather of thy family 
buried, in the hope, no doubt, that it would be found by 
some one of his descendants.' 

Surprise and shame prevented Charicles from replying. 
4 Full well I know,' proceeded Phorion, 4 what's the talk 
of the town ; but heaven forefend that I should put finger 
on moneys that never belonged to ancestor of mine. Never 
will I pray the gods to disclose to me such treasures, nor 
will I have aught to do with the soothsayers, who would 
advise me to take up what has been entrusted to the lap 
of earth ; for could the riches so gained ever compare in 
worth with the cheerful consciousness of integrity, and of 
nobility of soul ? Could I prize wealth before the peace of 
mind resulting from honesty ? ' 42 4 Excellent man ! ' ex- 
claimed Charicles, tears of emotion standing in his eyes, 
4 how like a deity do you appear to me ! You recall 
me to my native land, you install me in my paternal abode, 
which I had given up for lost, and deliver to me faith- 



&pa ol cpv x ei p' L - Cf. Antiph. de Cho- 
reut. p. 785. It was a captatio bene- 
volently, as prensare was with the 
Romans. Xenoph. deBepub. Athen. 
i. 18 : Kai avTißoKrjffai auajKOL^erai 
iu to?s diKao~Trip'iois Kal elaiSuros 
rod iiriXa/j-ßdueo-dai tt/s %cipos. 

42 A translation of the beautiful 
passage in Plato, Leg. xi. 913. So, 
' What should it profit a man though 
he gain the whole world and lose his 



own soul ? ' The above is not the only 
passage in a profane writer, breathing 
forth ideas of morality, which are 
often thought peculiar to Christianity. 
Cf. Plaut. Irin. i. 2, and v. 2, 4. 

Si quid amicum erga bene feci, aut consului 
fldeliter, 

Nonvideormeruisselaudeni : culpa car uisse 
arbitror. 

Nam beneficium, homini quod datur pro- 
prium, pro suo sumpserit : 

Quod datum utend um est, id repetundi copia 
est, quando velis. 



60 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene III. 



fully the riches that were hidden in the darkness of the 
earth.' 'May the gods grant you to inhabit the house 
with more luck than your father!' said the old man. 
£ Now go and look about you, and give orders for its 
restoration. Should you want my council or help, come 
to me ; but not a word of what has passed between us.' 
Thus saying, he squeezed the youth's hand, and withdrew 
with the slave. 

Charicles stood for a long time, as if in a dream, be- 
fore the image of the god, at whose feet he had deposited 
the sealed casket : full of admiration of the noble-minded 
man, and of shame for his own suspicions, and on the 
other hand full of joy, at having not only recovered his 
father's mansion, but also increased his property so mate- 
rially. At last he awoke from his reverie, and commenced 
a survey of the house. Passing through the middle door, 
he entered the apartments of the women. Here was his 
mother's parlour ; there the saloon, where by the light of 
the lamps he had played, amidst the circle of females, at 
the feet of his nurse, or had listened to her tales. Deep 
melancholy seized him, at the desolation that reigned 
around, and at finding himself alone in the spacious cham- 
bers. He determined to purchase some slaves, and other 
necessary appliances, without loss of time. Moreover it 
was now time to go to the market, to find Ctesiphon, and 
the banker to whom he was recommended ; he therefore 
gave the casket of gold to Manes, and bid him follow him. 



61 



SCENE THE FOURTH. 



THE TKAPEZITiE. 

THE market-place was filling fast when Charicles enter- 
ed it. Traders had set up their wattled stalls all 
over it, with their goods exposed on tables and benches. 
Here the female bakers had piled up their round-shaped 
loaves and cakes, and were pursuing with a torrent of 
scolding and abuse the unlucky wight who happened, in 
passing by, to upset one of their pyramids. 1 There sim- 
mered the kettles of the women, who sold boiled peas and 
other vegetables ; 2 in the crockery-market, hard by, the 
pot-men were descanting on the goodness of their wares. 
A little way off, in the myrtle-market, chaplets and fillets 
were to be sold, and many a comely flower-weaver re- 
ceived orders for garlands, to be delivered by her in the 
evening. 3 All the wants of the day, from barley-groats 
up to the choicest fish, from garlick to the incense of the 
gods ; clear pure oil, and the most exquisite ointments ; 
fresh-made cheese, and the sweet honey of the bees of Hy- 
mettus ; cooks ready to be hired ; slaves, male and female, 



1 Philocleon when drunk offends 
in this manner, though he gets out of 
the scrape pretty easily. Aristoph. 
Vesp. 1389. These ladies, however, 
had, on occasion, a perfect Billings- 
gate vocabulary at command. Banes, 
857 : \oidopeio~9ai wairep aproird>\idas. 

2 As at Eome inferior articles of 
diet, as tepidum cicer, tomacula, &c. 
were sold hot to the lower classes 
(Gallus, p. 465, &c), so it was also at 
Athens. SeeLysist. 560, where Phyl- 
archos buys XtKiQov, pease-porridge, 
irapa ypa6s. See Excursus on The 
Markets and Commerce. The sau- 



sage-dealers also sat in the market. 
Equit. 1246. 

3 Chaplets were either sold ready- 
made, in the market, or orders were 
given forthem there, for the symposia. 
Plutarch, Arat. 6 : Kai /xerä /xiKpbv 
kwpa.ro tqüv oIkgtwv avrov di ayopas 
6 jxev arecpdvovs <pepwv, 5 8e Aa/nird- 
das wvov/mevos, 6 8e ro?s elöia/xet/OLS 
irapa ivorov tyaWeiv Kai av\e?v yv- 
valois Sia\€y6fxevos. See Aristoph. 
Thesmoph. 458 ; and Anthol. Pal. v. : 

'H ra poöa, poSoea-aav «?x«5 X° L P lv ' "AAä tL 
(ravrrjv 17 7 a p68a, f/k awa/A<f>ÖTepa ; 



62 



CHARJCLES. 



[Scene IV. 



to be sold, — each and all were to be found at their cus- 
tomary stands. There were others, who went about cry- 
ing their wares, while every now and then a public crier 
crossed the ground, announcing with stentorian voice the 
arrival of some goods to be sold, or the sale of a house, or 
perhaps a reward for the apprehension of a robber or a 
runaway slave. 4 Slaves of both sexes, as well as free-men, 
kept walking up and down, bargaining, and inspecting the 
stalls, in search of their daily requirements. Some too 
lingered, longer than seemed necessary, near a pretty shop- 
woman ; or approached some fruiterer's basket, and com- 
menced a friendly chat, under cover of which, while some 
person was buying, or having a drachma changed, they 
would pilfer the fruit. 5 

The fish-market bell was just ringing as a signal 
that the hour of business had arrived, and forthwith all 
streamed in that direction, to lose no time in completing 
this all-important purchase. The way to the money- 
changers led Charicles directly across this part of the 
market. And it was truly amusing to behold how the 
eager buyers tried all their arts of persuasion, to move 
the hard-hearted dealers, who stuck doggedly to their 
prices. 6 What's the price of these two pike, if I take the 
pair ? ' asked a greedy gourmand in his hearing. ' Ten 
oboles,' answered the fishmonger, scarce deigning to look 
up. £ That's too much,' said the other. 6 You'll let me 
have them for eight, I'm sure ? ' 4 Yes, one of them,' was 
the reply. 'Nonsense,' said the would-be purchaser; 
c come, here are eight oboles.' 6 1 told you the price, sir ; 
and if you don't like it, you can go elsewhere,' 6 said the 



4 On the public criers, see note 4, 
Sc. xi. 

. 5 Theophr. Char. 1 1 : ir\r]9voi- 
G7)S t9\s ayopas irpoaeAOcbu irpbs ra. 
Kapva, ra /xvpra, ra. anpodpva, 
ecrrriKcbs rpayrifiari^crdaL a/xa t&j 
■KwXovvri irpocrXaXwv. So Lysisfratos 



gets change for a drachma in the fish- 
market ; Aristoph. Vesp. 788 : 

. . . Spa.-}(fx,riv ner' efxov irpSrjv \aßu>v 
e\9a>v StetcepLtaTL^eu ev rots l\Qv<ti. 

6 After Alexis, ap. Athen, vi. p. 
224. The passage is quoted in the 
Excursus on The Markets and Com- 
merce. 



( 



ScEXE IV.] 



THE TKAPEZITJ3. 



G3 



inexorable dealer, with the most perfect nonchalance. 
Such scenes as this were of frequent occurrence ; and 
Charicles would have liked to witness more of them, but 
that Manes was with him, bearing the important casket. 

In the arcade occupied by the trapezitce, he encoun- 
tered Ctesiphon, walking to and fro, and waiting for him. 
How delighted he would have been to communicate his 
good fortune to his friend, but the strange old man had 
straitly charged him not to mention it. Of course, the fact 
of his having repurchased his paternal abode could not be 
kept secret ; moreover, he felt it incumbent on him to un- 
deceive Ctesiphon, who shared in the common opinion with 
regard to Phorion. ' It is incomprehensible,' he remarked, 
in conclusion, 4 how a person, who is uprightness and 
magnanimity itself, could ever have obtained the reputa- 
tion of being a miser and usurer.' 

4 So goes the world,' said Ctesiphon. £ The many 
judge by external appearances, and thus the rogues are 
accounted patterns of virtue, whilst the motives of the 
upright man are misconstrued. When you met me, I 
was just indulging in a somewhat similar contemplation. 
Look yonder, under the portico, at that vinegar-faced 
man 7 with a long beard, who goes sneaking along by the 
wall, unshod, aping the Spartan fashion with his sorry 
cloak, 8 and seeming not to notice the bustle around him. 



7 BAeVetj/ vairv, KapSa/xa, or bpi- 
yavov, said of sour-looking persons. 
Equites, 631 : 

KaßXexJ/e väirv Kai tol ixeroiir' avia-rraae. 

It i s said also of an earnest and solemn 
aspect. Eustath. ad Iliad, xvi. 200 : 
4k rOvrwv Se TrapevexOevTes aWoi 
eypa^av eVi roiovroov av^puv ev- 
reXecrrepov rb ßKiireiv avrovs vairv, 
^ bpiyavov, ^yovv Spifisls stvai. 
Vesp. 453 : 

. . . iV etSrjfl olov ecrr* apSpwv rpöno<; 
b^vOvfj-oif /cat SiKaioiv Kai ßkenovTbiV Kap- 
Sa/xa. 

8 When Athens, after the Pelopon- 



nesian war, grew more effeminate and 
luxurious, certain persons affected to 
imitate the simplicity of Spartan man- 
ners andcostume, in contradistinction 
to Athenian habits ; this was called 
XaKoovi^iv, and the men AaKcovurrai. 
But like the imitators of Wallenstein, 
in Schiller's drama, they confined 
themselves solely to externals. Plato, 
Protag. p. 342 : nal ol fxh 3>rd re 
Kardyvvvrai fxifxovixevoi avrovs, teal 
tfiavras irepieiXi-rourai, Kal <pi\o- 
yvfxvao'rovo'i, Kai ßpaxe'ias avaßokas 
<$>opovo~iv, u>s 8$7 roiroLi nparovvras 
rwu 'EX\i)vav robs AaKeSaijuoviovs. 



64 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene IV. 



Would not any one take him for a model of manly earnest- 
ness, and pristine simplicity ? Yet, when he meets his 
associates by night in their haunt, I assure you that there 
is no possible abomination in which they do not indulge. 9 
Generally, indeed,' he continued, £ any one who wishes to 
know mankind will find it very instructive to walk up and 
down here, and make his observations. Look at that man 
advancing towards us, followed by three slaves. He looks 
proudly straight before him on the ground, to escape 
saluting any one ; his robe reaches to his very ankles, and 
more than one ring adorns his fingers ; he talks loudly 
with his slaves of silver goblets, drinking horns, and bowls, 
so that the passers-by may hear, and puffs himself out, till 
the city seems almost too small for him. 10 Now, who do 
you think he is ? A fellow of the meanest extraction, who 
has lately emerged from extreme indigence to great riches, 
and is now seen nowhere but in the arcade of the trapezitse. 
Not contented with his name, he has lengthened it by two 
syllables, and instead of Simon, calls himself Simonides, 11 



Plutarch, Phoc. 10 : 'Hi/ Se rts 'Ap- 
Xißidßys, iiriKaXovfxeuos AaKoovKTr^s, 
it&yusvd re KaOei/xevos inrepcpvrj /xeye- 
6ei Kal rpißwva (popwv del Kai GuvQpca- 
irafav. Cf. Demosth. in Con. p. 1267. 

9 Demosth. ibid. : eVeiSdi/ Se crv\- 
Xeyoocri Kal jiieT' dXA.77A.wj/ yevcavrai, 
KaKwv Kal oXo%pS>v ovSep iWe'nrovffi. 

10 The sketches here given derive 
their sole value from being literally 
taken from the Greek classic authors. 
It is interesting to notice such simi- 
larity between a Greek wrepycpaveia 
iiricpOovos and ve6ir\ovros, and an 
upstart parvenu of the present day. 
The purse-proud inflation of these 
fellows, -who are well characterised by 
Suidas under the proverb yzvvaioi e'/c 
ßaXavriov, is graphically pourtrayed 
by other writers also. Demosth. in 
Mid. p. 565 : Kal rpets clkoXovOous ^ 
rerrapas avrbs ix wv $ la rrjs ayopas 



ffoßei, Kvjxßia Kal pvra Kal (piaAas 
bvofj.äfav ovTcas, &<ttg rovs irapidvTas 
aKoveiv. And again, ibid. p. 579: y 
ttoAis avrbv ov x a P^- And Theophr. 
Char. 24 : (inreprfcpdvov) eV rais oSoh 
iropevofxevos fj.7] \a\e7v rots ivrvy- 
Xavovcn Karat K€Kv<pct>s. Cf. Be Falsa 
Leg. 442; Adv. Pantcen. 981 ; Aris- 
toph. Eccl. 631, and Nub. 362. The 
instance in the text is from Lucian, 
Somn. s. G-all. 14. Cf. idem, Quom. 
Hist, conscrib. 20 : ioiKaaiv oIkstt) 
ueoirXovrw, &pri rod SecrirSrov kAtj- 
povojxiiaavTi, *bs ouSe r^u iffdjjra oJSev 
a>s xph TrepißdWeaöai, oüSe Senrvri- 
oai Kara i>6^ov, k.t.A. Most likely 
Plato had a real instance in view, 
when he mentions the slave grown 
rich, who wishes to marry his master's 
daughter. De Eepub. vi. p. 495. 

11 Lucian, Somn. s. Gall. 14. The 
description of Simon suddenly ad- 



ScEtfE IV.] 



THE TRAPEZ IM. 



65 



just as if this made him a different man. Not long ago I 
saw him in sordid garments, carrying home somebody's 
marketing, for a trifling consideration; at present, he 
would be vastly indignant, if a badly dressed person 
presumed to address him. 12 Just cast your eyes to the 
right, on the haggard man in the fish-market, with black 
matted hair, who sidles about, not buying anything him- 
self, but watching everybody else ; he is a most dangerous 
sycophant and glides about the market like a scorpion, 
with his venomous sting all ready, spying out whom he 
may surprise with misfortune and ruin, and from whom he 
can most easily extort money, by threatening him with an 
action dangerous in its consequences. You won't see him 
speak or associate with any one, but, as the painters en- 
compass the shades of the wicked in Hades with the terrific 
phantoms of cursing and slander, of envy, discord, and 
strife, so also are his attendants. It is the very bane of 
our city, that it cherishes and protects this poisonous 
brood, and uses them as informers, so that even the honest 
man must flatter and court them, in order to be safe from 
their machinations.' 13 



vanced to wealth : tvayxos yovv iyto 
yikv iSkv irpoai6ura, Xcupe, e(pi]j/, 3) 
~S,ifj.(av. 6 5e ayavaKrqo'as, Ei7raTe, 
e<p7), 7$ tttwxVi hV naraC/xiKpuveiu 
fiov rovvofia.' ov yap ~2,l{j.wv, aAAa 
2^wj/i87js oyo/xd^ofjiai. 

12 The line of demarcation be- 
tween the different classes of society, 
was by no means so distinctly drawn 
among the Greeks, as it is in our days. 
Mechanics were to be seen in company 
with persons of higher station. Ly- 
sias, de Inval. 743, and the fragment 
of Plutarch, deAnim.: 'O 8e Nt/ccu/5£s 
i)j (TKvroTSfjLos, aWws 8e twv iu 
iraXaicrrpais yeyopSriov Ka\ iroXXois 
crvvi]6ris Kal yudopt/j.os. Some, how- 
ever, were foolish enough to be 
ashamed of knowing an inferior, and 



the poor man perhaps did not like to 
come near his betters, when in his 
shabby habiliments. Lucian, Somn. 
seu Gall. 9 : Kai iyw fihv irpoffenrcov av- 
tov, &o~Trep elwOeiv, SecrirSTrjV airri\- 
KarT6jX7)v, cos fj.i] KaTaio~xvvaifJu av- 
tov, iu irevixp<? T<p rpißcoui ffvfi- 
TrapojxapTuiv. 

13 The description of the syco 
phant is from Demosth. in Anstog. 
p. 786 : Tropeverai Siä rrjs ayopas, 
Zbcrirzp 6(pis § (TKopirios, 7]pKo)>s rb 
Kivrpov, a.TTOov 5eupo /cd/ceio"e, o~ko- 
irG/V t'ivl ^v/xcpopav, $ ß\ao~<p7HAiai>, 
tcaitSv Ti TTpoarpityaiisvos Kal Kara- 
arrjcras ds <p6ßov apyvpiov 7r/>a|- 
eraf' ot>Se Trpoo"<poira irp6s ri rov- 
nrwv tS>v £v TTf ir6\ei Kovpeloov 3) 
/jLvpoTTwhe'ioov. . . /tieö' 5>v 5' oi (coypd- 



66 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene IV. 



c It is no doubt a great reproach to Athens,' said 
Charicles ; 6 but do you know what is more strange to my 
eye than all the persons you have pointed out? Those 
striplings there, lounging about among the unguent-girls. 
Only look how coxcombically and affectedly they strut 
about, as loose as if their necks were broken ; how they 
sprawl out their hands for the purpose of gently titillating 
their heads with the tips of their fingers, or of carefully 
arranging their hair, the blackness of which was most 
likely purchased in the market here. To me, nothing is 
more nauseous than a young man with such a woman's 



<poi tovs a(feße7s ypdcpovtrw iu"Ai5ov, 
fierct tovtuv, ju,€t' apas Kai ßXac- 
<pf]fj.ias, Kai <p96vov, Kai arrdtTews, 
Kai veiKovs irepL4pxerai. This fearful 
nuisance of sycophancy, (on the ety- 
mology of the word, see Pint. Sol. 24, 
and Athen, iii.p. 74,) inseparable as 
it was from a democracy like that of 
Athens, demands a few words here. 
TheAthenians coincided with Cicero's 
opinion respecting Rome (pro Eosc. 
Amer, 20) : ' Accusatores mnltos esse 
in civitate utile est,ut metu continea- 
tur audacia.' The state desired to have 
them, and rewarded their services, at 
least indirectly. Consequently there 
were persons who ostensibly obtained 
a livelihood as hired informers, but 
whose chief gains were derived from 
the hush-money they extorted. De- 
mosth. in Necsr. 1359 : ob yap ttw fju 

pjjTWp, dXA.' 6Tt 0-VKO<paVTT}S TO>V 

irapaßcH&vTwv irapa to ßrjfJ.a Kai 
ypacpo/xepwv fiiffQov Kai (paivSvTwv 
Kai eTriypa(pofi4voou rah aWorpiaLs 
yvcvfiats, k.t.\., and ib. p. 1358 : ob 
yap avrcp &\Kt) irpSo'ob'os, '6 ri 
/a$i avKO(pavTr]o-as ti \dßoi. If their 
charge was proved to be calumnious 
they were liable to punishment, but 
the trade of avKotyavTeiv fuadov was, 
at least in later times, hardly for- 
bidden by law. Isoer. de Perm. 497 : 



v/xeis Se To<roCTOi/d7re%eT€ rov KoAd(etv 
avrovs, lliffre tovtois xpjrrfle Kal 
Karr)y6poLS Kai vofioQerais irepi t&v 
&k\a>v. The indulgence granted to 
this nefarious brood is quite in keep- 
ing with iEschin. in Timarch. 45, 
where, among other rights of which 
the fjTaipriKws was deprived, is men- 
tioned /xrjSe avKotyavi e'iTa> fjuo'Oadels. 
This is not, as some suppose, a mere 
malicious extension of the law, by 
iEschines. Naturally enough, the 
rich and distinguished were most ex- 
posed to the chicanery of these people, 
and many a one was compelled to 
purchasetheir forbearance, in orderto 
avoid being the victim of their accusa- 
tions ; for however groundless might 
be the charge, the issue was always 
doubtful. Xenoph. Symp. 4, 30 : 
'Eyai rolvvv eV rrjde rfj ir6\ei St€ 
filv irXovoios TcpSsrov fiev icpoßoi- 
/X7]v, pA] t'is fiov t\\v oWiav Siopv^as 
Kai to xpi\ixaTa Kaßoi Kai ovt6v tl 
T6 KaKbv £pyd<raiTO' «mra Se Kai 
tovs ffvKocpdi/Tas iQepdirevov, eldws, 
'6ti vadeiy fiaWov KaKws 'iKavbs eXt)v 
% TToirjo-at, iKeiuovs. See Memor. ii. 
9, where Crito, by Socrates' advice, 
takes a sycophant into his pay to 
countermine another who was badger- 
ing him. Cf. Aristoph. Acharn. 817; 
Equit. 260. 



Scene IV.] 



THE TRAPEZITiE. 



67 



face, and delicate voice, and all reeking with perfume, and 
holding in his hand, ten to one, a bouquet or odoriferous 
fruit. 14 What an utter difference there is between life, as 
here seen in the forum, and the description my father gave 
me of it as taken from his younger years, when such mere 
boys, as those yonder, avoided the market-place entirely, 
or, if their path obliged them to go that way, hurried 
across it with shame and blushes.' 15 

6 Those days are long gone by,' said Ctesiphon : 4 we 
are young men too, and, notwithstanding, we are here in 
the market-place.' 

6 Yes, but not without pressing reasons,' retorted Cha- 
ricles ; c and you remind me just in time, that I have to 
call on Diotimos and Lycon, the trapezitse. I wish you 
would accompany me. My business is of such a nature 
that it cannot be transacted without witnesses ; 16 you are 
more experienced than I, so your counsel may stand me in 
good stead. These money-changers are not always the 
most honest people imaginable, being apt to lead the inex- 
perienced by the nose, 17 with their promises and subter- 
fuges.' Ctesiphon willingly acceded to his friend's request. 



14 The main features of this pic- 
ture of Attic dandyism are from 
Lucian, Ehet. prac. 1 1 : -ndyicaXov 
&vdpa, diacrecraXev/xeuov rb ßa^KTjxa, 
iwiKeK\aafji4vov rbv avylva, yvvai- 
Ke7ov rb ßAe'/xjua, fj.€Kixpbv rb <pd>- 
vr)(xa, [ivpwv airoirveovra, rip da.KTv\q> 
I &tpq> r^v KecpaX^v kv&iasvov. But 
as early as the time of Aristophanes, 
such coxcombs figured in the market : 

To. ßeipaKta ravri Aeyw, riv t<5 jU.v'po> 
a (TJuifj-vktiTai TOiaSi KaQ-qfieva. k.t.A. 

Equit. 1372; and again, Vesp. 687: 

brav el<re\6bv fieipditiov <roi KaTdnvyov, 

Xaipe'ov ino?, 
<o5i Siaßas, 8ia.Kivr)6eis tü» (Tb>jU,aTi Kal rpv- 

That it was by no means uncommon 
i to carry flowers or fruits in the hand, 

F 



is clear from Athen, xii. p. 553 : 8ia 
rl fiera, x € V as &vQl\ Kal fxrjAa Kal 
ra roiavra (p^po^v ; 

15 See Excursus on Education. 

16 Generally, no witnesses were 
present at the transactions at the 
bankers' tables: ra p.lv yap (rvjxß6- 
Xaia ra, irpbs robs iirl raTs rpairi- 
Cais avev ^aprvpwv yiyuerai. Isocr. 
Trapez.-p. 515. This was not because 
such a security was looked upon as 
useless, but because it might produce 
more harm than good, from letting 
others into the secret of the business 
transacted. 

17 This homely phrase would not 

2 



68 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene IV. 



The trapezitae, at whose hands Charicles had to receive 
the greatest part of his patrimony, were very different 
individuals. Diotimos, a man now advanced in years, bore, 
universally, a reputation for the highest integrity. Not 
only had he been Charinos' banker, but also his friend 
and confidant. When the latter, through dread of the 
accusation, resolved on leaving Athens, he charged his 
trusty and well-approved banker with the sale of his 
house, his slaves, and chattels, and at the same time com- 
missioned him to call in all his moneys out at interest. 18 
No inconsiderable amount must still be in his hands, and 
Charicles now went to ask for it. 

Diotimos was just engaged in paying a sum of money 
to a man, apparently a foreigner. Upon the table, from 
which he swept up the coin, after having found it right, 
lay a slip of paper, being his bond for the amount. 6 You 
have received from me the sum, in ready cash, and all 
correct,' said the banker ; 6 and you leave nothing for it 
but a small piece of paper, that perhaps cost you two chal- 
cüs. But remember that the law is on my side, and will de- 
fend my right.' 19 The man asseverated his wish to fulfil all 
the terms of the contract, and then departed. Diotimos then 
reached his ledger, wrote a few words in it, deposited the 
paper in a bos containing several others, and then turned 



have been introduced, had it not been 
a Greek proverb. 'Pivav, in a fragment 
of Menander is, perhaps, not from 
pis, but from pivri, a file (so in Latin, 
deruncinare) ; though the old gram- 
marians derive it from the first. Of. 
a fragment of Pherecrates, ap. Clem. 
Alex. Strom, vii. p. 847. But the 
phrase, ptvbs eXiceiv occurs frequently 
inLucian, JDeor. Dial.ri. 3; Hermot. 
73 : Kai Sta tovto eTAfcei/ v/nas rrjs 
pivSs: and PMlops, 23, omb pivbs 
%Xkciv also occurs. 

18 Leocrates was in a similar 



plight when he fled to Megara. Ly- 
curg. inLeocr. p. 152 : Kai Seydels rod 
KrjSecrrov vpiaodai Trap' avrov tclvS- 
pd-roda Kal tV oik'mxv airoSScrQai 
raXavrov ' iirl tovtois irpoatra^e 

T(HS T6 Xp^CTTCUS aTTododvai TCI. 6<p€l- 

\6fj,€ua koI robs ipdvovs SieveyKew, 
rb de Xoiirbv avrtp airodovvai, 

19 After Demosth. in Dionysod. 
1283 : Xaßoov yap apyvpiov (pavepbv 
Kai ofxoXoyovfxevov, iv ypa/JL/xanSicp 
SvoTv x a ^ K0 ^ v ea>vr\jxev(f Kai ßißXidicp 
fxiKpqi icauv tt)v öjxoXoy'iav KaraXe- 
Xonre tov iroii\<reiv to. 5'iKaia. 



ScExXE IV.] 



THE TEAPEZIT^S. 



C9 



to a second individual, who was waiting in company with 
a very common-looking personage. 4 I have purchased,' 
said the first, 4 from this man here a slave for two minae. 
By reference to my account-book I find there must be 
seven hundred drachmae lying with you in my name. Pay 
the man his money.' 20 The trapezites again looked in his 
book. 6 In the main,' said he, 4 you are right in your cal- 
culations ; except that you forget the agio on three hun- 
dred and fifty iEginetan drachmae which I paid to Paseas 
for the ivory you bought.' This the man could not dis- 
pute : the two minae were paid, and the men went away. 

Now for the first time, Diotimos regarded the young- 
men, who had remained somewhat apart. 'Who are 
you ? ' he enquired of Charicles, who now stepped forward, 
4 and what do you want ? ' 4 1 am Charicles, the son of 
Charinos, and am returned from Syracuse. For my cre- 
dentials, behold here my father's signet-ring, which is well 
known to you. I come, as his heir, to require back the 
money that still remains in your hands.' 4 So Charinos is 
dead ? ' exclaimed the banker. 4 We have placed his ashes 
in Sicilian earth,' said the youth, 4 until his most faithful 
servant shall have brought them here, to deposit them in 
the tomb of his forefathers.' 21 The old man covered his 
face and wept. 22 4 According to my father's will,' said 
Charicles after a while, when the other had become more 
composed, 4 you must still have in your possession one talent 
and four thousand drachmae, which, in all probability, I 
shall soon require.' 4 It is not exactly as you say,' replied 



20 A private person did not usually 
keep much money by him, but made 
all his larger payments at the money- 
changer's table; he was said, xpv<ydai 
tv) twos Tpa-rre(ri. Instances of this 
abound in the comic writers. A book 
was kept of current income and ex- 
penditure. Aristoph. Nub. 19 : 

atrre, 7rat, kv\vov 
KaK<f>epe to ypa^/xaTelov, tv' ivayvtZ Kaßwv, 
örcdcrois ö<£ei'A«o, /cat koylaußai tovs tokovs. 



Cf. Plaut. Cure. i. 2, 89 : 

Ibo intro atque intus subducam ratiun- 
culain, 

Quantillum argenti mihi apud trapezitara 
siet. 

21 See Excursus on The Bzirials. 

22 Isoer. Trapez. 521 : iyKa\v\p- 
d/xevos e/cAae. 



70 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene IV. 



Diotimos ; 6 but certainly, your father could not possibly 
know that. It is only lately that three thousand drachmae 
more were paid to me on his account ; and, besides that, the 
capital has grown much larger by interest. You will have 
more than two talents and a half to receive from me.' 

He then explained to the youth how he had, by de- 
grees, sometimes with difficulty, and not till after some 
years, contrived to get in all the moneys which were owing 
to his father by foreign merchants. From one man, only, 
at Andros, he had obtained nothing, since he had not been 
to Athens for several years, and Diotimos himself was too 
old to undertake a sea-voyage. ' You will do best,' said 
he, 6 to go thither yourself, unless you wish to leave the 
two thousand drachmae in the lurch. Moreover,' he con- 
tinued, 6 your father, before the disaster which befell him, 
had ordered some statues, which he intended for the Acro- 
polis. They are still at the artist's, in the street of the 
Sculptors. It is to be hoped you will act in the spirit of 
your father, and not withhold from the gods those honours 
which he had destined for them.' 23 

Charicles thanked the worthy man for the fidelity 
with which he had transacted his father's concerns, and 
did not scruple to entrust to him the two thousand 
darics contained in the casket, until he had use for 
them. From thence he went, accompanied by Ctesiphon, 
to a second trapezites. This man was a stranger to him, 
and his business with him was of a singular nature. 



23 The peculiar imposts on the 
burghers of Athens, in the shape of 
XeiTovpyiaL, are well known. See Xe- 
nophon, de Republ. Athen, i. 13; and 
BöcktisPubl. Econ. p. 448-466. Then 
again, ävad-fj/mara were usually made 
by victorious Choregi. But other 
burghers, of their own accord, dedi- 
cated statues of brass or marble, in the 
temples and on the Acropolis, perhaps 
only that in case of need they mightbe 
able to remind the state of these sacri- 



fices in its behalf. Isaeus, de Diccsog. 
her. p. 113: Kal rovrwv fxaprvpia iv 
rols Upois avadrjfJLara e/cetVot 4k rdv 
irepiSvrav, fivrjfjLeia rrjs avräv ape- 
res, ävedeaav rovro (xkv, iv Aiovvcrov 
rp'nroSas, ovs X PVyovvres Kal viKav- 
T€s eAaßou ■ rovro S 5 iv HvOiov, en 
5' iv anpoirShei. as airapxas rwv 
ovrav avaOivres, iroWols, as änb 
iSias Kr-ftaews, ayd\fjLao~i x a ^ K0 ^ Kal 
KiBivois K^KOO-fx-r\Ka(Ti rb iepov. Cf. 
ibid.-p. 116, and Plato, Leg. xii. p. 956. 



Scene IV.] 



THE TKAPEZITzE. 



71 



When lie was purposing to leave Syracuse, the same 
friend who had recommended him to Phorion, proposed 
that he should leave the greater portion of his property 
in his hands, in return for which he would allow him to 
draw upon him to the same amount in Athens. 6 What ?' 
said he, e will you expose all your substance to the 
dangers of a long sea-voyage, where storms, and pirates, 
not to mention the dishonesty of the sailors themselves, 
threaten you ? I have three talents in Athens, at Lycon's 
the trapezites : leave me that sum here, and he shall pay 
it you again there.' 24 Charicles had accepted the pro- 
posal, and had with him a letter from the Syracusan, 
ordering the banker to pay the bearer, and also containing 
the symbolon, which, by virtue of a previous understand- 
ing, was to serve as a credential to the person commissioned 
to receive the money. For greater security, Phorion was 
also referred to, as a guarantee of the person's identity if 
Lycon required it. 

Seated behind his table, Charicles found a gloomy man 
of an unhealthy shrivelled appearance. Beside him lay 
the scales, with which he had just weighed a lot of silver 
coins that had been paid him. 25 On the other side, his 
hand rested on a quantity of papers, apparently yellow 
with age. Before him he had a counting-table, being pro- 
bably engaged in reckoning the interest due upon one of 
the bonds. 26 With some repugnance Charicles walked up 



24 See Isoer. Trapez, p. 526 : £yk 
yhp . . . jxeXXovTOsLrparoKXeovs ela- 
TrXe7v els rbv Hovtov, ßovX6/xevos 
eKeWev ws irXzlar'' eKKo/xlaafrOai rwv 
XP^p-drojv, e$€r)driv IrpaTOnXiovs, rb 
fiev avrov xP va ' L0V ^ Lt0 ' KaraXiirelv, 
iv 8e tw IlSuTcp irapd rod -narpbs 
rovfMov KOfxicraadai, vop.i£wv fxeyaXa 
Kepdaiveiv, et Kara irXovv /j.7) klvSv- 
veioi Tci xp-n/xaTa, &XXws re Kal 
AaKedaiixov'iwv apx^vroiv Kar' inelvov 
rbv xpovov rrjs daXdrrris. 



25 From their weighing the coin 
thus, the trapezites were contemptu- 
ously called 6ßo\oo-raTai, and their 
business oßaKoaraTLK-t). Nubes, 1155. 
And Aristot. de Bepubl. i. 10 : rvs 
Se /j.eraß\r]TiKris \peyofxevrjs Sinaius 
. . . evXoywrara fiureircu^ oßoXocrra- 
TLK7]. Lucian, Necyom. 2 : apird- 

{OVCTIV, iTTlOpKOVCTl, TOKOyXV$OV(TLV, 

bßoXotTTaTovffiv. 

26 Alciphr. Epist, i. 26: Eha 



72 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene IV. 



to this man, and briefly explained his business. At the 
mention of the Syracusan, the trapezites contracted his 
brows more than ever. ' I did not know,' said he, 6 that 
Sosthenes had so large a claim upon me. Has he for- 
gotten that I have had to disburse eight hundred drachmae 
for him, to the Heracleote? Look here at my book. 
What stands there ? Sosthenes, son of Phormion, of Sy- 
racuse, has deposited two talents. Out of these, eight 
hundred drachmae to be paid to Phrynion, the Heracleote, 
who will be introduced by Epicrates the Piraean. You 
see there remain only four thousand drachmae.' 27 c Quite 
right,' answered Charicles ; 4 Sosthenes also mentioned 
that to me ; but in the month of Elaphebolion, on his re- 
turn from Pontus, he paid you afresh two talents, and two 
thousand drachmae, so that he wants three talents from 
you.' The trapezites was evidently confused, and tried to 
conceal it by the vehemence of his speech. 6 What are 
you to me ?' said he abusively. c How do I know who you 
are ? Any sycophant might come and demand money 
in another person's name.' 6 You have not given me time,' 
said the youth, 6 to present you my credentials. Here is 
the letter of Sosthenes. Do you know his seal ? ' 'It 
seems to be his signet,' said the money-changer sullenly. 
< And here is the symbolon inside, which will doubtless be 
familiar to you.' 'Perhaps a forged one,' 28 muttered the 
other, as he ill-humouredly opened the letter, and read it 



KaTaXa/xßdvü) irpscrßvTW, ocpOrjvai 
piKvbv, <rvve(TiraK6Ta rhs 6(ppvs, x a P~ 
riSm ap%aid Tiva, (Tairpa, Se Sia rbv 
XpAvov, virb icSpectiv Ka\ crrjTaiv 7]/J.i- 
ßpwra Sia % et ^ s Karexovra. Cf. 
Lucian, Tim. 14. 

27 The single passage, -which, af- 
fords any insight into the method of 
hook-keeping pursued by the hankers, 
is in Demosth. adv. Callipp. 1236: 
el(t>6a(Ti Se irdvTes ol Tpatre^'iTai, 
'6rav Tis apyvpiov TiQzls IZiwr-qs cnro- 



dovvai Trpocrrdrrri, wpcoTov tov Osvtos 
rovvopa ypdcpeiv koX rb Ke(pd\aiov 
tov apyvpiov, eVeiTa Trapaypdcpeiv 
t<$ SetVt airoSovvai Sei. Kai iav fikv 
yiyvdjo-Kacn tt\v fyiv tov avBp&nov, 
§ av der; airodovvai, toctovtov jxovov 
iroietv, ypdipai, cp 5e? airohovvai. ihv 
Se [x)] yiyvdxTKcocri, Kal tovtov tov- 
vofxa irpoo"irapaypd<p€iv, os av jue'AAp 
(TvcrTTjcretv Kal de'i^eiv Tbv &v6pwTrov, 
t>s av Se'?7 KOfxicraaOai Tb apyvpiov. 

28 See note 1 7, Scene i. p. 8. 



SCEKE IV.] 



THE TKAPEZITiE. 



73 



half aloud. But when he came to Phorion's name, he 
became silent, and stared gloomily before him, as though 
meditating some way of escape. 4 Lycon,' interrupted 
Ctesiphon at this juncture, 4 don't be inventing any new- 
tricks. It is still fresh in people's memories how, not long 
ago, you bubbled the Byzantine merchant, when he came 
to require the money deposited with you. The whole city 
knows how you got out of the way the only slave who was 
acquainted with the fact, and then, not only denied the 
claim, but also suborned witnesses to prove that your cre- 
ditor had borrowed six talents of you. 29 The man, how- 
ever, obtained his rights by the aid of Phorion, whose 
name now threatens you a second time ; so take warning.' 

The trapezites seemed desirous of giving an angry 
answer, but, suddenly, his eye became fixed on an object 
in the distance. In fact he saw Phorion himself, coming 
towards the money-changers' tables. 4 Who wants to deny 
anything?' said he in embarrassment. 4 But I have not 
got the sum at hand, nor, were I to go round to all the 
tables, 30 could I find anyone to lend me three talents. 
Come hither again on the morrow, Charicles, and I will 
take care that you shall have the money.' 4 Very well ; 
and I will bring Phorion along with me to dispel all 
doubts as to my identity.' 4 Oh ! there will be no need for 
that,' rejoined the money-changer hastily ; 4 the symbolon 
is right ; you will receive the money.' 

During these negotiations, noon had nearly arrived, 
and the market began to grow thinner and thinner. 6 It's 
time that we breakfasted,' said Ctesiphon as they departed. 
4 Let us repair to one of the houses where young men are 
wont to assemble at this hour. You will be sure to meet 
with some of your early friends.' 



29 Pasion is accused of an exactly 
similar piece of villany. See Isocr. 
Trapez. 7. 



30 The bankers were often, doubt- 
less, under the necessity of obtaining 
mutual credit. See Plaut. Curc.x. 3, 4. 



74 



SCENE THE FIFTH. 

THE HABITS OF YOUTH. 

THE house to which Ctesiphon conducted his friend, as 
being the nearest of the kind, was inhabited by a 
freed-man, named Discos, who derived no inconsiderable 
gains from the young persons who resorted to it. 1 Not a 
few of them congregated there daily, either to try their 
luck at the astragali or dice, or to see a fight between the 
cocks or the quails, of which Discos kept great numbers, or 
perhaps only to discuss the news of the day, the merits 
of the horses or dogs which they had purchased, the last 
citharistria that had been ravished, or the hetaerse lately 
come out. Not unfrequently, too, several united m a Sym- 
posion, each clubbing his share in the expense ; and no one 
was a greater adept at humouring the tastes of the young 
people than Discos, whether from the excellence of his 
cookery, the goodness of his Chian wine, or the beauty of 
the flute-girls. These merry-makings did not always pass 



1 There is no lack of passages to 
show that at this period there were 
places of this sort in Athens, where 
young gallants (veoi)resorted to drink, 
dice, and so forth. Isocr. Areop. 18 : 
Toiyapovv ovk iv roTs GKipacpe'iois ol 
vecbrepoi dierpißov, ouS' iv reus avXrj- 
rplcriv, oi»5' iv ro?s roiovrois crvXX6- 
yois, iv oTs vvv SLtifxepevovcriv. The 
word <rvXXoyoi, here used, may mean 
either the company assembled, or the 
place where they came together. See 
Plato, Leg. vi. p. 764; iEschin. in 
Ctesiph. p. 517 ; Lysias, Olym. p. 912 ; 
Aristot. Probl. xxix. 14: ivrots koi- 
voraiois avXXoyois re koI o~vv65ois, 
which may comprehend baths, palges- 
tra, and the market-place ; though the 



word o-vXXeyeo-Qat. is generally used in 
connexion with gaming and drinking. 
See Dem. in Con. 1267; andsoPlaatus 
(Bacch. i. 1, 147; Trin. ii. 2,33) uses 
conciliabula as the equivalent of trwA- 
Xoyoi. A place of the kind is men- 
tioned, iEschin. in Timarch. p. 78 : 
aXXa $iriiJ.£pev(rev iv ra> Kvße'icp, ov t\ 
T7}Xia rideTai Kal robs aXenrpvSvas 
crvfißaXXova-i, Kai Kvßevovcri. The 
houses where these symposia were 
held, belonged to freed-men and other 
people of low condition. Terent. 
Eunuch, iii. 5, 59: apud libertum 
Discum : and perhaps a meaning of 
this kind should be attached to 
Demosth. in Con. p. 1258: eirivov yap 
ivravOa . . irapa, Tlaucp'iXq) rep Kva<pe?. 



SCEXE V.] 



THE HABITS OF YOUTH. 



75 



off without rioting and violence, and it was but a few 
months since, that, in consequence of a dispute about a 
favourite boy, whom Discos protected, a mob of drunken 
fellows had broken into the house by night, smashed all 
the furniture, scattered the astragali and dice-boxes about 
the street, and killed the cocks and the quails. As for the 
owner, they tied him to a pillar, and so severely chastised 
him, that his cries alarmed the neighbours, who came run- 
ning together from their beds to find the cause of the 
disturbance. 2 Nevertheless, Discos, by discreet manage- 
ment of his young guests, sometimes too, as it was re- 
ported, by the help of false dice, knew how to indemnify 
himself for such losses. 

When Charicles and Ctesiphon entered, they encoun- 
tered plenty of visitors. In one room a party of dice- 
players were sitting or standing, just in the very heat of 
a dispute as to whether a throw was good or not ; in 
another chamber, some persons, after indulging in a late 
breakfast, had already, thus early, sat down to a carouse, 
quite at variance with established usage, 3 and were getting 
rid of the time, by playing at odd and even, rather for 
fun than gain ; while others practised at spinning a coin 
placed upright on its rim, which they suddenly brought to 
a stand-still by putting their finger upon it. 4 In the 
court-yard were others engaged in animated discourse on 



2 We see from the comedians how 
liable to such maltreatment those 
were who lived by Kairi]Xeia, iropvo- 
ßoffKia, and so forth. The incident 
in the text is borrowed from iEschin. 
in Timarch. p. 82 : eurmiS^tratrres 

VVKTWp eh TTjV OLKLOLU, OV CpKei 6 TllT- 

raXaKos, irpwrov fxeu avverpißov ra 
VKevdpia Kai hiepplirrovv els tt\v ohbv 
atjTpayaXovs re rivas §Laae'i<TTOvs neu 
(pijjLobs, Kai KvßevTLKa. erepa upyavc 
Kai robs oprvyas Ka\ robs aXeKrpvo- 
vas ovs 7)ydira 6 rpiaKaKo^aifxuiv 
frvOpwiros, aireKreivav, rb oe reXev- 



tcuov Sriaavres izpbs rbv Kiova avrbu 
rbu TlirraXaKov ifjtaffrlyow Tas e£ 
avOpwirctiv 7rÄ7J7as ovto) ttoXvu XP°- 
vov, ware Kal robs yeirouas alaOe- 
cröai T7js Kpavyrjs. 

3 Demosth. in Con. p. 1257: eirwov 
eKdcTTore ovtol tt]P rjfxepav, iireiS)) 
rdxiCTTa apiGT'qaeiav, '6Xt]v. 

4 This game, often erroneously 
called xaXKiajxbs, is explained in the 
Excursus on The Games. 



76 



CHAKICLES. 



[Scene V. 



the qualities of two horses. The question at issue was, 
whether a coppa-stallion, lately purchased for twenty mines 
by one of the disputants, was superior to the samphoras 
of the other ; 5 and both of the owners contended with such 



5 On the pursuits and amusements 
of the young, see the Excursus on 
Education. One of the chief follies 
of the young gallants -was the inordi- 
nate love of fine horses, for -which 
they paid most ridiculously high 
prices. Xenoph. de Off. Mag. Eq. 1, 
12: fj-aviKCLi lirirtoveiai. Many "were 
ruined by it. The breeds marked 
with the koppa&nd san (see Buttman's 
Greek Chram.) were called Ko-mrarias, 
and aajj.(p6pas. Aristoph. Nubes, 23, 
and 122, on the first of which passages 
the Scholiast remarks: Koirirarias 
'l-mrovs iicaXovv ols iyKexdpaKro rb 
KÖirira aroix^ov, a>s captyopas robs 
eyKexapay/xevovs rb adv. See also the 
Scholiast to Lucian, adv. Indoct. 5 
(icoTnracpopas). The brand -was on 
the buttock. Anacreon, 55 : iv la- 
X'iois fxev 'Lk-koi Trvpbs x^-P^yy? 
exovcri. But there -were other 
brands, Kavarijpia, besides these two. 
So Strabo, v. 1, 9, speaking of an 
Italian breed, says Kavarrfpiaaai re 
ras "irrrovs Xvkov koL K\r\dr\vai \vno- 
(popovs rdx^i jjiaXKov $) KaAAei 8ia- 
cpepovaas' robs 8' aw iicdvov 8ia5e- 
^ayevovs r6 re Kavarripiov <pv\dtei 
Kai rovvofxa rep yevei rwv 'ittttwv. 
The Scholiast to Aristophanes states 
that the appellation ßovuecpaXos had 
a similar origin ; and on vases we see 
other marks, one, for instance, some- 
thing like a -wheel, and a serpent on 
the Pegasus. Tischbein, Vas. i. p. 1. 
We are told that the preference was 
given to mares, but on the vases 
mares are hardly ever represented, 
■while stallions are not unfrequent. 
Gelding does not seem to have been 
common, as Strabo (vii. 4, 8) confines 



that operation to the Scythians and 
Sarmatians : föiov Se rov HkvOlkov 
Kal rod ~ZapjxariKov iravrbs eOvous rb 
robs Ittttovs eKre/xveiv eirrreideias 
X<*P iV - The colour was quite as much 
a matter of taste and fashion as with 
us. So the \papbs tWos, Nub. 1225. 
Horses of different colours appear to 
have been preferred for a four-in- 
hand. Eurip. Iphig. Aul. 218 : robs 
fxeaaov (vyiovs XevKoarplicrcp rpix^ 
ßaXlovs. robs 8' e|w aeipacpSpovs . . . 
TrvpporpLxas. The prices were pro- 
portionably high. Strepsiades paid 
twelve minse (nearly £50) for thekop- 
pa-stallion, Nub. 2 1 ; and in Lysias, de 
Maled. p. 307, a horse is pawned for 
the same sum. Isseus, de Dicceog. her. 
p. 116, names three mince (about £12) 
asalowprice. SeeBöckh'sPz<££. Econ. 
of Athens, p. 74. After horses came 
dogs, which also fetched high prices. 
Plutarch, Alcib. 9. See Xenoph. Mem. 
iii. 11, 7 ; de Yen. 3, for an account of 
the different breeds. Great care was 
bestowed on sporting dogs. Plato, 
de Bepub. v. 459 ; Plut. Amat. 21 ; 
Xenoph. de Ven. 1. The most cele- 
brated breeds were the Baconian, Mo- 
lossian, and Cretan. MeXirala kvv'i- 
Sia, lap-dogs, were also kept ; accord- 
ing to Strabo, they were of Sicilian 
origin ; vi. 2 : TIp6Keirai Se rov Tlaxv- 
vov MeXlrrt, odev ra Kvvßia, a na- 
Xovai MeXira7a ' though Pliny, N. H. 
iii. 26, gives another account : ' Ab his 
Corcyra, Melsenacognominata . . inter 
quam et Illyricum Melita. unde catu- 
los Melitseos appellari Callimachus 
auctor est.' The absurd extreme to 
which this hobby was carried, appears 
from Lucian, de Merc. Cond. 34; and 



ScEXE V.] 



THE HABITS OF YOUTH. 



77 



vehemence for the honour of their steeds, that something 
serious might have been apprehended, had not another 
contest in the court arrested the attention of all. 

Discos had repaired the loss of his cocks and quails ; 
among the latter was one, that had hitherto been victor in 
every engagement, and by which he had already won more 
than a mina. This only the more excited the emulation 
of those who had been beaten, and at this very moment, 
a fresh bet had been made, and a slave was bringing the 
stand, whereon was marked the circle, within which the 
struggle was to be confined. 6 The youth who had made 



this was the case even at an earlier 
period. Theophr. Char. 21 : Kal Kvva- 
piov 8e Te\evrricravTOs avrcp p.v r (\p.a 
TtOLTjcrai, Kal o~tvK'i?>iov iroiricras iiri- 
ypd\paf 'O naXhs MeXiraios. Next 
in order came cocks and quails, which 
were kept for fighting. On this sub- 
ject see the following note. The pas- 
sion for pigeons, which afterwards 
went to such lengths at Rome, also 
prevailed. The ^iKeAiKal irepiare- 
pal were most prized. Theophr. 
supra. Other birds may probably 
have been kept ; and Plato, Thecet. 
p. 197, mentions something like an 
aviary : &o~nep ei ris opviQas äypias, 
irepicrTepäs rt aAAo, drjpevaas cnxoi 
Ka.Ta(TKsva(Td/j.evos Trepiarepewva rpe- 
<poi. Pheasants were a special article 
of luxury. See Aristoph. Nub. 108 : 

el Sotrjs y efioi 
Tovs $a<Tiai>ov<; ovs Tpe'^et Aetoyopa?. 

About which the Scholiasts are di- 
vided as to whether horses or birds 
are meant, though the latter is the 
more probable ; cf. Callixenos ap. 
Athen, ix. p. 387 : €?to £<pepovro iv 
ayyelois \pirraKol Kal rad, Kal /xeAea.- 
ypiSes, nal $ao~iavol, Kal opviözs Aldio- 
ttlkoI 7rA.7)0ei ttoWo'l '. and Ptolemseus 
Euerg. ap. Id. xiv. p. 654 : Ta Te toov 
4>ao~iavu>v, ovs rerdpovs bvop.d£ovcriv, 



ovs ov piovov e/c MriBlas pLereirepLireTO,. 
dAAa Kal vop.ab'as opviQas viroßaXwv 
eVoiTjcre ttä-TiOos, ware Kal o~LTsio-6ai. 
rb yap ßpS>p.a iroXvreXks airocpai- 
vovaiv. Pheasants are first mentioned 
as a dish in Athenseus, and Alciphr. 
iii. 7 ; though they had long been thus 
used at Eome. At a later period, we 
meet with birds that talk, and even 
pipe tunes. Philostr. Vit. Apoll, i. 7 : 
cacrirep ol opvides, a p.av8dvovcri irapa 
ra>v avOpdüTTcov. rb yap X a ^P e i K<XL T0 
ev Trpdrre, Kal rb Zevs 'IXecos ol 
bpvides evxovrai, ovk elSSres '6 tl 
Xiyovaiv. and vi. 36: eStSacr/ce 5e 
avTOvs \a\e7v re '6aa ol dvdpwiroL Kal 
reperi^iv oaa ol avXol. Monkeys also 
were kept for amusement. Theophr. 
Char. 21 ; Plaut. Mil. ii. 2, 7. 

6 Cock- and quail-fighting was 
common throughout Oreece. At 
Athens it was a political institution, 
and took place annually by law from 
the time of the Persian wars. iElian, 
Var. Hist. ii. 28 : Me-ra r)]v Kara 
t£>u Uepcrav vlkt]V 'Aörjvaloi vop.ov 
edevro, aKsKrpvSvas aycovi^o-ßaL 
d7]p.ocrLa iv rep Qedrpw jxias 7jp.epas 
rov srovs. The exhibition of these 
pugnacious creatures was set up as 
an instructive example of bravery. See 
Lucian, de Gymn. 37 : bpav to. bpvea 



78 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene V. 



the match, confident of the courage of his bird, took the 
quail with much caution from under his left arm, and set 
it carefully in the ring. 6 Who'll bet that it goes out of 
the ring, 5 cried he, 6 plague it as you will ?' Several ac- 
cepted the challenge, but as often as the bird was touched 
with the finger, or seized by the feathers of the head, it 
made a spirited and successful defence against its assailant. 



ZiairvKTevovra txeXP 1 r rr)s e<rxaT7]S 
array opevosws. According to Paus, 
ix. 22, 4, and Suidas, the cocks of 
Tanagra and Ehodes were specially- 
noted as ixaxifioi or ddXrjTal, and 
to render them more pugnacious they 
had heating garlick given them be- 
forehand. Thus we have eV/copoStcr- 
(xivos fidxy, Equit. 494; on which see 
the explanation by the Scholiast ; so 
alsoXenoph. Sympos. 4, 9 : evioi robs 
aXacrpvovas o~K6poda crrio'avTes av/x- 
ßdXXovci. They were also armed with 
an artificial spur, rrXr\KTpov or k4v- 
rpov. Schol. toAves, 759: TiXriKTpa 
Se etVti/ efißoXa x a ^ K <* T ^ ip-ßaXX6- 
fieva ro7s irXr\KTpois tuiv aAenrpvS- 
vwv. Great attention was bestowed 
both upon them and upon the quails. 
Plato, Leg. viii. p. 789: Xaß6vres vrrb 
fiaXys zkclgtos tovs jttej/ iXaTTOvas els 
ras x e ?P as } H-etC 0VS & wb rr\v dyicd- 
Xr]v ivrbs, iropevovrai irepirrarovv- 
res arrabiovs ira/j.rr6XXovs ej/eica rr)s 
eve^las, ovn rrjs ruv avruv cwfid- 
tow, aXXa rr}s rovrwv roov dpe/x/xd- 
rwv. Contests of this kind are found 
represented in the inferior works of 
art. See Bracci, Memor. d. Antichi 
Incis. i. 10, 3. A victorious cock with 
a palm-branch is depicted on a lamp. 
Antich. d'Ercol. viii. p. 67. Perhaps 
the passion for quail-fights was even 
greater. Cf. Aristot. Hist. Anim. ix. 
9. See Athen, xi. p. 464, bprvyoixavia. 
The persons whose business it was 
to catch and tame them were call- 
ed bprvyo8r)pai and bprvyorpocpoi. 



Plato, Euthyd. p. 290 ; Poll. vii. 136. 
But besides contests with each other, 
a particular game was played with 
them, called bprvyoKorria. See Poll, 
ix. 107 : efö' frre Se 6 fj.hv 'Larr\ rbv 
oprvya, 6 Se %Korrre r<p Xixavtp, % 
t« e/c rrjs K€(pa\r)s irrepd aireViAAe, 
Kal et /xev iyKapreprjaeiev 6 oprvi;, r) 
vlkt) fj.€rd rod Qptyavros avrbv iyi- 
vero' ivdburos Se Kal vrrocpvySvros 
6 k6tttwu r) 6 riXXcoy eVt/ca : and 
Schol. on Aristoph. Av. 1297, where, 
instead of eV rrvpy read eV yvpcp. So 
also Suidas. There was a frame or 
board (ttjAiV), and on this a ring 
was drawn, or else the board Was of a 
circular shape with a raised rim, and 
within this the fights took place, as 
well as the bprvyoKoma. JEschin. in 
Timarch. p. 78 : aXXd dirjfxepevcrev eV 
t^j Kvßeiq>, ov r) rrjXia ridsrai, Kal 
tovs dXtKTpvSvas cvp.ßaXXovo~i, Kal 
Kvßevovai. Pollux, supra : Kal rrjXia 
f/.tv orroia rfj aprorrwXidi kvkXov 
i/j-rrepiypd^avres ivicrracav tovs 
oprvyas irrl rais fidxais Ta7s rrpbs 
d\Xr)Xovs. 6 Se dvarparrels Kal 4k- 

7T€0-cbV TOV KVKXOV TjTTUTO ÜVtSs T6 

Kal 6 tov opTvyos deo-rr6Tr)s. Schol. 
on Aristoph. Flut. 1037 : Kal 877 koI 
Idlccs e'/caA.e?TO rrjXia rreplcppay/xa 
ffaviSav iv Trj äyopa, eV a &X<pira 
iiwrpdo~KOVTO. Kal 6prvyoTp6<poi 
tovs oprvyas GvvißaXXov iv tovtw. 
The stake was sometimes the quail, 
sometimes money. Pollux, supra: Kal 
rrore fjLev eV avrols dieridevro rots 
oprvti, xore Se Kal eV apyvpiw. 



Scene V.] THE HABITS OF YOUTH. 



79 



Discos now brought his bird. 4 Is it for the quails or 
for money ? ' enquired the youth. 4 1 should not lose my 
bird in any case,' replied Discos ; 4 but I never stake him.' 
4 Very well,' said the first, 4 for fifty drachmae then.' The 
tiny champions were set opposite, and had scarcely caught 
sight of each other, ere their feathers ruffled up, and they 
darted furiously at one another with outspread wings. 
Neither budged an inch. Often as the battle was renewed, 
each maintained his ground, or occupied his adversary's ; 
and for some time the victory was doubtful. 4 I'll bet 
another fifty against you, Discos ! ' exclaimed one of the by- 
standers, who were all watching the contest with passionate 
delight ; but hardly were the words spoken when Discos' 
bird, as if infuriated at the doubts about his valour, charged 
with redoubled impetuosity against his foe, who, stunned 
by the blow, flew, after a short resistance, far beyond the 
boundaries of the arena. 4 Vanquished ! vanquished ! ' cried 
a host of voices ; while the owner of the beaten bird seized 
his champion with great expedition, and spoke loudly into 
his ear, in order, if possible, to efface from its recollection 
the cry of the victor, 7 which was meanwhile overwhelmed 
with applause, and borne off by Discos in triumph. 

Charicles and Ctesiphon, after finishing their break- 
fast, had joined the spectators, and the gamesters alone 
had taken no notice of what was passing. But now the 
din waxed louder and louder, and from words the company 
at play had proceeded to blows. The attacks of all seemed 
directed against an elderly man, apparently of humble con- 
dition, who, either by good luck, or foul play, had won all 
the money that had been staked, and was now in danger of 
seeing it wrested back from him by force. Patiently as a 
Spartan at the altar of Orthia, did he endure the blows 
that were levelled at him from all sides ; resolved to part 
with his life rather than his winnings, which he had partly 



7 Poll. ix. 109: tovs 8e rjrrrjdeu- 
ras opruyas ejxßo^aavr^s Kara rb 
oZs ai)TOvs i^iwvro, ? i\Qi\v auepya- 



(6/j.evoi (£vepya(6(X€voi?) rrjs toG 

V£VIKTIk6tOS (J «J/7J9. 



80 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene V. 



concealed in the folds of his chiton, and partly clutched in 
his hands, which were convulsively pressed together. But 
all his resistance was in vain ; while some forcibly opened 
his hands, others tore his garment, and plundered him, at 
the same time thumping and beating him ; till at last he 
fled from the house, amid a peal of laughter, with a blaok 
eye, and the clothes half torn from off his back. 8 6 It serves 
him right,' shouted some of those who had assembled in the 
court ; ' why does he intrude himself into such company ? ' 
' But won't he go and lodge a complaint ? ' enquired Cha- 
ricles. ' What, for being drubbed at play ? ' said one ; 
'he'll not dream of such a thing.' 'But, have ye heard,' 
he continued, ' that Ctesippos was condemned yesterday ? ' 
' To be sure,' replied a second ; ' or rather his father ; in 
a trifle of some two thousand drachmae.' 

' Which Ctesippos ? ' asked Charicles ; while several 
to whom the circumstance was new, at the same time 
stepped forward. ' The son of Ctesias,' replied the first. 
'You all know the jovial set of fellows, who from so often 
getting into rows were yclept the triballi. Well, it's that 
Ctesippos.' 'And why was he convicted ?' pursued Charicles. 
' A joke, I assure ye, a mere joke,' was the answer, ' which 
might very well have been excused in young gallants in- 
toxicated at the time.' ' No, no,' said a third, ' it was past 
a joke. I have been accurately informed of the whole 
transaction, and was myself a witness to their disgraceful 
behaviour before the diaetetae. It would be a bad look- 
out for the public security, if such conduct were to go un- 
punished.' ' Prythee, tell us then,' said Ctesiphon, ' how 
it was, who is the accuser, and what the crime.' ' There 
was a certain man of unexceptionable character,' replied 
the other, ' Aristophon by name, 9 who some time ago, 



8 This tale is from Alciph. Epist. 
ii. 54 : Kai oi fxev 7ri/| eiraiov, ol 8e 

et%o/i7jv ru>v Kepfidrcav, airodavtLU 
irp6Tepov t) irpoicrQai ri ineivois rwv 



i/j.ol ireiropicrixivuiv alpov/ieuos, k.t.X. 

9 This is a fair sample of the 
goings on of a large section of the 
younger people. Other instances of 



Scene V.] THE HABITS OF YOUTH. 81 



when out on a campaign, laid a complaint before the stra- 
tegos against this Ctesippos for rudeness and indecorum, 
and caused him to be punished ; ever since which, he has 
been pursued with rancorous hatred both by father and 
son. A short time back, he went out with a friend in the 
dusk of the evening for a stroll in the market-place, and 
there met Ctesippos half seas over. The latter, directly 
he saw him, croaked out some unintelligible threat or other, 
and then went towards Melite, where, as it afterwards 
turned out, his father and several friends had assembled 
for a debauch. To them he explained what an excellent 
occasion now offered itself for taking vengeance on Aristo- 
phon ; and forthwith they all sallied out into the market- 
place. Meanwhile Aristophon had turned, and met them 
almost at the same spot. Two of them seized his com- 
panion and held him fast ; while Ctesippos and his father, 
and a third man, fell upon Aristophon, tore off his clothes, 
threw him into the dirt, beat him, stamped upon him with 
their feet, and discharged at him a torrent of the lowest 
abuse. While he thus lay, all helpless, Ctesias placed 
himself before him, crowing like a cock after a victory, and 
flapping his arms against his body in the manner of wings. 10 
They then made off, taking his clothes with them, and 
their victim was assisted from the ground by some passers- 



violence occur, for example, the cases 
of Euergos and Meidias in Demos- 
thenes, of Simon and Eratosthenes in 
Lysias, of Timarchos in iEschines ; 
whenceit appears that public security 
was at a discount, and that there was 
good cause for the frequently- ex- 
pressed fears of Xairodvcrla and roi- 
Xupvx't-a. The instance in the text 
is from Demosth. in Con. p. 1257, 
which has been translated'word for 
word. The assigned penalty of two 
thousand drachmae is quite in rule, for 
there is no doubt that damages could 
be obtained in a 81*77 nut las. See 



Meier and Schömann, Attic. Process. 
p. 549. So too the story related by 
Diog. Laert. vi. 42, of Meidias, who 
struck Diogenes in the face, saying, 
' My banker has three thousand drach- 
mae at your service.' This will, how- 
ever, hardly warrant the inference 
that the sum named was the precise 
legal penalty for the assault. 

10 Demosth. supra : fjSe yap robs 
a\enrpv6vas /u.L/j.ov/j.euos robs vevi- 
KrjKOTas. oi Se Kporelv rols aynuxriv 
avrbv T]^iovv avrl Ttrepvyav ras 
■nhevpds. 



82 



CHARICLES. 



[Scent: V. 



by, so shockingly maltreated that he has been under the 
doctor's hands ever since.' 

4 By my troth ! ' exclaimed Charicles, 4 if that's a joke, 
I don't know what violence is.' 4 How so ?' retorted the 
apologist of Ctesippos ; 4 you must remember he was drunk 
at the time, and allowances must be made for youth. I 
know many sons of most distinguished families, who have 
got into rows about hetserss; and as^ for bad words, how 
many there are who call each other by the foulest names, 
just in fun.' 11 c I can't say that I think that even such 
proceedings are exactly praiseworthy,' continued the nar- 
rator ; 4 but even if they could plead intoxication in pallia- 
tion of their offence, nothing could at all justify their 
atrocious conduct afterwards. Aristophon naturally brought 
an action against them for the assault, and when the cause 
was about to come on before the disetetes, he begged me 
and others of his friends to be present. The defendants 
kept us waiting for a long time before they appeared. It 
was not until evening that father and son showed them- 
selves, with some of their fraternity, and then only to bring- 
in to contempt the solemnity of justice and the sacredness 
of the place ; for without endeavouring to rebut the accu- 
sation, or even looking at the depositions, they sought to 
waste the time by miserable tom-fooleries. They led us 
singly to the altar, and swore by the dog and the plata- 
nus, 12 that the boy was the son of an hetaera, and had 



11 This was the defence which 
Conon actually made. Demosth. p. 
1261. Cf. Lysias, in Sym. p. 160. 

12 This occurs also, Demosth. ibid., 
excepting the oath by the dog and the 
platanus: iiroir](rav jxev yap e|w fj.e- 
ffwv vvktwv tt]u &pav {rrjS 8iaiT7]s), 
oude ras paprvplas avayiyv&cnceiv 
eOeXovres, ouSe ävriypacpa SiSovai, 
ra>v re irapovrcav yjjuv Ka6' eva ov- 
rwal irpbs rbv ßwfxbv dyovres Kal 
eJ-opni^ovres Kal ypd<povres /xaprv- 



plas, ovdev npbs rb Trpay^a' aXX' e| 
eralpas elvai ira&'iov avrcS rovro Kal 
■ne-jrovQivai ra Kal rd. Oaths gene- 
rally do not seem to have been very 
religiously observed ; while conversa- 
tion appears to have been pretty fre- 
quently interlarded with such expres- 
sions as /ua rbv Aia, v)) rbu 'HpaKXea, 
vT] tV "Upav, and the like. Plato, 
Leg. xi. p. 917 : eiraivos Se opaos re 
irepl iravrbs rov ttw\ov/.Uj/ov aireffrca. 
Socrates considered it wrong to swear 
by a deity, though he used such exple- 



Scene V.] 



THE HABITS OF YOUTH. 



S3 



undergone this and that : or wrote down evidence con- 
cerning things that had not the remotest connexion with 
the point at issue. 13 Now if such disgraceful behaviour, 
and such contempt of the laws were to remain unpunished, 
what safeguard, I should like to know, should we have 
against any insult or offence whatever ? ' 

£ You are quite in the right,' said an eleg*ant youth, 
who had come from the drinking-room to listen to the 
story. 'I like to have my joke as well as another, and 
don't stick at a slight squabble when there is a woman 
in the case, but heaven forfend.that I should have aught 
to do with such a mad set as your triballi. I knew 
Ctesippos of old ; he was one of the roughest and most 
unruly boys at Hermippos' school, and often had a taste 
of the master's rod for his ill-natured pranks.' 

The name of Hermippos drew Charicles' eyes to the 
speaker. £ By Hercules,' he exclaimed, e it's Lysiteles ! ' 
and hastened up to him. 'Charicles!' said the person 
thus accosted, in astonishment, 6 you here ? when did you 
come ? ' 4 1 returned yesterday from Syracuse,' was the 
answer. 4 So, hail to thee, friend of my youth ! ' said Ly- 
siteles. 4 We'll celebrate your return with a carouse. 14 



lives as vi) rhu Kvva, tijv irXaravov, 
tt]v \r\va. Pkilostr. Vit. Apollon. 
vi. 19 : &fj.i v yap ravra ovx dsovs, 
du' 'Iva fj.^ deovs &[ivv. The oath. 
Kara x r ) vos was very common. So 
Aves, 520 : 

K6.fi.~o)v 5' €7i Kai vvv oftwffiv top x<~I v ' 
otciv e^airara ti. 

Indeed rbv xv va seems to have been 
a trick of the tongue for rbv Zrjva. 
So Zeno swears by the caper, ndinra- 
pis, Diog. Laert. vii. 32 ; and some 
one else, by the cabbage, Kpdfxßri. 
Eustatb. ad Od. xix. 396. 

' 3 Demosth. supra. This -was done 
merely to fritter away the time. 



14 It was a custom, often alluded 
to by Plautus, to give a banquet to a 
! friend on his safe return home. So 
j Bacch. iii. 6, 7 : Salvus quom peregre 
advenis, ccena dabitur. Stich, iii. 2. 
17: 

'Coena bis apud rne.quoniarn salvus advenis ;' 
and Epidicv.s, i. 1 , 5. Plutarch, Syrap. 
v. 5, 1 : eV rats viroSoxcus, as eVorei-ro 

TWV (p'lXcOP '<EKa(TTOS kaTlUV f)[iaS YjKOV- 

ras airb tt)s 'A\e£av$pelas. The same 
occurred at departure, it poire ftv eiv. 
Ibid. iv. 3, 2 : Qvovras 9eo?s tcai tt pa- 
ir e/xw out as (piXov Ka\ £evi£ovTas. Of. 
Plaut. Bacch. i. 1,61: 

Ego sorori meas ccenam hodie dare volo 
I viaticam. 



84 



CHAKICLES. 



[Scent: V- 



To-day you are my guest.' 6 I thank thee for the invita- 
tion,' replied Charicles ; c but I am already engaged to 
dine with the noble friend in whose house I am at present 
quartered.' 6 Good ! so you'll come to-morrow instead,' 
said the young man ; e and now give me your hand that 
you will be there.' 15 6 Be it so,' assented Charicles ; 6 but 
where ? ' 'At my house in the Cerameicos ; you recollect 
it, don't you? We are undisturbed, and you need not 
fear that a crabbed old governor will send the jolly spirits 
packing. 16 You'll meet with some more of your acquaint- 
ances.' He had several questions more to put, but Cha- 
ricles postponed answering them till next day, as it was 
time for him to be moving. 

It was now the first hour after noon, and in the streets 
of the city the bustle had sensibly moderated. The main 
business of the day was transacted ; the market-place was 
still ; and the shops of the artisans alone wore their usual 
busy aspect. All the elements of social life with which the 
centre of this great city had so recently been thronged, 
had suddenly been scattered in all directions, and the busy 
crowd had dispersed, only to re-appear in a different form 
in the Gymnasia and other such places of resort without 
the walls. Hence the paths leading to the Academy, to 
the Lyceion, and the Cynosarges, were just then most fre- 
quented. The free burgher, not confined to the close 
atmosphere of his domicile by any base handicraft, sought 
these places of meeting ; perhaps in order to whet his 
appetite for the approaching meal by some invigorating 
exercise, and by a warm or cold bath, or, it might be, only 
by a constitutional in the Dromos ; or perhaps he amused 
himself by being a spectator of the feats of dexterity and" 
skill exhibited by the wrestlers, and by gazing at the 

15 So Eurip. Helen. 838 : 16 Plato, de Republ. viii. p. 569 : 

eVl rolaSe roCvw öe£tas irfs OCye, &<nrep irar^p vihv [mgto. dx*.ripwv 

though this was on a more important ffv/xTrorav e|e\aiW. 
occasion. 



Scene V.] 



THE HABITS OF YOUTH. 



85 



magnificent figures, there stripped to view ; or perhaps 
he sought intellectual amusement in learned and attrac- 
tive converse. 

Charicles, too, after making a few purchases, directed 
his steps towards the Gymnasium, to indulge in its amuse- 
ments, a pleasure of which he had long felt the want ; and 
then after a bath he purposed going to Phorion's. From 
earliest childhood he had been accustomed by his father to 
gymnastic exercises. The lessons of the psedotribse were 
quite as important in his eyes as his son's visits to school ; 
and when the lad had grown into a youth, he encouraged 
him to attempt the more arduous exercise of the palaestra. 
Though he was averse to the one-sided exertions of the 
athletae, yet a sensible course of gymnastics — as well as 
chariot-driving and the chase, together with the inter- 
course of learned men — ranked with him as the only occu- 
pations befitting a free-born youth. £ Our character,' he 
often observed to his son, c depends on our avocations, 
and a man's mind takes its colour from the nature of his 
pursuits. He who consumes his days in paltry occupations 
or vulgar toil, can no more feel lofty aspirations and 
manly courage rising within his bosom, than can pusillani- 
mity and a grovelling habit of thought find a place in 
the soul of him whose pursuits are noble and honourable.' 17 



17 Taken from the speech irepl 
crwrd^ews, attributed to Demosthe- 
nes: p. 173. So Plato, Leg.vin. 846, 
would banish all artisans from his 
commonwealth, manual labour being 
inconsistent with rhv Koivhv rrjs ir6- 
Xea>s k6(T/j.ov. It is difficult to obtain 
just views on the social posi tion of thi s 
branch of the community. Solon's 
law is well known : vlq> rp4(peiv rhv 
irarepa /j.t] Sida^d/xeiov rzx v W e7ra- 
vayKes /xt] etuai. (Plutarch, Sol. 22.) 
But in practice this was ineffective, 
for we find universally that no 
free-born youth would demean him- 



self by any occupation of the kind. 
Thucydides, again (ii. 40), makes 
it the boast of Athens, that her sons 
could take a share in public affairs, 
as well as manage their own trade ; 
thus totally contradicting Plato. 
This much is certain, that at this 
period the advantages arising from 
trade were appreciated at Athens, 
and that it was favoured accord- 
ingly ; though it was considered un- 
worthy of a free-man to work at 
it himself ; and in this Plato, Xeno- 
phon and Aristotle agree. Plato, 
Charm. 163, is clearest on the sub- 



66 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene V. 



Charicles was therefore well practised in the usual exer- 
cises ; he was a quick runner, and skilful leaper : he 
hurled the discus and javelin with strength and dexterity, 
played at ball to admiration, and when at Syracuse was 
accounted one of its first wrestlers. Boxing, and the 
pancration, his father could never endure, aud he used to 
praise the Spartan laws which forbade such contests. 

Full of happy recollections of bygone days, our young 
hero walked aloug through the gate of Diochares, and 
the gardens leading to the Lyceion. He found the Gym- 
nasium very full of company. | In the arcades surrounding 
the peristyle were groups of men, young and old, engaged 
in discourse of various kinds. Here a sophist, seated 
amidst his scholars, was discussing by the method of inter- 
rogation, the pros and cons of some doctrine of ethics. 
The large semicircular bench of marble, on which he sat, 
could only accommodate half his auditory, so the others 



ject: but trade is there not considered 
disgraceful in itself, though not be- 
fitting everybody ; but handicrafts, 
ßavavcria Kai x*ip 0Te X v ' La (de Bepubl. 
ix. p. 590), are pronounced against on 
ethical grounds; for the mind suffers, 
he thinks, as well as the body, from 
such occupations ; ibid. vi. p. 495 : 
Sxrirep ra adi/xara XeXd>ßT)vrai, otfra 
Kal ras rpvxas (TvyKeKXao~(J.ej/oi re Kal 
aTTOTedpvixju.4j/oi Sto ras ßavava'ias 
rvyxdvovaiv. Xenoph. (Econ. 4, 2, 
is not a whit more favourable : r£>y 
8e (roofidrcoj/ Qi]Xvvojxivwv Kal at \pv- 
Xa\ TroXb. afipwcrrorepai ylyvovrai. 
And Aristotle (de Eepubl. viii. 2) in 
propounding what a veos iXsvdepos 
ought to learn, speaks out still more 
plainly ; and the words, r) Se ßf-Xrixrrr) 
tt6Xis ob rroL-f)(Tei ßdvavvov TroXirr]v, 
leave no doubt as to his own opinion; 
and though in a few Grecian towns 
trade held a somewhat higher place, 
yet the above sentiment prevailed in 
Greece, and indeed pervaded the 



whole of the ancient world. Herodot. 
ii. 167, after speaking of Egypt, says : 
Et jxkv vvv Kal rovro Trap' Pdyvitrioov 
fxefj.aQi]Ka(riv ol "EXXr]ves, ovk e%&> 
arpeniois uplvai, bpiwv Kal QprjiKas 
Kal ^Kvdas, Kal Tlepcras, Kal Avdobs, 
Kal crxeSbj/ ixavras robs ßapßdpovs 
aTTon/Aorepovs ru>p aXXwv 7]yrjjj.€uovs 
■KoXii)riwv rovs ras r&x vas [J-audd- 
vovras Kal rovs iKyovovs rovrusv. 
rovs Se CLTraXXayuevovs rwv %eipw- 
va£iewv yevvaiovs vofjLi^o/j.euovs sivai 
Kal /j.dXio'ra robs is rbv irSXe/xoy 
aveipevovs. /u.efxaOrjKao'L 5' dov rovro 
Trdvres ol "EXXrjves Kal fiaXio'Ta Aot- 
Ke8ai/j.6piOL. H]Kiara Se KopivBioi 
ovovrai robs x €L P 0T *X uas - Wealthy 
burghers, however, often employed 
slaves as artisans, but this was con- 
sidered perfectly correct, and was 
practised by the most distinguished 
citizens, as for instance by the father 
of Demosthenes. See Böckh's Puhl. 
Econ. of Athens, pp. 45, 69, 475; and 
the Excursus on TJie Slaves. 



Scene V.] 



THE HABITS OF YOUTH. 



87 



stood in front to catch the wisdom that proceeded from his 
mouth. Here a rhetorician was making a critical exami- 
nation of a speech elaborated by one of his pupils. In 
several places little knots had formed, and were talking of 
the important occurrences in Asia. News had just arrived 
from the Macedonian host, announcing the continuance of 
the siege of Tyre, and some assayed a display of their 
topographical acquirements, by drawing in the sand with 
their sticks 18 a plan of the city and its position. 19 In the 
great court many were engaged in all kinds of exercises, 
while others were already hurrying to warm or cold 
"baths, or anointing their limbs with pure oil in the Elseo- 
thesion. 

Charicles strode through the Palsestra, to the exercise 
grounds in the open air. Here several were running races, 
amid the loud acclamations of the beholders, who encouraged 
first one, then another. 20 Others stood ready to jump, with 
the leaping-weights in their hands. On the course near 
the Xystos, a contest of a peculiarly interesting nature 
^appeared to be going on. A dense ring of spectators 
had formed around, and many were leaving, while others 
streamed towards the spot. 6 That's Ctesiphon, I'm sure, 
he is the soul of the Gymnasium,' cried a voice near Cha- 



18 Böttiger, Vaseng. ii. p. 61, has 
spoken of the custom of carrying a 
stick out of doors ; cf. Casaubon, 
on Tlieophr. 21. Böttiger's assump- 
tion that the rest of Greece first 
imitated the Laconi an usage, after th e 
Sparran Hegemonia, seems ground- 
less. Lysias, de Inval. p. 748 : Sri jxkv 
Svoiy ßaKTTipiaiv xpw/xai tup aKkwu 
fita -xpwixevcov, proves the habit to 
have been general. Cf. Schol. to 
Aristoph. Plut. 272. Young as well 
as old carried a cane, which was indeed 
quite a sine qua non to a careful 
dresser. Athen. xii. p. 543 : gkltzuvltg 
4<TT7}pL^eTO XP vcr <*- s cA.t/cas i/j.irtirai- 
<rix4v(f. Cf.ib. xi.p. 509; and xii. p. 553. 



19 So Plutarch, Alcib. 17, talking of 
Sicily : &are ttoAXovs iv rats iraXai- 
crrpais Kal rots rjfiiKVK\lois icafle- 
£e<r9ai, T7js T€ v-^ffov rb (T^jua Kal 
Qiffiv AißiSys Kal Kapxntidvos vko- 
ypdcpovras. 

20 Isocr. Evag. 32 : Kal troiS) Kal 
iroiT\(To> ravrbv, 'öirep iv rots yv/xvi- 
Kols ayaxriv of dearai. Kal yap eKtlvoi 
■napaKeXevovrai tS>v 5pofi€cov ov to7s 
aTToXeXeiixfiivois, aWa to?s irepl rrjs 
ULKTjs afxiWwfxevois. l)io Chrysost. 
Orot, xxviii. p. 531 : robs fiev rivas 
iwpwfxev iv t<£ SpSfjLcp Tp£x oVTas Ka ^ 
Kpavy)] rwv itapaKeXzvoiAivuv fy. 



88 



CHARICLES. 



[SCENE V. 



ricles, wlio had also joined the throng, but could see 
nothing, in consequence of the dense mass of persons before 
him. 21 He stood on tiptoe, and could then just perceive the 
head of one of the wrestlers. It was really his friend who 
had been contending. But the struggle had already come 
to an end. Ctesiphon had cleverly discovered his adversary's 
weak point, had supplanted, and brought him to the earth. 
A boisterous shout of applause succeeded. The rin^ 
opened, and Charicles saluted his friend, who willingly 
accepted his challenge to have a throw with him also. 
Ctesiphon had unquestionably the advantage in strength, 
but Charicles wrestled with so much caution, and made 
such excellent use of every chance that offered, that the 
match lasted some time, and although his antagonist was 
again the conqueror, yet he at least earned the praise of 
being himself a most accomplished wrestler. The friends 
then went arm in arm to the bath, after which Charicles 
made the best of his way to the house of Phorion. 



21 Dio Chrysost. ibid.: 6pwp.€v 
ovv ttoluv 7roAXobs €<TT7]K6Tas irpbs 
Trj e£e8pa rov 'HpaKXious Kal erepovs 
aei irpoffdyovTas, robs Se Kal cnriöv- 



ras diet, rb ^77 duvafföai lSe?v. rb fiev 
ovv irpwrov iireipcbfJLeOa opav virep- 
Ki'nrrovres, Kal (j.6\is ioopw/xev TOV 
yvfj.va£ofxevov r^v KecpaXijv. 



89 



SCENE THE SIXTH. 

THE BANQUET. 

FEOM the first dawn of day the house of Lysiteles had 
been in a state of great commotion, for the young gal- 
lant was bent on celebrating, with more than usual ex- 
pense, the return of the playmate of his childhood. Every 
luxury to be found in the Athenian market had been pro- 
cured ; and not content with leaving his slaves to make the 
requisite purchases, he had gone to the fish-market in per- 
son, to select the finest Copaic eels and the largest sea-pike. 
A first-rate cook had been hired, chaplets were bespoken, 
recherche unguents bought, and graceful female flute- 
players and dancing-girls engaged. In the spacious saloon, 
which Lysiteles had selected for the scene of their nocturnal 
feast, the couches were all set ready, and on tables of elegant 
design was a grand display of silver goblets and bowls of 
various sizes. Youthful slaves, in high-girt semi-transpa- 
rent chitons, hurried through the halls and saloons, set 
things in order and cleaned them, spread embroidered 
tapestry over the mattresses of the couches, smoothed 
the pillows, which were of a gay striped pattern, scoured 
vessels, and did not rest, till all the preparations for the 
reception of the guests had been completed. 

The gnomon had long displayed a shadow of more than 
ten feet in length, when Charicles returned from the 
Academy, where Manes had met him by appointment, bear- 
ing the full-dress garments, and fashionable half-shoes. 
The day had flown rapidly while he was selecting numerous 
articles necessary for the commencement of his future 
establishment. Every thing had turned out according to 
his wishes ; a blissful future opened before him, and he 
walked along in cheerful mood towards the house where the 
feast of friendship was preparing for him. 

He was not far from his destination, when he perceived 



90 



CHAKICLES. 



[Scene VI. 



Ctesiphon, who was coming from the Lyceion, and on his 
way to his own habitation. 6 Quick, Manes,' he said to the 
slave behind him ; 4 you see Ctesiphon yonder ? Eun to 
him and tell him to wait for me.' 1 The slave did as he 
was commanded ; he soon overtook Ctesiphon, fast as he 
was walking, and seizing him by the garment, bid him 
wait until Charicles should arrive. 4 Where is he ? ' asked 
Ctesiphon, turning round. 4 Here he comes behind us,' 
answered the slave, as Charicles joined them, and saluted 
his friend. 4 Bless me,' cried Ctesiphon, 4 what a buck you 
are ; pray whither are you bound ? ' 4 To a dinner at 
Lysiteles',' answered Charicles ; 4 1 promised yesterday to 
go ; are not you invited too ? ' Ctesiphon answered in the 
negative. 4 Oh ! it would be too bad, were I to miss you 
from the circle of old friends whom I shall meet there. 
What if I bid you come along with me uninvited ? ' 4 If 
you bid me,' said Ctesiphon, jocosely, 4 of course I can't 
help myself.' 4 Away we go then,' said Charicles ; 4 let us 
verify the adage : 44 To the exquisite banquet the exquisites 
go self-bidden." ' 4 But prythee invent some apology, for 
I shall assert that I was invited by you.' 4 We'll concoct 
something as we go along,' said his friend, 4 only let us be 
moving.' 2 

They found the door of the hospitable mansion open ; 
and a slave, who met them in the hall, ushered them into 
the saloon, where most of the other guests were already 
reclining on the couches. Lysiteles advanced to meet them 
with friendly salutations. 4 Ah ! Ctesiphon,' he exclaimed, 
as he saw them enter, 4 you are come in the very nick of 
time to join us at the banquet ; or if aught else brings you 
hither, defer it till another time. I looked all over the 
city for you yesterday, to invite you, but could not find 



1 It will be unnecessary here to 
cite in full the authorities from which 
the following account has been com- 
piled,since they will be fully discussed 
in the Excursus on The Meals. The 



incident above is imitated from Plato, 
de Bepubl. i. p. 327. 

2 Taken from the excellent de- 
scription, Plato, Symp. p. 174. 



Scene VI.] 



THE BANQUET. 



91 



you.' 3 'Charicles has given me an invite in your name 
then,' answered Ctesiphon ; c for he forced me to come along 
with him.' 6 Capital ! ' cried their polished host ; 6 here's a 
place for you next Grlaucon; you, Charicles, will lie by 
me. Take off their sandals, slaves, and wash their feet, 
that they may recline.' The slaves unfastened the thongs 
of their shoes, and others brought silver basins, into which, 
from beautifully-shaped ewers of the same metal, they 
poured over the feet of the new comers, who sat meanwhile 
upon the couches, not water only, but golden wine, to which 
an additional fragrance was imparted by an admixture of 
odoriferous balsam. 4 While the two friends were luxuri- 
ating in this lavishly sumptuous bath, which though it took 
Charicles rather by surprise, yet merely raised a smile in 
Ctesiphon, some of the guests went up and saluted the 
former. They were all acquaintances of his boyish days — 
Polemarchos and Callicles, Nausicrates and Grlaucon — who 
now frankly shook hands with their old playmate, and re- 
minded him of a thousand incidents of days long past. 
4 Enough, enough ! ' at last cried one of the party, as he 
lolled on his couch ; 6 that will do, friends, take your places, 
and let us fall to.' 

6 By my troth, Euctemon,' said Lysiteles, £ it is high 
time. Water, ho ! for the hands, slaves, and then serve 
up what you've got. Think that you entertain us, and 
that we are your guests, and so have a care that you may 
merit our praise.' 5 

The order was speedily executed, water and towels 
were handed round ; then the slaves, two and two, 6 brought 
in the tables, and loaded them with comestibles ; while 
others presented bread of the finest quality in tiny baskets 
woven of slips of ivory. 7 At this juncture a loud knock- 



3 Plato, 8ymp. p. 175. See Ex- 
cursus on The Meals. 

4 Plutarch, Phoc. 20. See Ex- 
cursus on The Meals. 



5 Plato, Symp. p. 175. See Ex- 
cursus on The Meals. 

6 See Excursus on The Meals. 

7 Athenseus, iv. p. 130 : Tpayr)- 



92 



CIIARICLES. 



[Scene VI. 



ing was heard at the outer door, and a slave came in to 
announce that Stephanos, the jester, was outside, and 
begged to inform the company that he was plentifully pro- 
vided with every thing requisite for enjoying an abundant 
repast at a stranger's table. 

6 How say ye, my friends!' asked the lord of the 
mansion; 6 it will hardly do, methinks, to shut the door on 
him. Let him in.' 8 This however was quite unnecessary, 



fiard r iv irXeKTÖis eXefyavTivois 
€7re5o077 iraffi. 

8 When Carystius (Athen, vi. p. 
235) asserted that the character of a 
parasite, as one of the dramatis per- 
sona of comedy, was first invented 
(evp-ndrimi) by Alexis, he probably 
only meant that this poet first distin- 
guished such a character by the name 
trapaffiros ; for such personages as 
K6\aKes or yeXwro-Koiol had long 
been of common occurrence, as is 
sufficiently shown by a fragment of 
Epicharmus quoted by Athenseus di- 
rectly afterwards : 

livvSenrve'a) t<S Xu>vtl, KaXecrai Sei ßovov, 
Kai tü) ya |Utj AitüfTi, «ovSev Set K<x\elv. 
TTjrel Se ^apteis t' ei/xl Kal 7rotew 7roAw 
yeXuira /cat rov eoTiaW iiraivita. 

Philippos, described in Xenoph. 
Symp. i. 11, served as the original 
here. The name parasite had at first 
no evil signification, but was applied 
to persons of consideration, who were 
appointed to assist the magistrates 
and priests in the celebration of sa- 
crificial feasts. Athen, vi. p. 234. 
According to Clearchos (Athen vi. 
p. 235) this usage still subsisted after 
Alexander's time. "Eti 5e Tvapdairov 
vvv \xkv rhu eToifjiov, Tore 5e rhv els 
rb avfifiiovv KareiXeyp.4vov. iv yovv 
rots iraXaiois vS/xois at irXe7arai r&v 
irSXewv 6Ti Kal Tr]fj.epov ra?s ivri- 
pordrais äpxcus ffvyKaraXeyovai 



irapaalTovs. The parasites of Comedy 
may be divided into three classes, in 
all of which obtrusiveness and sen- 
suality is the common trait. Firstly 
the yeXwTOTToiol, who deal in jokes, 
often at their own expense, and are 
content to be the butts of the com- 
pany, provided they can get enough 
to eat and drink : such were Ergasilus 
in the Captivi, and G-elasimus in the 
Stichus, of Plautus, as well as Xeno- 
phon's Philippos. Next come the 
K.6AaKes, or assentatores, who are 
always flattering their patrons : such 
were the Kolax or Struthias of Me- 
nander, the G-natho of Terence, and 
the Artotrogus in the Miles Ghriosus 
of Plautus. The third nuance is that 
of the 6epaireuTLKo\, who earned a 
place at table by all kinds of little 
attentions and services, and were 
somewhat akin to the femmes ^in- 
trigue of the French comedies. See 
Plutarch, de Adul. 23 : itlo-tos epwros 
virr]peT7}5 Kal irep\ Xvcriv Tr6pvr)S aicpi- 
ßfys, Kal ttStov dairduris eKKadapai 
KoyLfffxbv ovk aixeXys, ovdh pddvfios 
iv de'nrvcov TrapaiTKevais, Oepairevri- 
Kbs 5e iraXXaKi^wv ' Tcpbs Se KrjSearas 
äirodpacrvi/ecrdai KeXevcrOels, Kal ffvv- 
eKßaXeiv yafx^Trjv dreyKros Kal 
äSvacüTr-nTos. Qi.deEduc.lT. Phor- 
mio in Terence, and Curculio in 
Plautus are samples, and, upon the 
whole, the parasites in the Asinaria 
and Mencschmi. Such characters, a 



Scene VI.] 



THE BANQUET. 



93 



as the parasite was already at the door of the saloon, and 
said, 4 1 am, as ye well know, Stephanos the jester, who 
never refused when, invited by any of you to a meal ; 
wherefore it would not be fair were ye now to decline my 
invitation. I have brought a whole budget of good things.' 
£ Very well,' said Lysiteles ; ' and besides, there are only 
nine of us, so lie you down next to Mantitheos, and be my 
guest.' 

Fresh dishes, on which the Sicilian artiste had displayed 
his skill, were served up in profusion. 6 Really,' said 
Grlaucon, 'no Attic meal this, but a Boeotian one!' 9 'Quite 



little caricatured perhaps, are copied 
from real life, and would undergo any 
indignity for the chance of a good 
dinner : ovs ovtg irvp, ovts cridripos, 
ovre x a ^ K0S *Yp7ei H-V <poirau iirl 
Selirvou, as Plutarch says. The de- 
scription of Chserephon quoted from 
Alexis by Athen, iv. p. 164, is from 
the life : 

Ö7TOI/ yap e-XTtv 6 /ce'pajuos ju.icr0tojo-ijU.os 
ö toIs jt/ayetpois, ev6v<; e£ qloOivov 
ecTTTjicev i\9(t>v • Kai/ iSrj fjnaOovfjievov 
eis ecTTLactv, toxi p.aye(pov nv66fi,evos 
tov earritovra, 777s öupas x a0 ~l x < ü fJievy]<; 
av eTTLKdßrjTaL, Trpcoros eio"eAjjAt/öev. 

These fellows had a talent for finding 
out where a banquet was going on, 
and would waylay people at the baths 
or elsewhere, and force their com- 
pany on them as guests. Eupolis, 
ap. Athen, vi. p. 236 ; Lucian, de 
Parasit. 51. Athenseus, vi. p. 249, 
says of the parasites at the table of 
Dionysius the younger : airoirrvovTos 
Se rod Aiovvalov iroXXaKis irapiuxov ra 
wira KarairrveLTdai ' Kal awoXei- 
XouTes tov o'iaXov, ert Se tov e/xeTOV 
avTOv, ixeXnos eXeyov elvai yXvKu- 
Tepov. So Diog. Laert. ii. 67 ; 
Plutarch, de Occulte Viv. v. p. 611, 
relates a still more disgusting story, 
which, though it may be exaggerated, 
sufficiently shows in what reputation 



these fellows stood. They mostly 
attached themselves to young people, 
with whom they could play their 
cards to more advantage ; at a later 
period, however, they seem to have 
been regarded as a necessary ap- 
pendage at the tables of the rich. 
So Lucian, de Parasit. 58 : <m ttXov- 
crios av^p, el Kal Tb Yvyov xpvo-'iov 
ixet, [x6vos io-ditvv ireprjs eVrl Kai 
irpoitov 'avev irapau'iTOv -KT&xbs So/ce? 

Kal irXoiaios &veu irapao-'i- 

tov TaireiuSs Tis Kal ei/reA^s <pai- 
veTai. The female parasites, ko- 
Aa/aSes, or /cAtfia/a'Ses, Plutarch, de 
Adul. p. 192, were of quite a different 
order. Athen, vi. p. 256 ; Val. Max. 
ix. 1. 

9 The Boeotians were renowned 
above all other Greeks for vroAw- 
(payla, and the comedians have not 
failed to turn this to good account. 
So also Plutarch, de Esu Cam. 6 : 
robs yap Bollvtovs 7]fj.as ol 'Attlkol 
Kal irax^s Kal avaiaQifTuvs Kal 7)Xi- 
6'lovs fxdXio'Ta 8ta ras adrjcpaylas ■Kpoff- 
TfySpevov. With this compare the 
proverb BoiooTia vs, as also Pind. 
Olymp, vi. 152, and the passage of 
Eubulos, quoted by Athenseus, x. p. 
417: 



irpSo' 



94 



CHAEICLES. 



[SCEN'E VT 



right,' interrupted Euctemon, always most in his element 
when he saw a well-spread table before him, 6 none of 
your Attic dinners for me, where your fiddle faddles are 
served up on dainty dishes. Just look at those Copaic 
eels ; there is Boeotian luxury for you ! By Jove, the lake 
must have sent its most ancient inhabitants to the Athe- 
nian market.' 

6 Ah ! ' said Stephanos, who had already made one or 
two futile attempts at raising a laugh, c that must indeed 
be a happy lake, which always carries such dishes within it, 
and keeps always drinking, and yet never is too full !' — 6 of 
water ! ' broke in Callicles with a laugh ; 6 but you are a 
prodigy far greater ; for put down ever so much wine, 
you have never had enough.' 

Amidst a variety of gossip, the meal was brought to a 
close, though much too early for Stephanos ; and Lysitele's, 
perceiving that the company would partake of nothing 
more, made a sign to the slaves, who with obedient ala- 
crity handed water and sweet-smelling smegma wherewith 
to wash the hands, while others bore off the viands, and 
swept the fragments from the floor. After this, garlands 
of myrtle and roses, 10 party-coloured ribands, and per- 



HoveZv aev a/xfie? Kal (frayeiv fid\' arSpmol 
leal KapTeprjcrai, to! 8' 'A.Qr\va.LOi Xeyeiv 
Kal fiutpa 4>ayeixtv, to! 6"e ©rjßatoi fj.eya. 

More important still are the words of 
Poly bins, Fragm. xx. 4, 7 : op^aau- 
res Trpbs sbta-)(lav Kal /xedas ov jxSvay 
Tots adcp.a<Tiv i^eXvörjcrav, aXXa, Kal 
reus ypvxcus. Cf. ib. xx. 6, 5. So 
devoted were they to feasting and 
idleness, that, according to Athen, 
iv. p. 148, when Alexander destroyed 
their city, their whole property was 
no more than four hundred and forty 
talents. 

10 The chaplets were always dis- 
tributed after the meal, just before 
the ttStos began and the libation was 



made. Athen, xv. p. 685 : 'H Se 
rcov <TT€(pdvctiV Kal fxvpwv irporepov 
etaoSos els ra (TvjATrScria 7)ye?T0 rrjs 5eu- 
repas rpairi^ns. Cf. Plutarch, Sept. 
Sap. Conv. M. Myrtle was for the 
most part the material of these chap- 
lets, and hence the part of the market 
where they were sold was called at 
jxvppivai. The rose ranked highest 
among the flowers that were inter- 
woven in the chaplet (Achill. Tat. ii. 
1 : ßacriXevs twv avdeoov), hence the 
Demos in Aristoph. Equiz. 966, is to be 
i(TTe(pai'Cüfji.4vos pSSois. But the vio- 
let and the ambiguous vaKivdos were 
also employed. Theocr. Id. x. 28 : 

Kal to lov /j.i\av ivri Kal a ypairra va- 

KH'ÖOS* 



SCENE VI.] 



THE BANQUET. 



95 



fumed unguents, were distributed all round, and a domestic 
came forward with a golden bowl, into which he poured 
undiluted wine from a silver can, by way of libation. 
Two pretty^ flute-girls, in all the freshness of blooming 
youth, then entered the saloon. Lysiteles seized the bowl, 
poured some wine out of it, and exclaiming, c To the good 
Genius ! ' took a draught, and then handed the vessel to 
Charicles, who lay on his right, that it might pass round 
the table. The maidens accompanied this ceremony with 
subdued and solemn tones, until the last of the guests had 
returned the cup. On this, the party waxed merrier, the 
minstrels struck up the hymn of praise, and this being 
ended, the slaves brought in the dessert, and placed on the 
table the crater, tastefully ornamented with dancing bac- 
chanals. 

4 And now first of all, my friends,' exclaimed Grlaucon, 
rising, 4 what's to be the rule of drinking this evening ? ' 11 
' I vote that we have no rules at all,' replied Ctesiphon, 



dAA' €jxira% iv toZs <7T€<£>aVois to rrpwra 
\eyovTai. 

Violet-chaplets were in special favour 
among the Athenians (Aristoph. 
Ackarn. 636), hence the name loffri- 
(pavoi. Chaplets were often formed 
of a great variety of flowers. Cf. 
Anthol. Pal. iv. 1, and v. 74 : 

Hifj-TTU) <roi, 'PoSÖKAeia, roSe crre'i^os, avQecri 
»caAoi? 

avTOSvi^)' T^jmerepais 7rAe^o'jU.6i'05 7raAa(mats, 
e<rri KpCvov, poSeT) re KaAvf, vorepr) t dve- 

p.(l)V T), 

Kai vapKMTcros vypbs, Kai Kvavavyes lov. 

Also ib. 147 : 

nAe'£a> XevKo'Cov, TrAe£w 6' aTraArji/ ä/ua 
/avpTOt? 

vapuMTcrov, 7rAe£i» Kai to yektovra Kplva. 
7rAef oi ko.1 KpoKovqSiiv, eViTrAe'f to 8' vlxklvOov 

TTOp4>vper]v, irAe'£w Kai t^iAepacrra poSa, 
ws av ini Kpora<f>ois fx.vpoßo<TTpv\ov 'HAto- 
Scöpas 

evn\ÖKap.ov xatTTjf dvQoßoKy ffre^acos. 

Besides myrtle, the leaves of the 



white -poplar and the ivy were used. 
Theocr. ii. 121 : 

Kparl 8' exiov AevKav, 'HpaKAeos lepbvepvos, 
TraVroTe irop<}>vper]<Ti Trepi£uxrTpr)<riv eKiKrav. 

Here the iropcpvpa? irepi^tvarpai 
must be tcenice, which were fastened 
on the chaplet. Cf. Plato, Symp. 
p. 212, where Alcibiades comes to 
Agathon's, wearing such a chaplet : 
/cat iTriLTTTjmi iirl ras Qvpas ecrre- 
ipavtofxivov aurhv kittov tivi crre- 
<pdv(f) Sacrel Kal lav, Kal raivias 
i%ovra £ttI tt}s Ke<pa\.rjs irdvv iroA- 
Aay. In the neighbourhood of Pan- 
dosia, on the west coast of Italy, 
whither Persephone was said to have 
come to pluck flowers, it was held dis- 
reputable to wear purchased flowers 
at festivals: see Strabo, vi. 1, 5. 

11 Plato, Symp. p. 176. See Ex- 
cursus on The Symposia. 



96 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene VT. 



4 but leave it free to every one to drink what he likes.' 
4 Out upon you,' said Polemarch ; 4 we must have an 
Archon, man ! that's the main thing at a carouse.' 4 Yes, 
by Jove ! ' said JNausicrates, 4 an Archon we must have. 
I will submit to his laws, even if he should command me 
to carry that lovely fluting-girl about in my arms, or to 
kiss the pretty cup-bearer, who stands yonder, like a 
roguish Eros.' 12 The majority of the guests seconded 
him. 4 So now then for the astragali,' said Lysiteles, 
4 that the best throw may determine who is to be king.' 
4 Not so,' cried Polemarch ; 4 for we might chance to be 
blessed with that sober Ctesiphon, or that sponge Ste- 
phanos, for our president. I propose that we choose 
Grlaucon king; he understands right well how to admi- 
nister the functions of the office.' This proposition was 
approved of, and Grlaucon declared his readiness to accept 
office, as conductor of the Symposion. 4 Now then,' said 
he, with serio-comic mien, 4 1 order you slaves, in the first 
place, to mix the wine well. The adage says : 
Five drink, or three, but drink not ever four. 

We'll take care to avoid the last ; but it is old Chian that 
our friend is treating us to, which will bear the water well ; 
so mix two parts water to one of wine. And put some snow 
into it, which will make it all the fresher ; or if you've 
got none, some of Stephanos's frigid jokes will do as well; 
after which, pour out into the little cups ; we'll begin with 
these, and finish up with the larger. But briskly round, 
I say, with the wine, and don't forget to have a large 
goblet ready for those who have to drink fines.' 

4 But, Grlaucon, allow me,' interrupted Ctesiphon ; 4 you 
talk of nought but drinking ; shan't we imprimis have some 
games, or singing, or conversation wherewith to amuse us 
at our cups ? ' 13 4 Ay to be sure ! ' said Grlaucon ; 4 but first 



12 Lucian, Saturn. 4. See Excur- 
sus on The Symposia. 



13 The words of Eryximachos. 
Plato, Symp. p. 214 : iras odv, 3> 
'AAiaßiddr], iroiov/j.w } ovtws ovtc ti 



SCENE VI.] 



THE BANQUET. 



07 



for the wine.' From the hand of the slave he received 
the cylix ; 4 Zeus Soter ! ' he exclaimed, and drank : the 
rest followed his example. 4 Now, friends, in the next 
place, what's to be done ? ' he continued. 6 Anything but 
learned discourse,' cried Euctemon, and Polemarch agreed 
with him. 4 Philosophy,' said they, ' is like the lady of the 
house : neither the one nor the other has any business at 
a Symposion.' 4 No more has gambling,' added Nausicrates ; 
4 it only breeds contention, and then farewell to jollity.' 
4 Let us have a song then,' proposed Grlaucon. 4 Or guess 
riddles ? ' said Ctesiphon. 4 Eiddles for ever ! ' cried Cha- 
ricles ; 4 1 love the griphse above everything else, they give 
rise to so much fun.' This motion found most seconders. 
4 Good,' said Grlaucon; 4 to him who guesses right I give 
one of the tcenicv ; and the person who set the riddle must 
give him a kiss. He who fails to solve it, must drink off 
this goblet of unmixed wine. But for you, Stephanos,' 
he added, laughing, 4 salt water will be poured out in place 
of wine, or else, full well I know that you will never guess 
right. Of course, each one proposes his enigma to his 
right-hand neighbour. So here's for you first, Ctesiphon. 
Listen,' he said, after thinking a moment : 

"We're sisters twain, one dying bears the other ; 
She too expires, and so brings forth her mother. 14 

4 That's easily guessed,' answered Ctesiphon without 
hesitation ; 4 the sisters are night and day, who by turns 
die, and bring forth each other.' 4 Eight,' said Glaucon ; 
4 thus I deck your brow with this fillet, and here's my 
kiss. It's your turn now ! ' 

Ctesiphon begged for a short space to reflect, and then 
turned to Lysiteles and said : 



Xeyofxeu iirl rrj kvAiki, ovre ri 
14 A riddle of the tragedian Theo- 



dectes. Athen, x. p. 451 : 

elarl KavLyvqrai SlttolI, u>v 7) (j.La Ti/cret 
TTjc erepav, axnr) Se re/coicr' vtto rijcröe tsk- 
vovTai. 



98 CHAEJCLES. [Scene VI. 

A thing, whose match or in the depths profound 
' Of ocean, or on earth can ne'er be found ; 
Cast in no mortal mould, its growth of limb 
Dame Nature orders by the strangest whim ; 
'Tis born, and lo ! a giant form appears ; 
Towards middle age a smaller size it wears ; 
And now again, its day of life nigh o'er, 
How wondrous ! 'tis gigantic as before. 15 

6 A strange sort of creature that ! ' said Lysiteles ; ' and 
one I shall hardly hit upon. Great in its childhood, little 
in its prime, and big again at last. Ah ! I have it,' he 
suddenly exclaimed ; ' one need only look at the gnomon ; 
it is the shadow, which is great in the morning, and then 
contracts, till, towards evening, it again increases.' ' He's 
guessed it ! ' cried the whole party, and Lysiteles received 
a taenia and a kiss. 

' Now Charicles,' said he, ' it's your turn to guess : ' 

Nor mortal fate, nor yet immortal thine, 
Amalgam rare of human and divine ; 
Still ever new thou comest, soon again 
To vanish fleeting as the phantom train ; 
Ever invisible to earthly eye, 
Yet known to each one most familiarly. 16 

'Your riddle is somewhat vague and obscure,' said 
Charicles after a little consideration ; ' but if I mistake 
not, the solution is sleep, isn't it ? But you should have 
•made it plainer. Now mind, Euctemon,' he proceeded, 
6 my riddle is full of contradictions. Beware of the penalty.' 
6 As for the penalty, I can get over that, but you surely 
won't deprive me of your kiss ! ' 'By the bye,' cried 



15 Also by Theodectes, ihid. : 

Tis 4>vcri<; ov6' '6<ra yala $epei Tpo<j)6s, ovO' 

oaa not/Tos, 
oure ßpoTOi(TLV e^ei yvuov av^rja-iv bfxoLav; 
a\\' ev fx.lv yevecrei np<DTO<rir6pa> earl 

fx,eyi<mq, 

ev 8e /aeVats a/c^ai? fitKpa, yrjpq Se npbs 
lxop<}>rj /cat fieyedei (ieC£<av irdKtv £<tt\v orndv 

T<OV. 



16 From Alexis, ap. Athen, x. p. 

449: 

Ov Ö^tjtö?, ov5' iOdvaros, äAA' e^toi* Ttea 
crvyKpa<Tiv, Üiare /aifr' ev avOptoirov fxepei, 
/ut/t' eV 6eov Qr^v, a\\.d <j>vecr9ac t' äei 
/catvä)?, (^ötVetv re rr\v napovcrtav TraAiP, 
äoparos oi/uv, yvtopiftos S' äira(TLV oiv. 



Scene VI.] 



THE BANQUET. 



99 



Grlaucon, 6 there is one thing we have forgotten. Suppose 
the riddle is not solved, must the next try to guess?' 
' Not so,' said Ctesiphon ; 6 whoever can guess it first gets 
the riband and kiss ; but if he guesses wrong, let him 
drink the fine.' This was agreed to, and turning to 
Euctemon, Charicles spoke thus : 

Know'st thou the creature, that a tiny brood 
Within her bosom keeps securely mewed ? 
Though voiceless all, beyond the ocean wide 
To distant realms their still small voices glide. 
Far, far away, whome'er t' address they seek 
Will understand ; yet no one hears them speak. 17 

This proved too much for Euctemon's acumen. Hard 
as he tried to unriddle the mystery of the dumb speakers, 
it was all of no avail, and he had to drink the fine. 6 1 
know ! ' cried Stephanos : ' it is the city ; and her children 
are the speakers, who cry out so that their voice may be 
heard far across the sea in Asia and Thrace.' A roar of 
laughter followed. ' But, Stephanos,' said Charicles, 6 did 
you ever see an orator that was dumb ? he must then be 
impeached thrice for paranomia, and condemned.' 18 ' Salt- 
water,' screamed several voices ; and, though he tried hard 
to get off, Stephanos was forced to drink off the goblet of 
brine. ' 1 will tell you the meaning of the enigma,' Cte- 
siphon now said : 4 it is a letter, and its children that 
it conceals within it are the characters, which, mute 
and voiceless, speak only to him to whom the letter is 
addressed.' 'Bravo ! ' cried Grlaucon ; 'how ever will you 
find room on your head for all the tcenice that you're 
earning to-day ? ' It was now Euctemon's turn. ' You'll 
have to drink too,' said he to Nausicrates, who had mean- 



17 This riddle, one of the best 
extant, is proposed in the Sappho of 
Antiphanes ; Athen, x. p. 450 : 

"Ectti Averts 0>jA.eia ßpifyt) cno^bvcr' vnb ko\- 

7T015 

avTrjs. Of to 8' afyuva ßor) v i<TT7)(Tt yeyiavbv, 

H 



kou Sia ttovTiov o!S/u.a /cal rjireLpov Sia nacrris, 
ols tOekei öcTjrtüf* tols S' ov trapeovaiv 

aKOVSLV 

et;e<TT<.v • K.o)$r)v S' a/corjs ala , Qf]<Ti.v exovaiv 

,8 This too is all from Antiphanes. 

2 



100 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene VI. 



time pulled one of the flute-players on to his couch ; 4 tell 
me what this is : ' 

A man it is, and a man 'tis not ; 

'Tis always carried, yet it legs hath got : 

Ordered to come to every dinner, 

Yet sure to come unhid, the sinner ! 

Though fond of cups, ne'er drinks, but then 

It swallows more than any ten. 

4 Oh ! ' said Nausicrates, 4 the subject is not far off. 
That's no other than Stephanos.' 4 1 ? ' said the parasite ; 
6 that's false. Alack, nobody bids me to a banquet. The 
world has grown so serious, that no one laughs at me 
now.' 19 6 Quite right ! ' retorted Nausicrates ; 4 as a wreath 
it is ordered, and as a parasite you come uninvited, and 
drink more than ten others.' Thus it went the round of 
the guests, till at last it came to Stephanos. 4 Now you 
will stare,' said he : 

Nine moons roll by ere infants see the light ; 
Ten years the elephant, that beast of might, 
Bears in her vasty womb the embryo freight : 
But longer still, I bear a monster great ; 
Greater, still greater, stronger grows it ever, 
Yet, woe is me ! delivered am I never. 20 

4 Egad ! ' exclaimed Glaucon, 4 1 had rather not have 
guessed it either, that I might not have that beard of 
thine to hug : but it is so very palpable ; for that it is 
hunger which you carry in your paunch, we can all very 
well comprehend.' 

The fun was kept up in this manner for some time, 
until the dancers, whom Lysiteles had ordered entered 



19 The complaint of Philip, 
Xenoph. Symp. 1, 15: 'Eirel 701p 
yihws e£ avQp&ircov o,t6\wX€V, eppei 
to, i/xä it pay par a. UpScrdeu (xev yap 
ro6rov eVe/ca iKaKov^v iirl ra, 
Se'iTvva, 'Iva evcppaivoiVTO 01 (Tuvovres, 
Si ijxe yeKuvres' vvv 5e t'ivos eVe/ca 
Kol KaXei y.4 tls. Cf. Plaut. Capt. 
iii. 1, 10. 



20 A witticism of Grelasimus, Plaut. 
Stich, i. 3, 14 : 

Audivi ssepe (verbum) hoc volgo dicier 
Solere elephantuin gravidam perpetuos 
decern 

Esse annos : ejus ex semine b.3ec certe est 
fames ; 

Nam j am complnres annos utero hseret meo 



Scene VI.] 



THE BANQUET. 



101 



the saloon. A man, whose trade it was to exhibit such 
performances, led in a graceful girl, and a handsome lad, 
who were followed by a female flute-player. 21 The circle 
of couches was extended, and the danseuse advanced to the 
side which was left open. The boy took the cithara, and 
struck the strings to the accompaniment of the flute. The 
sound of the cithara presently ceased, the maiden took some 
hoops, and, as she danced to the tune of the flute, whirled 
them into the air, and caught them one after the other as 
they fell, with remarkable skill. More and more hoops 
were handed to her, till at least a dozen were hovering 
aloft betwixt her hands and the ceiling ; while the grace of 
her movements, together with the dexterity she evinced, 
elicited loud applause from the spectators. 

4 Eeally, Lysiteles,' said Charicles, 4 you are entertain- 
ing us right royally. Not only do you set before us a 
noble feast, but also provide pleasures for the eye and ear.' 

4 Pay attention,' said the friendly host ; 4 she will 
soon exhibit greater skill.' A large hoop, set all round 
with pointed knives, was now brought in, and placed upon 
the ground. The damsel commenced dancing afresh, and 
threw a summersault 22 right into the centre of the hoop, 



21 Xenoph. Symp. 2, 1 ; from 
which well-known scene this is taken 
with slight alterations. The Syra- 
cusan appears to have presented him- 
self at the house of Callias without 
previous arrangements, though as a 
matter of course he received money 
for the display of his company : ravra 
8e Kai iirideiKvvs, ais eV davfiari, 
apyvpiov eKafißavev. 

22 The simple way of dancing, 
which consists merely in rhythmical 
movement of the body, gave place at 
an early period to grotesque feats of 
agility ; thus even in Homer (II. xviii. 
605,) we meet with Kvßiarripes, who 
threw regular summersaults, as we 



learn fromPlato, Symp.-p. 190 : &airep 
ot KvßicrrcövTes Kai els bpQhv to. (T/ccAtj 
irepi(pep6pLevoi Kvßio~Ta>(ri KVKXcjj. At 
a later time, to excite additional 
interest, they jumped over pointed 
weapons. Plato, Euthyd. p. 294: is 
[xaxc'ipas ye KvßKrrav Kai eirl rpoxov 
SiveiaOai. See Xenophon, §11: fiera 
8e tovto kvkXos elarivexQv Trepi/xecrTos 
£i<päv 6p9ä)v. els oZv Tavra rj 6pxv- 
arpis eKvßl<rra re Kai e^eKvß'iffra 
virep avrwv. The o~Tp6ßi\os (Poll. iv. 
101 )seems to have been different from 
SivelaOai iiri Tpoxov, which would 
appear rather to be alluded to by Cic. 
in Pison. 10: 'cumque ipse nudus in 
convivio saltaret, in quo ne turn qui- 
dem, cum ilium suum saltatorium 



102 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene VL 



and then out again, repeating the feat several times, till 
the beholders grew quite nervous, and Nausicrates spring- 
ing up, begged that a stop might be put to the perilous 
game, lest the lovely creature should meet with an accident. 
The boy next made his debut, and danced with such art as 
to give still greater effect to the matchless symmetry of his 
form. His whole figure was in expressive motion ; it was 
impossible to tell whether the hands, the neck, or the feet, 
had most share in producing the impression which the 
gracefulness of his postures worked among the spectators. 23 



versaret orbem, fortunse rotam per- 
timescebat.' Male and female Kvßur- 
Tr/pes are represented in many antique 
works of art. Cf. Tischbein, Engra- 
vings from ancient Vases, i. 60. 

23 Desirable as would be a dis- 
cussion of the whole art of ancient 
dancing, and for which moreover 
there is no lack of material, still, as 
most of the dances belong to the 
theatrical representations and public 
festivals, such an investigation would 
be beyond the scope of the present 
work. A few general remarks must 
here suffice. The fundamental notion 
of all Greek dancing is the bodily 
expression of some inward feeling 
(jtr&na.Tos or vorifxaros fMl/x-rjcris); and 
that which poetry effected by words 
(Ae|is), dancing had to do by move- 
ment, kIvt)(tis. Hence the intimate 
connection which was conceived to 
subsist between the two arts, the 
latter being supposed tobe a develop- 
ment of the natural action accom- 
panying recitation. Plato, Leg. vii. 
p. 814and816. Lucian well observes 
(de Salt. 69) that in no other art is 
so equal an activity of the mind and 
body required ; for the leading idea 
must, as it were, penetrate the whole 
body, in order that each of its move- 
ments may be a speaking expression 



of it. Plutarch (Symp. ix. 15, 2,) 
divides the action of the dance into 
tpopa, (rxvua and Seibis, of which the 
first two are related to one another 
in the same way as <pQ6yyoi and 
diaaT-n/LLara in Music, while of the 
5e?|is he observes, ov fjajxririKov iariv, 
a\ka 8t)\wt ikov a\r)8us rau vttok€l- 
yiieiw. But the chief characteristic 
of Grecian dancing, and that which 
elevates it into a fine-art, is, that it 
did not consist in mere senseless evo- 
lutions, but was the outward repre- 
sentation of an inward idea, which all 
the limbs took their due share in ex- 
pressing. Xenoph. Symp. 2, 16: 
on ovSev apybv rod cwjxaros iv rfj 
opx^cei fjv, &A\' ä/xa Kai rpdxv^os 
Kai (TKeXr] Kai xelpes iyv/xvd(ovro. 
Since too the arms and hands were the 
most capable of expressive action, 
dancers were termed x^'po^o^o: and 
X^ipovöjxoi. Lucian, BJict. Prcec. 17; 
&nd Lexipk. 14. So Plutarch, Fragm. 
de Anim. 8 : Kai opx^rai 6 avdpwiros, 
ä\\a Tals xep<ri. Cf. Antiph. ap. 
Athen, iv. p. 134 : ovx opas opxov- 
fievou tcus X 6 / 3 ^ T0V ßd.Kf]\ov; But 
the Greeks had also their 'pirouettes 
and battements, as appears from Lu- 
cian,^ Salt. 71 : t))v p.ev oZvye avuro- 

VOV KlVf](TlV T7\S OpX^TlK ?jS Kai (TTpO- 

cpas avrr/s, Ka\ Trepiayooyas, Kai 7T7j5^- 
/xara, koX itkt i.a<r jxovs rots pikv aKXois 



Scene VI.] 



THE BANQUET. 



103 



Immense applause fell to his share also, and many of the 
company even preferred the boy's performance to that of 
the girl. 

'But now,' said Grlaucon, 'let them rest themselves. 
Lysiteles, order the cottabos 2i that we too may display our 
skill.' 6 Yes, the cottabos, the cottabos ! ' they all cried, 
and the word seemed to have exerted quite an electric 
effect upon the whole party. 6 Ha ! ' cried Ctesiphon to 
Charicles, 4 this is a Sicilian game ; you must be a greater 
adept at it than any of us.' 6 1 have had some practice 
therein,' answered he ; 4 but the game is possibly a still 
greater favourite at Athens than in its native land.' 4 But 
how shall we play it ? ' enquired one, 4 with the manes, or 



repirva elvai (rv/j.ßeßriK€v bpaffi. See 
Poll. iv. 99 : ßiKvovcrdai, '6irep rb 
tt)v ocrcpvv (popriKws irepidyeiv. Also 
Eustath. ad Odyss. ix. 376: ava-rrt)- 
dijaavTes els v\pos irpb rob Karevex- 
drjvai iirl yr\v TrapaWayas iroWas 
to?s iroalv iiroLovv. Though the. art 
of dancing was so highly prized ; 
though it served to give eclat to the 
festivals and shows ; and though the 
guests of the symposia dearly loved to 
see the feats of a skilful artiste; still 
in private life it was little practised, 
and there seems to have arisen almost 
a prejudice against it ; and though in 
Homer the sons of Alcinous gain 
renown by their dexterity in this ac- 
complishment, yet, at a later period, 
it seems to have been considered in- 
compatible with the dignity of a man. 
We know from Herodot. vi. 129, the 
opinion of Cleisthenes hereupon, and 
how Hippocleides, by suffering him- 
self to be seduced to the dance, lost 
his bride; indeed it was usually looked 
upon as an admonitory symptom of 
incipient intoxication. So Alexis ap. 
Athen, iv. p. 134 : 

CLirafTes bpxovvr' evOvs, av olvov p\6vov 
h<j\x.r\v lSo>ai. 
To dance was also thought a symptom 



of the highest state of transport that 
could be induced by wine. See 
Xenoph. Hier. 6, 2 ; hence the epi- 
thet irapoivioL opxhceis, Athen, xiv. 
p. 629 : be tls Kai 'I&vikt) opxt)o~is 
Tvapoivios • and Lucian, p. 288 : rb 
Qpvyiov t?is opx^ceoos eibos, rb Trapoi- 
viov Kal <tv/j.itotlk6v, fxeTa. jxeQris yt-y- 
vSfAevov, aypo'iKoop iroXXdius irpbs av- 
Xrifia yvvaucelov bpxov^evoov. Of these 
private dances there are but scanty 
notices; one however, called dyde/xa, 
is mentioned by Athen. Ib. : i\v de Kai 
irapa rols Ibicorais fj KaXovfxevr) dv- 
Qep.a. It was accompanied by these 
words : 

IIov juoi to. poSa, ttov fiot to la, irov pot to. 

Ka\a <re\iva ', 
TaSl ra poSa, raSl to. la, raSl ra <a\a 

«re'Aii'a. 

Social dances, in which both sexes 
might take part, such as Plato desires 
{Leg. vi. p. 771), do not appear to 
be mentioned anywhere. Consult 
however Aristoph. Lysist. 408 : 

'fl Xpvcroxoe, tov 'op/xov, ov eneaKevaaas 
6pxov/xeVr/s fiov Trjs ywaiKÖs ecr7re'pas, 
r) ßdXavos e/c7T6JrTa)/c6f e<e tov Tpij/xaros. 

24 See Excursus on The Games. 



104 



CHARTCLES. 



[Scene VI 



the bowls ? ' 4 With the manes,' decided Grlaucon ; 6 there's 
then more room to display one's skill.' 

A tall candelabrum was set in the midst of the circle. 
From this was suspended the balance, so adjusted, that 
when the scale-pan descended smartly, it must strike the 
head of the manes, placed beneath. Grlaucon now stepped 
forward, his arm bent, with the cylix in his hand, and 
jerked the residue of the wine towards the scale. But only 
a few drops hit it, and the plate merely oscillated a little 
from side to side. 4 He loves me not,' said he, retiring in 
vexation to his seat. 4 You should discharge it more in a 
stream,' said Ctesiphon. He took the cup, and the humid 
volley flew like a ball into the scale-plate, which descended, 



25 See Gallus, p. 498, for the cus- 
tom of wearing garlands on the breast, 
viroOvfiiSes or vTrodvfuddes. They 



sometimes occur on monuments. 
Winkelm. Monurn. ined. 200. 




A vase-painting from Tischbein, Engrav. n. 45, supposed to represent Dionysos and 
Ariadne. The chair (naOeSpa) is of a shape that frequently occurs ; on it is a skin 
(kwSiou) instead of a cushion : on the seat of Dionysos is a panther-skin ; on his head is 
a garland, and one also on his breast (v7ro0v|uuas). 



Scene VL] 



THE BANQUET. 



105 



and rang repeatedly against the bronze head beneath. 
Thus the game went round again and again. At one 
time the throw succeeded, at another it did not. Grlaucon, 
too, had the luck, eventually, to obtain a better augury as 
to his loves ; but Ctesiphon surpassed them all. 

6 Yes,' said Grlaucon, c he understands throwing the wine 
away, better than drinking it ; but now he must do the 
latter also. A larger beaker there ! that will hold at least 
ten cyathi, and also a breast-garland. 25 We will drink in 
a circle. What's the harm if we do get a little wetted ? 26 
The earth drinks, the plants drink, and as they are re- 
freshed by the water of heaven, so is the spirit of man 
cheered by wine. It lulls our cares to sleep, as poppy- 
juice and mandrake do the senses, and wakes us up to 
merriment, as oil nourishes the flame.' 27 A large goblet 
was brought, and seized by Grlaucon, who turning to the 
right, exclaimed : 6 Friendship and love to thee, Ctesi- 
phon : ' 28 — he then emptied the measure, without drawing 
breath. 6 By my troth, you force me now to break my 
determination,' exclaimed Ctesiphon. 6 Oh ! don't be 
alarmed,' cried Stephanos : 6 1 know of a first-rate specific ; 
if you get drunk to-day, drink again to-morrow, that will 
set you right.' 29 6 Eat bitter almonds,' said Euctemon ; 
6 that's a sure receipt for being able to stand much 
liquor.' 30 



26 A euphemism for being drunk 
is ßaTTTL^eadai. So Plato, Symp. 
p. 176: Kai yap Kal avr6s elfii ruv 
Xdhs ßeßairTHTjxhwv. One slightly 
touched or hit was called a.Kpo6dopa£ 
(Latine, ictus or saucius). Plutarch, 
Symp. iii. 8, 1 : rov 8e a.Kpo6d>paKos 
en fikv lo-xyeiv rb (pavraariKov, ^877 
5e rerapaxdai rb AoyicrrmSv. 

27 Xenoph. Symp. 2, 24 : t<£ yap 
ovri 6 olvos apdwv ras tyvxas ras 
f£v Xviras, wcrirep 6 (AavSpaySpas 
robs avOpwTTovs, Koi/iifei, räs Se (pi- 



Ko(ppoo~vvas, &cnrzp %kaiov (p\6ya, 
eyeipei. 

28 See the Excursus on The Sym- 
posia. 

29 oivcp rbv öivov i^€\avveiv, or 
KpaLirdXrjv KpaitrdXrj, was a proverb. 
Antiphan. apud Athen, ii. p. 44 ; and 
Plutarch, de San. Tuend. 11. 

30 Topers resorted to various de- 
vices to prevent or allay drunkenness. 
Aristotle recommends sweet wine, 



106 



CHAEICLES. 



[SCEKE VI, 



Pledging now became the order of the day, and the 
party grew more uproarious. Several called for drinking 
horns. 31 Nausicrates held one of the flute-players locked 
in his embrace, the other knelt near Callicles, and beat 
the tabor ; 32 the cottabos was forgotten. 

Meanwhile the dancers had gone away. At this mo- 
ment their owner re-appeared, and informed the guests 



cabbage, and olives. Probl. iii. 12, 
17. and 35. This property of cabbage, 
pdcpavos, or Kpa/j-ßt], Athenseus en- 
deavours to establish by sundry quo- 
tations from the poets (i. p. 34). 
Bitter almonds are also mentioned as 
a specific by Plutarch, Symp. i. 6, 4. 
Cf. Athen, ii. p. 52. It has been re- 
marked in Gallus, p. 497, that the 
<rT€(bavoi and vTro9vfj.id.des were also 
deemedantidotes againstthe effects of 
•wine. According to Diod. Sic. iv. 4, it 
was on this account that Dionysos 
wore the fi'irpa round his brow. 

31 The common forms of drinking- 
vessels which perpetually recur on 
monuments, are the kv\l£, the (pidx-q, 
and the napxho-iov, or, what much 
resembles it, the ndvQapos. The /cuAi| 
occurs most frequently, and when 
empty is generally held by one of its 
two handles. The cpidkr), a kind of sau- 
cer, without handle or foot, was laid on 
the palm of the left hand, whilst the 
right sometimes holds a drinking- 
horn. These were called /ce'para or 
pvrd, and occur in manifold shapes. 
The original and oldest shape, is that 
of the simple bullock's horn (Gerhard, 
Auserl. Gr. Vasenb. 16, 23, 25,) but 
the pointed end of this was afterwards 
transformed into the figures of divers 
beasts. Athenaeus, (xi. p. 497,) ac- 
cording to the present text, dates its 
invention from the time of Ptolemy 
Philaclelphus, though he had pre- 
viously quoted the word pvra from 



Demosthenes (in Mid. p. 565). The 
supposition that something has been 
omitted in the passage of Athenseus, 
and that the account refers to the 
Sacepas, is veryprobable. The proper 
pvrhv had an opening in the bottom, 
from which the wine poured into the 
mouth of the drinker. See the fresco, 
Pitt. d'Ercol. v. pi. 46 ; see also Doro- 
theos of Sidon ap Athen, supra ; tcl 
pvra Ktpacriv '6/j.oia elvai, SiarerprjfMe- 
va& eivaf e£ u>u Kpovvi£6vrav Xeirrws 
KarccOev ttivov<tiv' wvo/J.d<r6ai 8e airh 
rrjs pvcrecos. Inasmuch as the pvrhv 
differed nothing in form from the he- 
pas, it is not surprising that the name 
is also applied to similarly shaped ves- 
sels having no opening. According to 
the kind of head in which the lower 
end of the rhyton terminated, so was 
it named, as for example, ypvty, nd- 
Trpos, Zttttos, Tlriyacros, and so on. 
See Woodcuts in Excursus on The 
Meals, and on The Symposia ; also 
Panofka Eecherches, etc. pi. v. ; Tisch- 
bein, Collection of Engravings from 
Anc. Vases, ii. 7. With regard to the 
material, see Note 22 to Scene vm. 

82 In a vase-painting, (Tischbein, 
ii. 55,) a Trais, who is not one of the 
(XvixiroTai, kneels at the lower end of 
the kXivt), and beats the rv/uLiravov, 
whilst the avKiirpis, standing by the 
second kXlvt), blows the double-flute. 
So also in Miliin, Teint, d. Vas. Gr. 
i. 38. See Woodcuts in the Excursus 
on The Symposia. 



SCENE VI.] 



THE BANQUET. 



107 



that he was about to exhibit a mimic dance. Helena would 
receive Paris in her thalamos, and be persuaded to elope 
with him. 33 A gorgeous couch was here introduced, and 
then Helena entered in bridal array. All her motions and 
gestures indicated an inward struggle ; she was evidently 
expecting her lover. Gracefully she sank down on the 
purple coverlet of the bed, and when the flutes struck up a 
Phrygian melody, announcing the approach of the seducer, 
her bosom heaved with stronger emotion : she rose not to 



33 See Xenoph. Symp. 9, 2, where 
the Syracusan informs the company 
that 'ApidSvr] elcreiaiv els rbv eavrrjs 
re Kai Aiovvoov 6dkafj.ov. fxera de 
rovtf ?^jet AiSvvcros viroireirrwK^s 
Trapä 6eo?s, Kal e^ffeicri npbs avr)]v, 
eireira irai^ovvrai irpbs a\\r)\ovs. 
This announcement is like the pro- 
logue of the dramas, serving to pre- 
pare the spectator for what is to fol- 
low : though perfect fj.ifj.r)riKri ought 
not of course to require such an expla- 
nation beforehand. See Lucian, de 
Salt. 62. But this pompous prelude 
was quite to be expected from one 
like the Syracusan stroller. Such 
spectacles seem to have been common 
in Xenophon's day. So in Longus, 
{Pastor, ii. p. 67,) the fable -of Pan 
and Syrinx, which had just before 
been related, is introduced as a mimic 
dance. Ol he fxd\a raxecos ava- 
ardvres wpx'ho'avro rbv fxvQov rov 
Adfxwvos. 6 Aacpvis Tlava efiifj.e?ro, 
rrjv ^vpiyya XAotj. 6 fiev Uereve 
ire'iQwv., r) de afxeXovffa i/xeiSla. 6 
fxev e'Stw/ce Kal eV dttpuv roov ovvx&v 
erpexe, ras X 7 ?^-" 5 fxifj.ovfj.evos' r) 8e 
evetyaive riu Kap.uovo~au ei> rfj (pvyfj, 
K.r.X. But other dances, also, not 
exactly representing a legend, the 
eTrt\r)vLos opxyvis, for instance, were 
decidedly of a mimic character. Ibid. 
p. 66 : Apvas de, avacrras Kal KeXevcras 
avpl(eiv 5i.ovvcn.aKbv fxeXos, iiriXJjPiop 



avrdis opXT)o~iv wpX'hffa.TO, Kal ecpKei 
irore fxev rpvyävri, irore Se (pepovri 
appixovs, elra irarovvri npbs ß6rpvs, 
eira irXrjpovvri robs irldovs, elra 
ttlvovri rod yXevKovs. The interest- 
ing tale in Lucian, de Salt. 63, about 
the Cynic Demetrios, in Nero's time, 
shows that the mimic art must after- 
wards have reached a high degree of 
perfecti on . This man blamed and ridi - 
culed mimic dances ; but a celebrated 
performer begged him first to see him 
dance, before he condemned the art. 
Upon this he represented, quite alone, 
(avrbs <=</>' eavrov), the story of the 
infidelity of Aphrodite, and so per- 
fect was his delineation of the cha- 
racters, that the Cynic cried out 
in astonishment, cikovw, avQpwire, a 
iroLels, ovx öpS) fxovov, aXXa fxoi 
SoKels rals x^P^ lv avrais XaXelv. 
As Lucian remarks, (§37,) the mimic 
art took its subjects from the iraXaia 
Icrropla only ; and this statement is 
confirmed by Xenophon's Ariadne, 
by the 'Acppodlrrjs Kal "Apeos fioixela, 
above referred to, and by the 'EXev7]s 
apirayr], which, along with many 
other instances, is mentioned by Lu- 
cian, lb. § 45. The words of Xeno- 
phon have been closely followed here, 
though the dramatis persona have 
been changed. See Millingen, lined. 
Monum. ii. 12, and Tischbein, Homer 
nach antiken, vii. 3. 



108 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene VI 



meet him, stifling with difficulty her desire to do so. Paris 
came dancing in, his eyes full of an expression of the ten- 
derest affection. He sat down on the bed, and with supple 
arms clasped the peerless form. And when she, full of 
shame, and yet full of love, returned his fond embrace, 
a universal tumult arose, and the spectators, unable to 
contain themselves, swore it was no acting, but a reality , 
the boy and the girl loved each other, there was no doubt 
about it. 

4 My sandals, slave ! ' cried Nausicrates. 4 Whither 
away ? ' enquired Lysiteles. 4 To see Antiphile, my soul's 
idol.' Not a few of the guests rose to go ; though Grlau- 
con, Euctemon, and Stephanos protested that they would 
not budge an inch till the bowl was drunk out. 4 Kindle 
torches there,' cried Lysiteles, 34 4 and light the gentlemen 
out.' 4 Thanks to thee,' cried Charicles, extending to him 
his hand ; 4 my chaplet shall deck the Hermes before thy 
door.' 35 



34 Respecting the lighting-appa- 
ratus, see Notes 1 and 5 to Scene ix. 

35 See the tale about Xenocrates, 
Athen, x. p. 437 : Kai Xaßcbv rbv 
Xpvaovv (rrecpavoy koX avaXvuv t$ 



'Epfjcrj t£ l8pvfA€v<}) €7rl T?js avXrjs 
eWö^/ce?/, clxrirep dct>dei Kai robs äv- 
Qivovs eicaffTore imridevai ffTKpd- 
vovs, ecnrepas aira\Xa(T<r6fievos us 
clvtSv. 



109 



SCENE THE SEVENTH. 

THE TKITON. 

IT was one of the last days of the month of Hecatom- 
bseon, and the sun's golden orb, rising above the ocean- 
mirror, began to illumine with its rays the pediment of the 
citadel, and the lofty statue of the tutelar goddess, who 
seemed gazing earnestly over her awakening city, as she 
looked towards the placid sea, where new-born light was 
still struggling with the mists of the morning. At this 
moment a ship, more beautiful than any before seen in the 
roads of Piraeus, weighed anchor in the harbour. Though 
of an unusual size and stoutness of build, it glided lightly 
and buoyantly over the watery expanse, impelled vigorously 
by stalwart oarsmen, whose voices kept time in a rude 
sailor-chorus. 1 A fresh westerly breeze waved the purple 



1 In order that the oars might 
keep time, a sort of chaunt, KeXevo-pa, 
was universally used, at least in larger 
ships ; a /ccAeucrnfc, appointed for the 
purpose, leading, and the rowers 
chiming in. So iEschyl. Pers. 403 : 

euöiis Se Kwn-rjs poötöSo? ^vve/xßok-ß 
eiraicrai' ä.\(it)v ßpvxiov en KeAev<TjU,aTOs. 

The /ceAewnfc, inasmuch as the 
quickness or slowness of the time 
depended upon him, exercised con- 
siderable influence on the crew : olov 
Kal kv rpi-ftpei, e<pr), ftrav ireXay'ifaffi 
Kal 8er) irepav rjfiepiovs ttXovs iXav- 
vovTas, ol fxev twv KeXevffTebv dvvap- 
rai TOiavra Xeyeiv Kal iroieiv, Itxrre 
aKovav ras ipvx&s toov avQp&irwv iirl 
to ideXovras ttovciv, k.t.X. Xenoph. 
(Econ. 21, 3 ; cf. de Republ. Athen. 
1,2; and Ovid, Trist, iv. 1, 7 : 

In numerum pulsa brachia versat aqua. 
That the KeXevo'fia was sung, and was 
something more than mere beating 



time, is clear from Lucian, Catapl. 
1 9, where Cyniscos, not possessing an 
obolus to pay Charon for his passage, 
offers as an equivalent his services at 
the oar. Charon accepting the propo- 
sal, he inquires : ? H Kal viroKeXevcraL 
Select ; XAP. N7j At', yvirep et'Sfjs 
KsXevcrfxa ti tSjv vavriK&v. KTN. 
OlSa Kal iroXXa, d> Xapwv, tSov vav- 
tlkuv. aXX y opas, avreirrixovo'iv ovrot 
SaKpvopres, (here 7])xlu to ao'/xa eiri- 
Tapa%Qi\(rsTai. ' On which the Scho- 
liast remarks : 'Us iv to?s ttXolois 
X4yeiv €icti6ao~i KeXevcrat, cpdfyv Se Xeyei 
vavTiK^v, %v vTTOKeXevo'/xa KaXel, 
Si6ti euos KaTap%Ojxivov ol 'aXXot, 
vivr}KOvov to q,56fj.epov, &o~'irep Kal 
8t€ t)]v 666vt]v tSöv irXoiav jueTa tt}s 
Ktpalas iirl top icttov apacpepouffiv. 
So in the Ranee, 205, the frogs sing 
the KeXevo-fia. On board triremes a 
flute gave the time, and there was a 
Tpir t pavXr\s on purpose. Demosth. de 



110 



CHAKICLES. 



[Scene VII. 



pennon, and swelled the white sail, which swept over the 
water like an impending cloud. The briny flood yielded 
to the deep-ploughing keel, while the spray bedewed the 
gaily painted sides, ever and anon spirting up to the gilded 
figure-head — a Triton with distended cheeks, blowing a 
conch, the tutelary genius of the vessel, and which thence 
derived its name. 2 The master, a merchant of Hera- 



Coron. p. 270. So Dionysodoros, the 
flute-player, prided himself that his 
performances had never taken place 
on board a trireme. Diog. Laert. 
iv. 22. Cf. Max. Tyr. Diss. iii. p. 47. 

2 Every ship had its peculiar de- 
vice to distinguish it, and this was usu- 
ally called the itap6.<sr\\t.Qv. What this 
was, its significance, and its position 
in the ship, are discussed by Scheffer, 
de Milit. Nav. ; and by Ensched6, 
in his Diss, de tutelis et insignibus 
navium ; though this refers more to 
Roman than to Grecian vessels. The 
irapd(rriiJ.ov was sometimes the figure 
of a deity, sometimes of a beast, or 
other striking object; but where it 
was placed is doubtful. Thepassage 
in^Eschylus, Sept. Cont. Theb. 193: 

Ti ovv ; b vavrrjs apa fiS] els nptiipav 4>vyu)v 
TrpvjxvqOev evpe fxrfxo-"^ a-iarriptas ; 

does not mean, as has been supposed, 
that the sailor flees to the images of 
the gods placed at the prow, but only, 
as the context shows, that he flies 
from one place to another, as the 
Theban women had done. No doubt 
the irapdcrr]{jLov is often mentioned as 
being at the Trpdbpa. Herod, iii. 37 : 
effTi yap rod 'Hcpaio'rov rioyaX/na 
rotffi $oiviKf]'ioicri TlaraiKolai ifJL- 
(pepeffrarov, robs 01 $o(viKes iv rrjcri 
irp&pr\o~i rS>v rpiiipeav irepidyovo-i. 
And the Scholiast adds : 6eol oi 
HaraiKoi QoivikikoI iv reus irpvfxvais 
ISpvfxevoi. So again, Herod, iii. 59 : 
Kal rwv vewv Kairpiovs ixovaiwv ras 



irpdopas TjKpcarrjpiacrav, where the ex- 
pression, Trpwpai ndirpiai does not 
refer to the figure-head, but to the 
peculiar build of the ships. Yet it 
is placed in the prow by Diod. Sic. 
iv. 47 : AiairXevo-ai yap avrov <pao~iv 
01 (lev iirl veoos 7rporofxijv inl T7js 
irpdopas ixovcrrjs Kpiov ■ and Schol. 
to Apoll. Bhod. ii. 168: ewt icpio- 
irp&pov o~nd<povs eirXevcrev. Euri- 
pides, however, places it in the stern. 
Iphig. in Aul. 232 : 

Xpvcriais S' eiKoaiv 
kolt* aicpa NijpjJSes eo~Ta.o~a.v Beat, 
Trpvfi.va.is arifj.' ' A\iWetov aiparovi 

Ibid. 263 : 

npvfLvas <Tr\p.a Tavponovv bpav 
70V ndpoiKov 'A\<pe6v. 

So also lb. 240 ; and 248 : 

rots 5e K6.Sfj.os r\v xpvo~eov Spa/covr' exw 
ä/A&i. vawi> KÖpvp-ßa. 

where the same place is doubtless 
meant, though the grammarians re- 
strict the word K6pvfj.ßa to the decora- 
tions of the prow, as opposed to &<p- 
Xaara. See Etymol. M. &<p\ao~rov. 
The poets, however, do not seem to 
have adhered very rigorously to this 
distinction. Apollonius has, ii. 603 : 

*E/K7njs 5' ä</>ÄacTTOio Trapedpiaav aapa. nop- 
Vfxßa. 

Cf. Eustath. ad Iliad, ix. 241. 

Two things seem clear from the 
passages of Euripides: first,tbat every 
state had its peculiar <Tt)n.<Tiov or iiri- 
o-rifiov, which served to distinguish all 
ships belonging to it. Thus a Pallas 
was the (rrjfieiov of Athens, as appears 



SCEKE VII.] 



THE TKITON. 



Ill 



clea, strode the deck in high spirits. 3 Having disposed 
of his cargo of wheat to advantage, he had freighted the 
ship with oil, and sundry productions of Attic industry, 
which he intended for the markets of Pontus. But he de- 
signed first to steer for Chios, to complete his cargo with 
wine, and then to touch at Andros to land some passengers, 
and to take in water, for which that rocky island was famed. 
He was ruminating over his fortunate adventure, and 



from theScholion on the Acham. 521 : 
IlaXXaSia 8e iv Tats irp&pais rau 
Tpirjpcoy i)v ayaX/xard Tim %uXiva rrjs 
'Adrjvas Kct.Qi8pvfj.eva, wv iirey-eXovuTO 
[xeXXovres irXuv. Thus we have 5 At- 
tlkIv ar\ixeiov, Polygen. Strateg. iii. 
11, 11 ; and UepaiKa aij/xeTa, lb. viii. 
53, 1. In the second place this univer- 
sally used iiricrrj/jLou was on the after 
part of the ship, though the scholiast 
just cited asserts the contrary. But 
surely the poet is as good an authority 
as the scholiast, who most likely was 
under a misapprehension ; for, be- 
sides this general crrifxeiov, which was 
a national distinction, there was 
doubtless in the fore-part of each ship 
a special device, by means of which 
the individual ships might be distin- 
guished, and this was properly the 
Trapdcrr){ji.ov. At least this was more 
particularly the case with all private 
ships, all of which would not perhaps 
have the state-symbol also. From this 
Trapd<rri[j.ov the ship derived its name. 
Lucian, Navig. 5 : KaravriKpv 8e avd- 
Xoyov 7] -rrpdopa virepßeßrjKev is rb 
irpSaw fx-^Kwofxevr], r^v i-n&vvfAOV tt)s 
vecbs 6ebu ex ovo ~ a > T hv ^IffW 1/cetTe- 
pwQev. Thus in the bas-relief referred 
to in Note 4, a helmeted Minerva ap- 
pears on the Trpdopa as a TrapdcrrjfjLov. 
With this compare Ovid, Trist, i. 
10,1. That every ship had its proper 
name, is expressly stated by Palaeph. 
29 : ovofxa 8e r\v rq> irXolcp Tl^yaffos, 
ous Kai vvv eKaarov rG>v irXoioov ovojxa 
i%et. This name was written upon the 



ship, Poll. i. 86 : rb 5e iirep rb irpovx ov 
a.Kpoo~r6Xiov tttuXls 6vo/j.d(erai, 
Kai 6(p6a\[j.6s, '6ttov koI rovvofxa rr\s 
vecbs iiriypdcpovcri. Also Eustath. ad 
Iliad, xiv. 717 : tttvx^ eV-ni/, '6-irov 
o'L re 6(p9a\fj.ol faypacpovvrai Kal rb 
rrjs pe£>s ovofxa iiriypdcperai. See 
also Hippocr. Epist. iii. p. 786 ; and 
Palseph. 30: iyeypairro 5e eVi rod 
ttXolou "'(iriroi inröirrepoi." Such 
an inscription may have often served 
without any further irapda'qjxov, 

Fritzsche infers from Aristoph. 
Ran. 48, that the names of living per- 
sons were given to ships ; but perhaps 
the poet only uses the two -fold mean- 
ing of iirißareveiv, to give an unex- 
pected turn to the dialogue. Ran. 
1433, has also been adduced, though 
with very little probability, to show 
there were ships which bore the names 
of Cleocritos and Cinesias. The thing 
is not impossible in itself, even though 
no instance could be adduced ; but that 
trirem es were ever named after private 
individuals does not appear probable. 

3 The ships of the vavKXripoi were 
partly decked, partly not. Antiphone 
C&de Herod, p. 715 : eV $ fxhv yap 
iirXeofiev, affreyaffrov t\v rb irXolov, 
ds h 8e fxereßrjfxev, eo-reyao-pevor. 
rod 8e verov eVe/co ravr' r\v. Cf. 
Alciphr. Epist. i. 1 2. The passengers 
resorted mostly to the deck, Kara- 
(XTpu}\xa, which is opposed to the koiXtj 
vavs. Herod, iii. 118, 119; Lucian, 
Navig. 5. 



112 



CHARICLES. 



[ScEira VIT. 



calculating how far the profits of the voyage would go 
towards covering the expense of his new vessel. The pas- 
sengers too — what with the fineness of the weather, and 
the prospect of a quick passage — were in excellent spirits, 
and inhaled with great zest the fresh morning air ; some 
chiming in with their voices, others beating time with their 
feet to the monotonous chaunt of the crew. 

Aft, near the cheniscos, 4 where stood the steersman, who 
grasped the rudder with practised hands, were two young 
men, who complacently surveyed the vessel, and at their 
side was a third, who seemed in less cheerful mood, and 
appeared to gaze regretfully at the city which was rapidly 
receding from his view. 6 A noble bark,' exclaimed the one ; 
c it must be a quarter of a stadium in length, 5 and, as I am 
told, it draws a depth of water equal to its breadth. Only 
look at that giant mast, that mighty sail, and the beautiful 
arrangement of the rigging ! And yet it obeys the helm 
as readily as a fishing- boat.' 6 At any ra.te,' replied the 
person thus addressed, 6 we have done better in waiting a 



4 The xvvio'Kos, properly a irpo- 
toju^ xo v & s i or goose-neck, is often 
mentioned as a part of the ship, but it 
is doubtful whereabouts it was. The 
Etymol. M. says : xW '* 05 T ^ T V S 
Trpdcpas ixeoos, ov a-K^pr^vrai at 
dyKvpat, h Kai tt\s Tp6irid6s iffriv 
apX'h- eici 8' ot fiaWov rb rrjs irpv- 
jUV7]s ecpaffav anpov, irpbs t iTL^ev- 
yvvvrai at eVcoTi'Ses rrjs vecas. In 
several ancient seals it is distinctly 
placed in the fore, in others in the 
after part of the vessel, sometimes at 
both ends; now turned outwards, and 
then again bent inwards towards the 
ship. It appears most probable, how- 
ever, that its proper place was the 
after-part, irpv/xva. Lucian, Navig. 
5 : &s fie r) irpv/xva jxkv ktraviaT^Kev 
i]p4/j.a Kafj.Tr6Xr), XP V(T0 ^ V X r l v ' l(TK0V 
iiriKtip.z'vT], and Ver. Hist. ii. 41 : '6 re 
yap iv T?7 Trpv/j.i/ri x 7 l v ' l(TK0S &<pv<0 
hvrepv^aro Kai aveßorjcre. Cf. Eu- 



stath. ad Iliad, vii. 86 ; ad Odyss. xii. 
408 ; see also Plate vi. 2, in Groro v. 
Agyagfalva's Wanderungen durch 
Pompeii, which represents an allego- 
rical relief from Pompeii, in which the 
XV^kos is conspicuously represented 
in the stern. As appears from the 
above-cited passage from Lucian, it 
was gilt, as well as theTrapdcnifjLa, with 
which, however, it must not be con- 
founded. See also Lucian, Jup. Trag. 
47- 

5 It may be doubted whether, at 
the time in question, merchant-ships, 
were built of such a size, but the one 
described by Lucian, (Navig. 5,) was 
considerably larger : 7]\ikt] vavs. e5f- 
Koffi /cat eKarbu 7r^X 6<WJ/ eXeyev 6 
vavirrjybs rb /xtikos, evpos 8e virkp rb 
riraprov fxaXiffra tovtov kcu airb 
tov KaT aar pdifj.ar os is rbv irvO/ieva, 
rj ßaQvrarov Kara rbv avrXov, ivvka 
irpbs rols et/totrt. 



Scene VII. ] 



THE TKITON. 



113 



few days, than if we had trusted our lives to that rickety 
craft of the Byzantine. The owner, too, is more to my 
taste ; his whole bearing inspires confidence ; and at sea, 
you know, it makes all the difference, whether you are in 
the hands of an honest man, or of a rogue who in the hour 
of danger looks only to his own safety, and leaves the rest 
to shift for themselves.' 4 1 take him to be honest enough,' 
said the first ; 6 but in any exigency, I should not make so 
sure of his constancy. Why at such a period even the 
firm ties of friendship will relax ; in the desire of self- 
preservation every other consideration is lost, and the in- 
stinctive love of life overwhelms all feeling for another.' 6 
'After all,' interposed the third, who had joined the 
speakers, fi I am a mere fool for exposing myself so need- 
lessly to the dangers and privations of a voyage. You, 
Charicles, have a considerable sum to receive at Andros ; 
and you, Ctesiphon, intend to sell an estate of yours at 
Chios ; 7 whilst I have been mad enough to go with you, 
for no earthly purpose, but just to see the vintage of the 
noble Chian wine (which I should do far better to drink 
quietly at home at Athens) ; and here I am rolling about 
on this ship till I positively feel quite queer, instead of 
rocking lovingly and merrily on the knee of my Antiphile. 
And, what is worse than all, you have dawdled and dawdled, 
till we shall certainly arrive too late for the vintage.' £ Be 
easy on that score, Nausicrates,' answered Charicles, with a 
smile ; ' with this wind we can make Andros before night- 
fall : 8 to-morrow you will be at Chios, and in ten or twelve 
days, again, perhaps, embrace your Antiphile.' 

Meanwhile the Triton glided swiftly along the coast of 



6 From Eugene Sue's Salaman- 
der : cf. Achill. Tat. iii. 3. 

7 See Terent. Phorm. iv. 3, 75. 

H From what Bröndsted says of 
his passage to Ceos,it must have been 



easy to go from Athens to Andros in 
a day. In Homer's time only four 
days were required from Lesbos to 
the Peloponnese. Odyss. iii. 180 : 

rerparov rjp.ap Zrjv, or' ev^Apye'C vrjas ettras 
TuSetSew erapot Aio/jiJjSeos c7T7ro6ajaoto 
OTT) (ray. 



114 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene VII. 



Attica ; the sun rose higher in the sky, and the passengers 
commenced preparations for breakfast. The three friends 
followed their example, though Nausicrates was a loDg time 
in settling the preliminaries. While the other passengers 
deposited themselves without more ado on the bare deck, 
he made his two slaves unpack his travelling couch, and 
spread over it a costly carpet, and arrange the cushions with 
exquisite nicety. This, however, would not do — the sun 
was too hot for him, so the couch had to be shifted to a 
position where the sail afforded a shade. 9 At length he 
succeeded in selecting the spot where he could proceed to 
breakfast with the least possible annoyance. 

The passengers were so occupied in animated conver- 
sation, that the vessel's speed gradually diminished without 
their perceiving it. The breeze, at first so fresh, flagged 
by degrees, and the hour of noon brought a dead calm. 
The sail hung loosely from the mast, and the rowers had 
to labour harder with the oar. A pale streak in the sky 
to the south-east, whose breadth kept gradually increasing, 
made the practised steersman uneasy. 6 We shall have a 
storm,' said he to the owner, who had approached him ; 
6 let us steer for Ceos, and take refuge in its safe harbour.' 
The Heracleote thought otherwise. 6 There will be rain,' 
said he, 4 that's all ; and, before it comes, we shall perhaps 
have got to Andros. Put your helm to larboard, and keep 
close along Eubcea, so that in case of accident we may be 
within reach of the havens of Carystos or Greraestos. But I 
have no fear.' The steersman shook his head doubtfully, 
and the event too soon proved the truth of his prediction. 
The storm gathered with an incredible rapidity; the 
heavens, lately so serene, became shrouded in sombre grey ; 



9 The Attic fopling in Alcipkron, 
Epist. i. 12, is the original of this 
sketch : ob yap avex^f-evos tup ^vXwv 
TTjs a.Xidb'os eiri re Tairi}Tav nvuv 
^eviKoov Kai icpeaTpiScüv kclt atcXivels 
(ov yap 616s Te ecpacTKev tdvai K€t<rdai, 
us ol Aonroi, £tt\ t5>v Karao-Tpwjjia- 



rav, tV cravida olfxai vop.l(cov \i6ov 
rpaxvrepav) yrei nap 7}fx.Sov, aKiav 
auTcp fj.7ixwr}<rao-9ai, tV tov laiiov 
aiv^ova vTrepTrerdiavTas, &s ovSafxws 
oJ6s re &v (pepeiy ras rjXiaKas d/c- 

TiTOS. 



bCEKE VII.] 



THE TRITON. 



115 



single puffs broke the calm, and heralded the coming 
tempest. 

The helmsman altered the ship's course, steering right 
down on Euboea ; but it was too late. With mad fury the 
hurricane burst forth ; the waves upheaved themselves in 
wrathful strife, and black clouds turned the bright day 
into a twilight broken only by the fitful gleam of the 
lightning athwart the sky. 10 In vain did the sailors attempt 
to take in the canvas. On one side only they succeeded ; n 
and this but increased the danger, for the tempest pounced 
furiously on the other portion of the sheet, and nearly 
threw the vessel on her beam-ends. 

Wilder and wilder blew the gale ; the waves rose 
mountain-high ; at one moment the Triton sank into the 
abyss, the next she was in the clouds. The creaking of 
the mast, the snapping of the rigging, the shouts of the 
crew, the lamentations of the women who were on board, all 
increased the horrors of the scene. The rain poured down 
in such torrents that nothing could be seen ; no one knew 
which way the vessel was being hurried ; and all thought 
that the next second she would strike upon a rock. At 
length a gust fiercer than the rest seized the mast, which 
cracked and broke. 4 She's sprung a leak,' cried several 
voices; 'over with the cargo!' 4 Open the oil-jars,' ex- 
claimed a voice above the rest, 4 and smooth the sea.' 12 A 
host of hands forthwith set to work to lighten the ship : 



10 The whole description of the ovpiov etVat tt} irepLaycayfj rb irvevjxa. 
shipwreck is taken from Achill. Tat. The whole passage, however, is some- 
iii. 1, seqq. what obscure, and seems to suppose 

a disposition of the sails and yards, to 

11 Achill. Tat. supra. Kai 6 kv- ! which we are unaccustomed. In the 
ßepvi]Tr)s irepidyeiv e/ceAeue t)]v /ce- j relief above referred to, the yards, and 
patav. Kai o-irovSrj irepLyjyov ot vav- j apparently the sails also, seem to con- 
rat irr) fxkv tt)v bdov7]v 4ttI ddrepa j sist of two portions, united by thongs 
<rvvdyouT€s &vw rod Kepu>s ßia (rb ! or ropes. 

yap TTVtvp.a (TcpoSpSrepov ijj.Tre<rbv j 

avQeXneiv ovk iireTpsireu), irrj 8e irpbs [ 12 The belief that the sea might 

Bdnpov fJ-epos, (pv\drTovres rod j be calmed by pouring oil upon it, is 

irpörrdev /jJrpov, Ka8' h <rvv4ßaivev \ of ancient date. Plutarch, Quasi. 

i 2 



116 



CHAEICLES. 



[SCETE vn. 



earthen vessels and chests were pitched overboard. The 
owner yielded to necessity, and consigned his own venture, 
along with the passengers' luggage, to the tender mercies 
of the deep. But all was of no avail, the ship sank deeper 
and deeper ; and there being now no hope of saving her, the 
owned signed to the helmsman to have the boat got ready. 
He himself was the first to spring into it, followed by the 
helmsman and crew, who immediately began to cut the 
rope. 13 

A fierce struggle now arose between those in the boat and 
the passengers left on board the ship, who struck at them 
with oars and poles, trying to prevent the cutting of the 
rope, which would destroy their last faint hope of escape ; 
whilst the others as obstinately defended themselves, fearful 
that the boat would sink if more got into it. Meanwhile, 
the powerful hand of Ctesiphon had grasped the rope, 
drawing the boat close alongside the Triton. £ Quick ! 
Charicles,' cried he ; and then leapt after his friend, drag- 
ging with him the trembling Nausicrates. Several essayed 
to follow, but few only succeeded ; most of them fell short 
into the sea. Severed by axes, the rope at length gave 
way, and the boat parted from the ship amid the loud 
curses of those left behind. Too soon were these destined 



Nat. 12, discusses the question: 5ict 
rl rr/s OaXdrrrjS iXa'icv KarappaLvop.4- 
vf]S yluerai Karacpdveia /ecu yaX4\vr) ; 

13 Achill. Tat. iii. 3 : TeAos 5' 6 
Kvßepvr)rr}S CLTreinwy p'nrrei /.lev rd 
Tn]ddXia e/c rwv xeipwi/, acpirjcn Se rb 
<TKa<pos rrj daXdcrcrr] Kai evrpeirl(eL 
¥187] tt]v ecpoXKlSa Kai roh vavrais 
efxßalveLV KeXevaas rys diroßdOpas 
i\p%ev. Ol Se evdvs Kara yroSas e^rjX- 
Xovro. "JLvQa 877 koI rd deivd -f\v /ecu 
■t\v )Uaxi X ei P 01T0 ' L ' r ) T0S - Oi H-*" 
eirißdvres 7?Srj rbv KaXav eKOirrov ts 
ffvveSei T7]u ecpoXKiSa rep crKacpei, 
roc Se ■KXuT'ripwv snaffTOS eo"7rev5e 
fierairrjBuv, evQa Kai rbv Kvßepvrjrrjv 



ewpaKeaav ecpeXKovra rbi/ KaXwv ol 
Se e'/c tt]s ecpoXKiZos neraßalveLv ovk 
eirerpeirov K.r.X. "Evda St? tis curb 
rrjs vews veaviaKos evpwcrros Xafxßd- 
verai rov KaXw kol ecpeXKerai rrjv 
iipoXKila Kai -f\v eyyvs 77877 toxi o~Ka- 
cpovs. TjvTpeTTL^ero Se eKacrros, ws, 
et ireXao'eLe, Trr^S^a-wv els avrr\v. Kal 
5vo /xev 7) rpe7s r\hrvyj\o~av ovk dvai- 
jxwTL' iroXXoi Se diroirrfiav ireipd'- 
fxevoi eqeKv?.ladr]aav ttjs vecbs Kara, 
rrjs QaXdacrris. Tcr^ ydp rrjv e<poX- 
/a'Sa diroXvaavres ol vavraL -rreXeKtL 
Koxpuvres rbv KaXwv, rbv ttXoiv 
elxov, evda avrovs T^ye rb wed/no- 
ol Se eVl rrjs veais iTT7]pwvro Kara- 
Svvai tV ecpoXKiSa. 



Scene VII.] 



THE TRITON. 



117 



to be accomplished; for at the very moment when the 
Triton sank into her watery grave, and the last cry of 
agony burst from the perishing souls on board, a giant 
billow overwhelmed the skiff itself, and buried in the waves 
all but a few who clutched desperately at pieces of wreck 
which floated round them. 



Pallidly rose the sun on the succeeding morn, throw- 
ing a dim and melancholy light over the devastations of the 
previous day, which were but too plainly indicated by the 
stranded wreck, and the corpses of the drowned mariners 
which had been cast on shore. The storm had ceased, 
although the swell had not yet subsided, and the breakers 
still foamed furiously on the rocky strand of Euboea. 14 In 
a tiny bay, sheltered from the more savage violence of the 
waves by projecting rocks, lay, high on the beach, what 
seemed to be the lifeless body of a young man. Beside it 
knelt a slave, who was endeavouring to restore animation 
to the stiffened limbs, by diligent chafing and rubbing. 
He now and then would cast a glance at the pale and 
beautiful countenance, and wipe away the foam and salt 
water that trickled down on it from the fair-coloured 
locks. 

While he was thus engaged, a third figure appeared 
on the cliffs above. To judge from his apparel, his net 
and basket, he was a slave, despatched to secure the finny 
requisites for his master's breakfast, and at the same time 
he was apparently spying about, on his own account, for 
any chance booty that the storm of yesterday might 
have thrown in his way. 15 On perceiving the group 



14 Ta KoiA.cc rrjs Evßolas was that 
part of the coast of Euboea which 
reached from Chalcis to Geraestos. 
Strabo, x. 1 : oVt rrjs Evßolas to. 
Ko7\a \eyovo~i ra (xeTa^v AvKiSos 
Kau tü)u irepl Tspaiffrov t6itoov. It 
was a very dangerous spot for ship- 



ping. Dio Chrysost. Or. vii. p. 222 : 
koL ravr\ elirev, ecrri ra KolAa rrjs 
Evßolas, '6ttov KaTevex^eTcra vavs ovk 
av eTi trcüÖeiTj. ffiravlws 5e aw^ovrai 
KCl TWV avdpdoTrwv Tives. 

15 The Rudensof Plautus served as 



118 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene VII. 



below, he descended, impelled by curiosity, and approaching 
the slave, who was so intently engaged that he had not 
yet observed him, demanded what he was about. 6 Heaven 
be praised that you have come ! ' exclaimed the other, 
Springing to his feet. 6 Our ship was lost in the storm ; 
we were thrown up here on a piece of the wreck, and my 
lord has almost perished with wet and fatigue. Help me 
to try and revive him.' 4 Blockhead ! ' said the fisherman ; 
4 and so you throw away your chance of becoming free ? 
He sleeps sound enough ; let him alone ; and be off your- 
self whither you will. To-day you save his life, and to- 
morrow, perhaps, you will wear chain and collar. Away, 
I say. You will never have such a chance again.' 6 So you 
would advise,' answered the slave, 4 and so would many 
more ; but may Zeus forfend that I should desert my lord, 
whom I played with when we were boys, and lived with in 
a foreign land. Besides, 'tis better to live with a good and 
generous master, than, with the empty name of free man, 
to drag on a miserable life. But now, no more of that ; 
your master, perhaps, lives close at hand ? ' 4 A short 
stadium hence,' replied the fisherman ; 4 his country-house 
is just behind the cliff.' 4 Eun, then,' cried the slave; 4 run 
and say that a noble Athenian has been shipwrecked ; 
pray him to send hither wine and dry garments. Make 
haste, and you shall be richly rewarded for your trouble.' 
The fisherman shook his head ; but setting down his net 
and basket, he disappeared. 

The slave redoubled his exertions, and the wan limbs, 
he fancied, began to reassume something of the colour of 
life. He next applied his cheek to the nostrils and mouth, 
laying his hand at the same time on the heart of his 
master. 4 He breathes,' cries the slave, bounding up in 



the original in the following picture. 
Th e house of D semones i s i n like man- 
ner near the sea ; so likewise Gripus 
has gone out to fish on his master's 
account : iv. 1, 6 : 



Sed Gripus servus noster quid rerum gerat, 
Miror, de nocte qui abiit piscatum ad mare. 

See statues of fishermen with the 
basket in Mus. Pio-Clem. n. 32, 33. 



Scene VII.] 



THE TRITON". 



119 



ecstasy ; 6 and I feel his heart still beats, feebly though it 
be ! ' Snatching up a handful of wild thyme, he rubbed it 
briskly in his hands, and held it before the face. The 
youth moved, and for a moment opened his eyes, but closed 
them again. 6 Charicles ! ' cried the honest slave, 6 awake ! ' 
The other again unclosed his eyelids, and attempted to 
raise himself. 6 Manes,' said he, with feeble accents, ' is it 
you ? Where are we ? ' 6 Safe,' answered the slave, 4 and 
on dry land.' 4 And Ctesiphon ? ' enquired his master. 
Manes turned away his face, and was silent. 6 Poor Ctesi- 
phon ! poor Nausicrates ! ' sobbed the youth, the tears 
flowing from his eyes. 6 May be, they are also saved,' 
interposed the slave ; 6 who knows ? As I was hauling you 
on to the board which brought us hither, I saw them 
grasp hold of a fragment of the stern, big enough to bear 
them both.' c You have saved my life, Manes,' said Cha- 
ricles, taking hold of his attendant's hand ; 6 the moment 
we return to Athens you shall be free.' 6 Yet allow me to 
remain in your house,' replied the faithful domestic. 6 But 
now, pray, be mindful of yourself. Let me lead you where 
the sun has warmed the air.' 

While the youth, assisted by Manes, was endeavouring 
to rise, the fisherman returned. He brought with him 
wine and bread in a basket, and was followed by two other 
slaves with blankets and dry clothes. On hearing of the 
disaster, the kind-hearted owner of the neighbouring villa 
had ordered the survivors to be conveyed to his abode, 
where a bath was being prepared with all speed. The 
warm dry clothing and the genial heat of the wine soon 
infused new strength and animation into the chilled limbs 
of Charicles ; but he sat silent and abstracted, recalling to 
himself the scene of yesterday, and sick at heart with the 
loss of his dearest friend on earth. 

Manes, reinvigorated by his share of the dry clothing 
and restoratives, had mounted the projecting cliff, and was 
gazing seaward over the still agitated waters. His eye 
became suddenly riveted on a dark object, that seemed 



120 



CHAKICLES. 



[Scene YU. 



gradually nearing the shore, urged onward by the current. 
He called the fisherman, and asked him what it was. 4 A 
piece of timber,' replied the man ; ' belike a bit of your 
ship.' £ No such thing,' retorted Manes, who could now 
discern more plainly the outline of the object ; 4 it is a boat. 
Surely no fishermen have ventured out in such weather ? ' 
6 By Poseidon, they would be mad, an' they had ; may be 
'tis some fishing-boat that the storm has driven out to sea.' 
4 No, no ! ' cried Manes ; 4 there is somebody aboard of her, 
rowing hard in to shore.' The skiff drew nearer, and three 
men became plainly distinguishable on board. Two of 
them had oars ; the third sat between them doing nothing. 
At this moment Charicles, attracted by the conversation, 
approached the speakers. As he gazed fixedly at the 
advancing skiff, a presentiment came over him, which he 
scarce dared confess even to himself. And now the boat 
essayed to land ; but as it approached, it was repeatedly 
borne back again by the violence of the surf, till at last a 
prodigious wave carried the frail bark, far better than the 
expertest steersmen could have hoped, right over the 
rocks, on to the shallowest place upon the beach. 16 Out 
sprang the man who stood in the bows, and held her fast 
with one had, while with his other he assisted a second 
person, apparently weak and exhausted, to land ; the third 
then followed, violently pushing out the boat, which was 
immediately stove in upon the rocks. 4 That's Ctesiphon, 
as I live ! ' cried Manes. 4 1 almost think you are right,' 
said Charicles. 4 So surely as you are Charicles,' replied 
the domestic ; 4 and Nausicrates is with him.' 4 Away 
then,' cried the master ; 4 run and guide them hither.' 

Manes was right : when the boat upset, Ctesiphon and 
Nausicrates had clung to the ship's rudder, which had been 
unshipped and was floating by; the steersman had done 



16 Plaut. Hudens, i. 2, 75 : 
Ut afflictantur miserse! Euge, euge, per- 
bene! 

Ab saxo avortit fluctus ad litus scapham, 
.Neque gubernator urnquaa potuit rectius. 



Cf. Dio Chrysost. supra: rb /neu 5^ 
clkoltlou els rpaxvv riva alyiaXbv 
virb ro7s Kpr\ixvois iKßaXoures 8ie- 
(pOeipav. 



Scene VII.] 



THE TRITON. 



121 



the same, and thus had they endured through the horrors 
of the night, in momentary danger of being swept off and 
engulphed by every wave. As morning dawned, Ctesiphon 
espied, floating not far off, an empty fishing-skiff, which 
had, probably, been loosened from its moorings by the 
fury of the tempest, and thus carried out to sea. 6 A Grod- 
send for our rescue ! ' he cried, as he dashed into the sea, 
gallantly cleaving the flood with his brawny arms. The 
steersman followed his example, and they both reached 
the skiff in safety, and managed to assist Nausicrates, 
whose strength was utterly exhausted, in getting aboard. 
At first they tried to reach the coast of Attica, but were 
forced to abandon the attempt ; so, resigning themselves 
to the current, they were carried by it to the Eubcean 
coast, where, to their astonishment and delight, they found 
the friend whom they supposed had perished ; and they 
soon received, under a hospitable roof, that attention which 
their exhausted frames required. 



They spent two days at the country-house in recruiting ; 
and then, the weather having cleared, and the clouds, which 
had enveloped the peaks of Eubcea, 17 being dissipated, the 
three friends debated as to what was next to be done. 
4 Carystos is not far hence,' said Ctesiphon ; 6 we had best 
take ship there, and return at once to Athens.' 4 Not for 
worlds ! ' exclaimed Nausicrates ; 6 I'll not tempt the for- 
bearance of Poseidon a second time. I shall take the 
shortest route to Athens, and once there, catch me ever 
again venturing one foot out to sea ! if I do, I give 
Poseidon leave to treat me as he just now threatened to 
do. 18 But how can I possibly travel to Athens in such a 
plight as this ? I have lost all my baggage, besides two 



17 Dio Chrysost. supra: ßovXoi- 
\jl7\v 8' ~kv eywye Kal jxtTa. ireVre rjfxe- 
pas A.tj£cu rhu 6.vefxov ' a\Ka ov pa8iov, 
e?7rej/, '6rav ovtw Trieadrj ra &Kpa 



T7)s Evßoias wrb ru>v veQwv, &s 76 
vvv KaT€iAr)(j.fjLem dpas. 

18 Plaut. Most. ii. 2, 1. 



122 



CHAKICLES. 



[Scene VII. 



slaves, of whom one alone cost me five minse, the last new 
moon but one. That would not so much matter, had but 
my Persian carpet been saved. As it is, I have not a 
garment fit to appear in, and you yourselves are no better 
off. Listen, therefore, to my advice ; it can't be more 
than two days' journey to Chalcis, and a friend of mine 
lives there, who pays me an annual visit at the Dionysia. 
We will make use of him ; he shall provide us with new 
suits, and then we will start for home.' 

This proposal was agreed to ; and though Ctesiphon 
had his laugh at the timidity of the un-Salaminian 19 
Nausicrates, he allowed that under existing circumstances 
it would be insane to think of continuing their journey. 
Their amiable host provided them with a vehicle drawn 
by mules, and he himself accompanied them for some dis- 
tance on horseback. 20 

Nausicrates' scheme was doomed to be frustrated, for 
he discovered that his friend was from home, having gone 
for his health to the medicinal spa of iEdepsos, distant 
about a day's journey ; and that a fortnight might elapse 
before he returned. Charicles and Ctesiphon now proposed 
crossing over at once to the mainland ; but their friend 
was of a different opinion. 6 I have often,' said he, 4 heard 
my friend talk with rapture of the delightful mode of living 
at these baths ; and now that we are so near, it would be 
unpardonable not to pay them a visit. Listen, — these 
rings are of great value ; I will pawn them, 21 and we can 
thus procure a scanty wardrobe, and then proceed to visit 



19 'Ao-aXafj.ivios. Aristoph. Ban. 
204. 

20 ^Eschin. de Falsa Leg. p. 282. 
See Note 6 to Sc. i. 

21 Money was frequently lent on 
pledges ; for instance even on a horse, 
while things of less value were often 
left in pawn for small sums. Aris- 



toph. Pltit. 450 : 

iToiov yap ov OJipaKa., iroiav ia-iriSa. 
ova evexvpov tl&t\<tlv 17 nuapioTanj ; 

At Athens it was forbidden to pawn 
arms. See Böckh's Public Econ . of 
Athens, p. 1 29. Aristoph. Lysist. 113: 

kolv el fze xpeCr) rovynvicXov 
TOWTi Karadelaap 6/c7rtetc av6T)fj.epbv, 

appears to allude to pawning clothes. 



SCEITE VII.] 



THE TRITON. 



123 



my friend at the spa.' He expatiated so alluringly on the 
pleasures of the spot, that they actually decided on pro- 
ceeding thither — and in truth, iEdepsos 22 was a place that 
well merited even a more distant pilgrimage. Besides its 
many natural beauties, which made it a charming place 
of residence, the celebrity of the waters had caused the 
erection of several handsome dwelling-houses and other 
edifices. The neighbourhood abounded in game of all sorts, 
and the variety of choice fish caught in the deep limpid 
bays of the coast was well worthy of the table of the most 
fastidious epicure. Many resorted to the place, not merely 
from Euboea, but from the mainland ; and whilst some 
came to reap benefit from the waters, the sole object of 
others was the pleasant society and the luxurious mode of 
life. The height of the season was towards the end of 
spring; but, though autumn was now beginning, there 
was no lack of visitors. 

The next morning found the three friends already on 
their road to iEdepsos. Although no admirer of pedes- 
trian excursions, yet on this occasion Nausicrates was very 
content to overlook the fatigue of such a manner of tra- 
velling, in the feeling of security he derived from being 
again on terra firma, and in the anticipation of the ex- 
pected pleasures of the far-famed spot. 



22 This may perhaps be an ana- 
chronism. No evidence has been ad- 
duced to show that at so early a period 
any one of the numerous spas of 
Greece was able to attract from a 
distance those who were in pursuit of 
health or of amusement. Afterwards, 
however, iEdepsos became quite a 
Grecian Baise. Plutarch, Sympos.ixA, 
gives the following account of it : T^s 
Evßoias 6 kth^os, ov to, Qepjxa, 
X^piov icrrli/ avrcxpves iroWa irpbs 
yhovas i%ov iXevQepiovs, Kal Kars- 
(TKeva(Tfji.evov oltcffffstri ku\ dia'iTais, 
KOLvhv o\K7]Tf]piov airofiedeiKTai Trjs 



'EAAaSos, k.t.K. In later times, 
indeed, numerous thermae are men- 
tioned : Aeßediois 8e raXovTpa iv rr) 
yfj Qavfxa avdpdoiroLS öjxov Kal u<pe\€ia 
yiverai. "Ecrri Se Kal Ttfiois eVl rrj 
&Kpa Xovrpa rfj Maiepla, k.t.A. 
Pausan. vii. 5, 5. Thus too we read of 
one in Elis : Xovo/xevois 8e ev Ty 7^77? 
Kajxarwu re iari Kal a\yrjfjLarwv 
iravioiwp lafxara. Pausan. vi. 22, 4. 
Warm springs were in an especial 
manner held sacred, as appears from 
Aristotle, Probl. xxiv. 19, where I19 
discusses the question : Ato rl rä 
Oepixa Aovrpa Upa ; 



124 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene VII. 



It was nearly noon when they encountered a litter 
borne by four slaves. 23 Four stalwart bearers followed 
behind, to relieve the others from time to time ; and the 
whole appearance of the equipage proclaimed its owner to 
be a person of considerable wealth. Probably it was some 
invalid who had wooed in vain the healing Nymphs of 
iEdepsos ; for the curtains on both sides of the litter were 
closed, and the bearers strode cautiously along, for fear of 
stumbling, or causing any concussion. 

Passing the cortege, our travellers kept on their road, 
which skirted a brook, overgrown with thickets of under- 
wood. They had not gone far, when they heard female 
voices close at hand, in the direction of the brook, accom- 



23 The use of litters was probably 
introduced from Asia into Greece at 
an early period, although the Greek 
euTeAeia would most likely divest this 
mode of conveyance of much of the 
luxury attached to it in the East. 
Their use appears to have been, for 
the most part, confined to women. 
So Suidas, s. v. (popeiwu, says, TrXiy/xa 
Troi7}(ravTes e/c Xvyaiv (popeiov rvircp 
yvvaiKzioov Sep/Aaai ßodois iirnrXa- 
craures aKarepydarpois. For a man 
to employ them without special cause, 
was considered worthy of reproach. 
Dinarchos, in De?nostk.-p.29, mentions 
it as a sign of rpvcprj. rpvtpwv eV rots 
rrjs iröXews kcucois Kai inl (popeiov 
Ko.raKOfxi^6jxevos rr]v us Tleipaia odbv 
Kai ras rwv Trev^rav omopias oveidi- 
(wv. Hence they were hardly ever 
used except in cases of personal in- 
firmity : and thus even in the time of 
Pericles, the mechanician Artemon, 
who used alitterbecausehewas lame, 
gained the nickname of Tlepi<p6pr]ros. 
Anacr. ap. Athen.xii.p.533; Plutarch, 
Pericl. 27. For sick persons it was 
a simple bed rather than a litter, and 
hence it was often also called KXivrj. 
Jjysi&s,de Vuln.Prßm.-p. 172; Andoc. 



de Myst. p. 30. The regular litters, 
like those of the Romans, (see Gallus, 
p. 341, seq.,) were constructed for a 
recumbent posture, and were covered 
in, as appears from the passage just 
quoted from Suidas. There were also 
rideaux at the sides. Plutarch, 
Eumen. 14: 'AKovaas 5' 6 Ev/i4vr}s 

f)K€ TTphs aVTobs dp6fJL(p Tobs KOUL- 

£ovras iinraxvvas, Kal rod (popeiov 
ras eKarepwdev avXalas ävaKaXvrpas 
irpovreive r)]v 8e|iav yeyrjöds. Eu- 
menes was carried because he was ill. 
"When theMacedonian rule introduced 
luxury more and more into Greece, 
the litter, no doubt, became more 
splendid. Thus at Corinth Antigonus 
sends Nicaea to the theatre iv (popeLcp 
K€Ko<Xfj.rifi4i/Cf} ßacnXiKus. Plutarch, 
Arat. 17. The bearers were usually 
four in number. Lucian, Epist. 
Saturn. 28 : is yripas a<piK6^vov 
rots avrov tco<t\v, aXXa /xij (popdSrjv 
iirl rerrdpuot/ o^ou/xe ov. Id. Somn. 
seu Gallus, 10: (popdSrjv wrb rerrd- 
pwv KeKofiicTfieuov. Hence, perhaps, 
are to be explained the four talents, 
which Artaxerxes gave to the bearers 
of Pelopidas. Plutarch, Pelop. 30. 
Cf. Lucian, Cyn, 9. 



SCEKE VIL] 



THE TRITON. 



125 



panied by much merriment and laughter. Approaching 
the spot, they beheld through a break in the bushes a most 
fascinating spectacle. By the margin of the brook sat a 
blooming fair one, dabbling with her feet in the brawling 
stream, and behind her a female slave held a parasol 24 to 



24 A parasol, oK.i6Zet.ou, was an 
indispensable article to a Grecian, or 
at least to an Athenian lady ; it was 
usually carried by a female slave ; but 
on festivals this servicewas performed 
by the daughters of the Metceci. So 
in Aristoph. Thesmoph. 821, the 



chorus of women taunt the men who 
had thrown away their <tk iddeiov, the 
shield. These parasols occur fre- 
quently on vases. The accompanying 
figure is taken from Millin, Peinturts 
de Vases Antiques, ii. pi. 70. See 
also, Paciaudi de umbellce gestatione. 



126 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene VII. 



shade her delicate form from the scorching rays ; whilst 
another of more tender age knelt on the ground, and joked 
confidentially with her mistress. A little way off a male 
slave was packing up the breakfast things, which had been 
spread among the tall grass ; 25 and on the road close by 
was a carriage drawn by mules, 26 the driver of which was 



This parasol much resembled ours, 
being constructed of moveable ribs, 
so that it could be put up or down as 
required. 

ra S' wra yap gov, vy At', et-eireravvvTO, 
wo-irep crKidSetoi/, Kai ndkiu ^vvrjyeTO. 

Aristoph. Equit. 1347, on which the 
Scholiast observes : eKreiverai Se Kai 
crvcrTeWeTai Trpbs rbv Kareire'iyovTa 
KcupSv. Cf. Ovid, Art. Am. ii. 209 : 
Ipse tene distenta suis umbracula virgis. 
They were occasionally carried by 
men, but this was considered a mark 
of effeminacy. Aristoph. Aves, 1507, 
does not prove this, but afragment of 
Anacreon, quoted by Athen, xii. p. 
534, does : /cat ckio,S'l<t kt)v e\e<pavTi- 
vr]u cpopeei ywaigiv avrws. In later 
times, instead of a parasol, women 
wore on the head a QoXia, which was 
something like a modern straw-hat. 
Poll. vii. 174: 6o\ia 8' eKaXelro 
irXeyixa tl OoXoeiSks, 3> avr\ aKiaSiov 
ixp&vro at yvvalnes. See Scholiast 
on Theocr. xv. 39 ; and Harpocr. s.v. 
@6\os. 

25 This description is from Eurip. 
Iphig. Aul. 410: 

a\K' ws nanpav ereivov, evpvrov irapa 
Kprivyjv ava\]/vx 0V0 ~ L 0r)\virovv ßäo~iv, 
avrai re ttCjXoCt', es Se Xei^voiv x^-Ötjv. 
KaOe'iixev avras, <i>s ßopas yevaataro. 

26 y er y ijttle can be said of the 
carriages of the Greeks, and even 
their general shape is a subject in- 
volved in doubt. Of names even we 
have but a scanty list, the general 



terms (evyos and oxvfia being mostly 
employed. The use of carriages was 
very limited, and he who used one in 
the city and environs was always set 
down as effeminate or proud. So De- 
mosth. adv. Phcenipp. p. 1046 : cnro- 
Zojxevos rbv TroXefj-Lcrrripiov 'Ittttov kol- 
raßeßr)Kev airb rwv 'Ittitciiv Kai Lvr' 
eneivov oxvp-a ai/rco rr]\iKovTos &v 
ewvrjTai, 'Iva /x^ Tre£r} iropevriTai. 
To<ravT7]s rpvtprjs fxecrbs ovr6s iffri. 
This explains the anecdote in Diog. 
Laert. iv. 3 : Speusippos, while going 
to the Academy in a carriage, met Dio- 
genes, and saluted him with a Xalpe, 
to which the Cynic replied : 'AAAa /x$) 
(Tv ye, bcrris VTro/xeveis £r\v toiovtos 
&v. Cf. Aristoph. Thesm. 811. It 
was considered arrogant even in wo- 
men. Demosth.in Mid.]). 565. Hence 
Lycurgus, the orator, caused a law to 
be enacted, that the women should 
not drive to Eleusis, that the poorer 
classes might not feel the distinction. 
Plutarch, Bee. Or. Vit. iv. p. 378. 
His own wife, however, transgressed 
the law, and he had to silence the 
sycophants with a talent. Timoleon 
drove into the assembly, and con- 
tinued in his carriage during the de- 
bate ; but he did so because he was 
blind. Plutarch, Timol. 38. It is 
a mark of distinction in Andoc. de 
Myst. p. 23 : rbv Se twv KaKwv tou- 
tuv aXriov AioKXeidrjv, ods <rwrripa 
ovra rrjs irSXeus eVl £evyovs i\yov 
els rb irpvTavelov arecpavdxravTes. 

As regards the different kinds of 
carriages, the meagre account of Poll. 



Scene VII.] 



THE TRITON. 



127 



conversing with a second slave, whose dress bespoke him 
to be a eunuch. 

The trio stood enchanted, their eyes fixed on the sport- 
ing maidens, who, casting aside the irksome trammels of 
stiffness and formality, were giving loose to the exuberance 
of their spirits. The younger female attendant, who ap- 
peared to be regarded rather as a companion than a slave, 
now brought a handful of flowers, which she had just 
culled, and as she showered them into the lap of her mis- 
tress, whispered something in her ear, which might not be 
heard even by the bushes around. In pretended wrath, 
the lady seized her gold-embroidered shoe, to strike her 
offending domestic ; but in the attempt it slipped from 
her hand, and flew into the brook. 

The maidens all set up a scream, when Charicles, with 
rash resolve, dashed down, and rescued the floating shoe. 
The women screamed louder than ever, and essayed to 
flee ; but in the twinkling of an eye Charicles gallantly 
handed the slipper to the damsel, who rose blushing and 
confounded, and looked around, but in vain, for her veil 



x. 51, must suffice. Strangely enough, 
he speaks as if carriages were only 
used early in the morning : aAA' el 
jxev alwpixrei Trj Si' oxriiuarwc XPV r & 
Tis nepl tV ecu, Oepovs ovros, irpiv^ 
rhu r\\iov irepicpXeyeiv, tcl ei57? twv 
b%r]fji.arwv iareou, eire apiiara, e£re 
0%01/s, eüre afj-d^as, eifre Kafj-ir^vas 
aWa irpoa^KeL H.a\e?v. effTi Se rov- 
vo\xa 7] Xa{xiri]vr] ev rfj ~2,o<poKAeovs 
NautfiKaa Kal ii> tols VlevdvSpou 
a\i€v<TLu. To these names may be 
added app.a, aTrrjvr), and 6xw a '} hut 
these are either general terms, or 
are used to denote carriages not in 
ordinary use, and this may also he 
said of the Lacedaemonian KdvaQpov. 
Müller, Dorians, ii. p. 292. We learn 
also that carriages were adapted part- 
ly for sitting, and partly for lying 
down in ; they were partially covered ; 



and were sometimes on two, some- 
times on four wheels. Poll. x. 52 : rh 
Se iu9p6via, ra Se eh rb KaraKXlvai 
evevvaia, tcl Se Kardcrieya, Kal crre- 
yaffrä, Kal Kapapai ' ovrw yap wuo- 
fxacrev 'HpoSoTOS ' Kal sLevotpoov Se ev 
rfj TlaiSeia rb i(TTeya(Tfj.epov fxepos 
■njs afxd^r}S vrroa^fxaivciv e<pT], Kal 
KareKXivav Kal KareKaXvtyav r^v 
GKi)vi]v ' Kal ret fxev TeTpaKVKKa, Ta 
Se SiKvKXa. Mules were frequently 
used : on them was placed an easy 
saddle with a hack to it, äcrTpaßv, 
(clitella,) hut this word came after- 
wards to he used for the beast itself. 
Demosth. in Mid. p. 558 : eV dcrpa- 
ß-qs b%ov(ievos e'£ 'Apyovpas ttjs Ev- 
ßoias. With this compare Lysias, de 
Inval. p. 747: « y^p eKeicT-f} {ir\v 
ovfflav, eV a(TTpdßr]S au ü)Xov/u.r]v, 
and Machon, ap. Athen, xiii. p. 582. 



128 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene YH. 



and mantle, which had been left behind at the spot where 
they had breakfasted. Charicles too felt no little emotion ; 
he fancied that he had never in his existence beheld a form 
more lovely, or more fascinating features. The sparkling- 
brilliancy of her eyes was mingled with a look of soft 
rapture ; a profusion of light hair descended on her neck 
in luxuriant ringlets, while the finely-pencilled arch of the 
eyebrows was of a jetty black : in the delicate whiteness 
of her cheeks rose a soft tinge of natural vermilion ; the 
mouth was like a rose-bud, just on the point of unfolding 
its leafy chalice ; 27 and her whole person possessed an 
irresistible charm of youthful loveliness. For a few mo- 
ments only was the happy Charicles permitted to revel in 
the contemplation of such surpassing beauties ; the cries of 
the female slaves had summoned the male attendants, and 
the females fled faster than ever, on seeing Nausicrates 
and Ctesiphon also approach. Many a longing lingering 
look did Charicles cast after the disappearing carriage, 
which he regretted he could not follow. 

His pleasant reverie was disagreeably broken by Mane?, 
who informed him that he had learnt, in conversing with 
the driver of the vehicle, that it was the family of a rich 
Athenian, who was aged and infirm, and was being con- 
veyed home from iEdepsos in the litter. The fair en- 
chantress was this person's wife, but Manes was unable 
to tell his name. 4 What, married ? ' cried Charicles, in 
agitation. 6 And to a sick old fellow ? ' continued Nausi- 
crates. 4 By Hera, though, she was beautiful : tender and 
lovely as Aphrodite, with the life and bloom of an Artemis. 
Ay ! ay ! the statues of both goddesses must have stood in 
her mother's thalamos.^ 8 



27 The description of Leucippe in 
Achill. Tat. i. 4: 6/x/xa yopybv iu 
7/80W7 ' KOjxri ^avQri, rb £av9bv oi\ou ■ 
6(ppvs /xeAaiva, rb fxeAav &Kparov " 
\<=vnr] izaptia, rb Aevicbv els /xeaov 
icpotvicraero Kal i/xi/xelTO iropcpvpav, 
qlov els rbv iXecpavra Avftia ßdnrei 
•yvvi) ■ rb crbpa poSoov txvdos fy, '6rav 



apx r ? Tal T ^ pohov avoiyeiv rwv <pvX- 
~hwv ra x^V- The o/x/xa yopybv iv 
V$ovjj, in this passage, corresponds 
to the expression, ruv ocpdaKfiau rb 
vypbv afxa r$ (frcuSpcy, in Lucian, 
Imag. 6. 

28 Such effects were commonly 



Scene VII.] THE TKITON. 129 

The friends continued their journey ; but Charicles had 
turned silent and thoughtful, and the banter of his com- 
panions was manifestly unpleasing to him. The attractions, 
also, of the baths were quite lost upon him, and in spite of 
their Chalcian host's kind endeavours to make their stay 
as agreeable as possible, Charicles would only stop a day 
or two, and incessantly urged his friends to return, since 
pressing business called him to Athens. At length Nausi- 
crates yielded to his solicitations, though much against his 
inclination, since he was successfully endeavouring to con- 
sole himself for his recent calamities with the pleasures the 
place afforded. 6 Pressing business, no doubt ! ' he would 
say snappishly to Charicles ; 6 that fair apparition is the 
real magnet 29 of attraction to. Athens. But what's the 
good ? she is married, you know.' The colour that suffused 
the cheek of Charicles showed that Nausicrates was right 
in his conjecture ; still, as the other persisted that he must 
be in Athens by a certain day, Nausicrates was at last 
obliged to yield the point. 



attributed to the frequent survey of 
beautiful statues, and even Enipe- 
docles noticed the supposed fact. 
Plutarch, de Plac. Philos. v. 1 2 : 'E^Tre- 
SoKXrjs rrj Kara t^v <TvXXi]^/iV(pavTa(T'ia 
rrjs yvvaiicbs jxopcpovcrQai ra ßp4<pr). 
ttoWolkis yap sikovwv Kal avSpidv- 
Twv T]pd(x6n)(rav yvvaiKes, Kal '6/xoia 
tovtois airtreKov. On this hinges 
the whole plot in Heliodor. jEthiop. 
iv. 8, where the queen of the ^Ethio- 
pians declares that she has brought 
forth a white child, because she had 
the image of Hesione before her. See 
Galen. Hist. Phil. xix. p. 329. The 
same author states elsewhere : i/xol 8e 
Kal x6yos Tis apxatos ifxrjvvcrev, '6tl 
to>v a/jiSpcpaiv Tis SvvaTbs ev/j.op'pov 
64Xcoi> yevvr\(Tai iraTSa, iirolTjffe ypd- 
\pai iv 7rAaT6t £uA.<p eueiSes 6.XK0 
iraiZiov Kal eXeye Trj yvvaiKl (Tv/i- 
Tr\eK6fjievos iKzlvw t<$ tvitcv tt\s ypa- 



(pyjs ifxßXeireiv. 7] f)e aTeves ßXiirovcra 
Kal ws %GTiv eltreiv oXov Tbv vovv 
exovaa, oi>xl t<$ yevvqaavTi, aXXa 
t<2 yeypa/xfj-evcp öfiolws arreTeKe Tb 
iraiUov. Be Therica, xiv. p. 254. 
The reader may attach what credit 
he chooses to Oppian, Cyneg. i. 361, 
where it is stated that the Lacedaemo- 
nians placed before their pregnant 
ladies pictures representing 

Nipe'a /ecu 'NdpuMTcrov, eü/AjoteAirjf 5' 'Ya- 
KivOov. 

29 The comparison of a fascinating 
woman with a magnet, X(9os 'Hpa- 
KXe'ia, or MayvrjTis, occurs in classic 
writers. Lucian, Imag. 1 : el 8e /cd- 
Kt'ivt) irpoaßXeipzie <re, t'is etTTat 
firixavr) airocTTrivai avTrjs ; a7ra|ei 
ydp <re avahT](rafx4vr}, evOa av ideXrj, 
'direp Kal r) X'idos 7) 'HpaKXela dpa 
Tbv (Tidvpov. Cf. Achill. Tat. i. 17. 



130 



SCENE THE EIGHTH. 

THE INVALID. 

IT was now two months since Charicles had returne^to 
Athens ; but that peace of mind and cheerfulness 
which accompanied him on board the Triton, had not been 
the partners of his return. His property had, by Phorion's 
assistance, been securely and advantageously invested : 
slaves had been purchased, and his abode fitted up with 
every convenience. The walls and ceilings of the chambers 
and saloons were decorated in a light and cheerful style, so 
that in the opinion of every body it was an excellent and 
commodious abode. The possessor alone was dissatisfied, 
and felt lonely in the empty cheerless rooms. But even 
in the convivial circle he was not happy. The turmoil 
of the market-place was irksome, and the spirit-stirring 
life of the Gymnasium disturbed his reveries ; his highest 
pleasure was a stroll to the great platanus-tree, where, 
in the grateful privacy of the spot, he could bury himself 
in undisturbed meditation. 

6 You are in love/ his friends would often say jokingly, 
when the petals of an autumnal flower in his garland 
happened to drop off. 1 6 To be sure I am,' had formerly 
been his laughing retort ; but now he did not relish the 
sally ; and the mounting colour proclaimed that now at all 
events the proverb held good. Some well-meant advice of 
Phorion's had had the most serious effect upon him. One 
day, he had shown this friend of his father's over his 



1 When leaves fell from a chaplet, 
it was looked upon as a sign of the 
wearer's being in love. See Calli- 
machus, 45 : . 

"EAxos ej(<ov 6 £etvos e\dv6avev' co? b.vir\pov 
nuevfta Sid <TTr)6i(av, etSes, avrfydyero ', 

to rpirov y yij tnive, to. Se poSa <j>v\\oßo- 
\ovvra 



Twi'Spb? airb aTefydvtav ndvr' eyevovro 
XO.fl.ai. 

and the discussion in Athen, xv. p. 
669 : Sia Tt 5e hiyovrai, rwu iffre- 
{f>avct>/i4vtov iav Xvoovrai vt (TTecpavoi, 
'6ri epwct. 



Scene VIII.] 



THE INVALID. 



131 



newly-furnished dwelling. Among other things the women's 
apartments had not been omitted ; and, in fact, matters 
almost looked as if a bride were daily expected at the 
house. 8 You've done quite right, my friend,' was Pho- 
rion's remark ; 8 but this is not enough. Seek out now 
a discreet housewife, to preserve thee from the follies of 
youth, and to bring a blessing on thy house withal. Choose 
for thyself a damsel of equal rank, not dowerless, for then 
she will not assume her due position in the household ; 2 
nor yet a great heiress, or thine own independence will be 
bartered for her portion. You are nearly a stranger in 
this city, so let me woo for you. Pasias, my brother's son, 
has a daughter, a comely child, both modest and thrifty ; 
if you desire it, I will solicit her hand for you.' Charicles 
made no answer to this proposal ; for although he felt that 
Phorion was right, and that a happy marriage would be 
the best means of driving from his heart the image of the 
fair unknown, yet he could not endure the idea of uniting 
himself for life with a girl of whom he knew nothing. He 
had communicated Phorion's plan to his friend Ctesiphon, 
who, or hearing it, betrayed an extraordinary emotion. 
He answered so evasively that Charicles could not compre- 
hend the meaning of his behaviour. On the other hand, 
he placed entire confidence in the rectitude of Phorion's 
intentions, and, by entertaining the offer, he would have an 
opportunity of displaying his gratitude to his benefactor. 

Occupied with such thoughts as these, he was one 
evening crossing the market-place, toward sunset on his 
way to the Gerameicos, when he felt himself pulled by the 
cloak. He turned round, and before him stood an aged 
female slave, making gestures, expressive partly of alarm 
partly of delight. 8 Charicles ! ' she cried ; 8 oh dearest 
Charicles, is it really you ? ' He now recognised the crone. 
It was Man to, the nurse of his childhood, who was sick 



2 Menandr. Sent. Sing. 371 : I Comp. Excursus on The Women, 

vvp.§r\ 6' an-poi/co? ovic ex^t napprfcrLav. I 

x 2 ' 



132 



CHARICLES. 



[Sce^e viii. 



when Charinos fled from Athens, and so had remained 
behind with the greater number of the slaves. She nar- 
rated how a wealthy man, Polycles by name, had purchased 
the whole of the slaves left by his father, and herself 
among the number. 6 You know him surely,' she con- 
tinued ; fi he was an intimate friend of your father.' 4 1 
remember to have heard the name frequently,' replied 
Charicles. 4 Ah ! and many is the time he has mentioned 
you,' proceeded Manto ; 4 but he has been laid up for 
many months past with a grievous malady, against which 
all his treasures avail him nothing ; while we, poor bodies, 
are all sound and well' — as she said this, she spat three 
times before her 3 — 4 but he'll be right glad, I warrant? 



3 The superstitious usage, -KTveiv 
els köKtvov, had two significations, 
both of -which may perhaps be traced 
to a common origin. Firstly, it was 
supposed possible thus to appease 
the vengeance of Nemesis consequent 
on self-glorification, or for having 
cherished and expressed over-san- 
guine expectations. Secondly, it was 
done on seeing anyone afflicted with a 
bad complaint, such as insanity or epi - 
lepsy, or on witnessing the misfortune 
of another; and it was supposed that 
by this means a like evil could be 
averted from oneself. This idea is 
nowhere more distinctly expressed 
than in Plin. Nat. Hist, xxviii. 4, 7 : 
' Despuimus comitiales morbos, hoe 
est, contagia regerimus. Simili modo 
et fascinationes repercutimusdextrse- 
que clauditatis occursum. Veniam 
quoque a deis spei alicujus audacioris 
petimus in sinum spuentes.' Also 
Theoer. vi. 39, where Polyphemus 
says : 

Jjs ßacTKavöä} Se, rpl? els e^bv eiTTVcra 
koKttov. 

and the Scholiast correctly remarks : 
-KOLOvcri yap /cat pexpi T °v vvv A"*" 
Kioto, tovto at yvvaiKes to ve/xe- 



OilTOV eKTpeir6/j.evai. KaWijiaxos • 
Ao.ifj.03V, toI k6\itoio~iv i-niTTTvovcri 
yvvaiKes. Cf. the obscure and corrupt 
passage quoted by Plut. Symp. v. 
7, 4. Another instance occurs in 
Lucian, Navig. 15, where Lycinus 
checks Adimantus, who is puffed up 
with visions of wealth and fortune, 
with the words, wrep/j.a(as ye, & 
'Aoelfj-ovTe, Kai es tov koKttov ov 
iTTveis. The second case, where the 
spectator of another man's misfortune 
desires to avert the same calamity 
from himself, is passed over by Pliny 
with the words, Despuimus comitiales 
morbos, and he omits in sinum. See 
also Plaut. Capt. iii. 4, 18 : 
Et illic isti, qui sputatur, morbus interdum 
venit. 

But whatever the Roman custom may 
have been, the Greeks certainly used 
iTTveiv els koX-kov in such cases, as is 
plain from Theoph. Char. 16, where a 
token of the oeiaioaifxcov is said to be : 
~M.aiv6p.ev6v te IBwv e-n'i\r)irTOv 
(ppi^as els koKitov TTTvoai. Cf. 
Tibull. i. 2. 97. We may add also that 
both significations of the custom be- 
come identical when we consider that 
ridicule and commiseration equally 



Scene VEL] 



THE INVALID. 



133 



to hear you are come back.' Hereupon followed a stream 
of questions, interrupted now by sobs, now by fits of 
laughter ; and Charicles would never have satisfied all her 
queries, had not she suddenly bethought herself that she 
had better take home the vegetables which her mistress 
had sent her out to purchase. 



Polycles was, as Manto had stated, a very wealthy 
man. His country estates, his houses in the city and 
Piraeus, and his numerous slaves, yielded him, with no 
trouble, a secure income ; which, however, was as nothing 
compared to that which he derived from the ready money 
lying at the money-changers', or lent out elsewhere, at a 
high rate of interest. Those who were more intimate with 
the state of his affairs, were convinced that his property 
amounted in all to more than fifty talents. He had 
remained single till his fifty-fifth year, and then, in com- 
pliance with his late brother's dying request, he had mar- 
ried his only surviving daughter, Cleobule, a blooming girl 
of sixteen. But in the midst of the festivity of the mar- 
riage-feast, he was attacked with apoplexy, which had been 
succeeded by tedious and painful illness. No means of 
relief had been neglected. The veteran family physician, a 
man of no mean skill, had called in the advice of other 
medical men, but the resources of their art were exhausted 
without success : — neither their exertions, nor the tender- 
ness of Cleobule, who nursed the patient like a dutiful 
daughter, availed to reunite the ruptured threads of his 
existence. Polycles was not satisfied with applying for 
aid to the successors of iEsculapius, but tried the efficacy 
of certain charms ; while interpreters of dreams 4 were 



imply an elevation of oneself over 
another. 

4 The interpretation of dreams 
was one of the oldest and most natural 
provinces of fiai/rucr) ; and from the 



time of Homer, who makes dreams 
the ministers of the gods to incite men 
to action, down to the latest period of 
declining heathenism, we find 6ueip6- 
tzoKoi, bveiponpirai, or oueLpofxavreLS 
in requisition, and the prophetic 



134 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scexe vni. 



consulted, expiations placed in the cross-ways, 5 and aged 
women reputed to have the power of curing diseases by 
mysterious arts and magic songs, had been summoned to 
attend. Whole days and nights had also been passed by the 
sufferer in the temple of -iEsculapius, 6 but to no purpose. 



visions of the night propitiated by 
anxious ceremonies. These are de- 
scribed in numerous passages: thus in 
^Eschyl. Pers. 200, which, though 
Atossa is the speaker, of course 
alludes to Grecian usages : 

/cat TavTO fiev Stj wkto*; eitrtSeiv Ae'yio. 
ejrei 8' a.vio'Tqv Kai x £ P°^ v KaAAippoov 

ßtö/j-ü TTpoa£o~T(\v. iTTOTpoTroiai Saifioci 
ÖeAoucra Öicrat Tre'Aai'ov, &>v reArj ra'Se. 

This sprinkling with water usually 
pertained to such an a-noTpoiriao-ixos, 
So, again, Aristoph. Ban. 1338 : 

a\\d ixol, a/j.<pLTro\oi, Kv^vov ciliare, 
KaAn-icrt, t' e/c iroTap.in> 8pocrov äpo.re, 6ip- 
fj.ere 8' iiStop, 
cos olv Oslov oveipov a-o<cAvcrw. 

These passages are confirmed by 
Xenoph. Symp. 4, 33 : /cat idv ti ovap 
ayadbv t§r/s to?? aTrorpoTralois 6veis ; 
So, again, Theoph. Char. 1 6 : Kai 
orav ivviTviov tSr) iropeveadai -npbs 
tovs bveipoKp'iTas, irpbs tovs {jlolvtzis, 

S TOVS OpVidoCKOTTOVS ipCCT7}CTWU, 

t'ivi flew -/} 6eä Trpocrevxeo'daL Se?. On 
which Casaubon has remarked that it 
was considered in some measure an 
a-KOTpoTraiov to tell a dream to the 
face of day. Eurip. Iphig. Taur. 42 : 

a. KOiLva 8' rjKSL vi)£ (pepovcra c^a'cr/xa-a, 
Ae'fw 77pös aiöe'p', el ti 8t) t68' eis a/cos. 

Cf. Sophocl. Electr. 416. The dream- 
interpreters made a regular trade of 
their pretended art, and exacted fees 
for their services. Aristoph. Vesp.52: 

elr' ovk eyaj.Sovs Sv' o/SoAoti?, /xtcrötoaoptat 
ovtw? VTTOK.pLv6y.evov craditüs bveipa.ro. 

In Alciphr. Epist. iii. 59, two drach- 
mae are the fee. Dreams dreamt 
towards morning, ' post mediam noc- 



tem, quum somnia vera,' (Hor. Sat. 
I. 10, 33.) were regarded as the most 
significant, and to these, therefore, the 
dream-interpreters confined them- 
selves. Philostr. Vit. Apollon. Tyan. 
ii. 37 : ol yap i^yrjTai tüu oil/eccv, 
ovs bveipoTToKovs ol TTOlTjTal KaKovciv 
ou5' av inroKpivaivTO 6~<l/iv ovdevl 
ovb'efj.lav, fxr) irporepov ipoixevoi rbv 
Kaipbv ev cc eTSej/. av fiep yap ewos r\ 
Kai tov 7rept tov opdpov virvov. |yu.- 
ßaWovTai avTTjv. ws vyiws /xavTevo- 

fJ.ivT]S T7)S IpVXVS, K.T.K. 

5 The belief that sickness and 
other evils could be got rid of by 
means of KaQa.pij.aTa placed at the 
cross-ways, is well known. The 
throwing them into flowing water is 
chiefly mentioned by Eonian authors ; 
nor does the passage in Theocr. xxiv. 
92, seem properly referable to this 
custom. The Eoman usage is often 
alluded to. See Yirg. Eel. viii. 101 ; 
Tibull. iv. 4, 7 ; Ovid, Mctam. xv. 327. 

6 Thi.s too appears to have been 
much in vogue; so much so, that 
apartments were provided in the 
temples of this god, in which sick 
persons might reside. Pausan. ii. 2 7, 
2 : tov vaov Se eVrt irepav, evQa ol 
i/ceVcu tov dsov Ka6ev8ovo-iv. Again, 
x. 32, 8 : 3iTab"ioLs 5e aTraTepa Ti6o- 
p4as kßZop.r\KovTa vaos £o~tiv 'A(TkXt]- 
ttiov . . . ivTbs neu St? tov Trepiß6\ov 
rols re iKeTais Kai, bcrot tov deov 
SoGAoi. tovtols fjikv ivTavöd elvi Kai 
olKT]<reis. See Aristoph. Hut. 410, 
653 ; cf. Plaut. Cure. i. 1, 61 ; ii. 1. 



Tvpb 



THE INVALID. 



135 



At last, hearing of a happy cure effected, in a similar 
case, by the baths of iEdepsos, he repaired thither for the 
benefit of the waters ; but the Nymphs had refused their 
succour ; and, some days ago, the doctor had declared 
that the patient would never need any herb more, save the 
parsley. 7 

Next day Charicles was on the point of going out. 
The previous evening, he had come to the resolution of 
marrying, and he had determined that Phorion should play 
the suitor for him. At this moment a slave rapped at the 
door, on an errand from Polycles. Weak as the patient 
was, he had expressed great pleasure on hearing that the 
son of his old friend was in Athens, and now sent to say 
he wished to see him once more before his end, which he 
felt was drawing nigh. Charicles could not refuse a request 
expressive of so much kindliness, and therefore promised 
to attend. 4 It were better to come along with me at 
once,' said the slave. £ My master is very low now, and 
his friends have just met at his bed-side.' 4 Well, lead on,' 
said Charicles, not unwilling to put off for a time his in- 
tended visit to Phorion ; s lead on, I follow you.' 

When they approached the residence of Polycles, they 
found a slave standing before the open door in order to 



Probably some temples were account- 
ed more efficacious than others. Thus 
Bdelycieon took his father to iEgina. 
Aristoph. Fesp. 122 : 

SieVAevcrev eis Alywav • etra <rv\\aßibv 
vvKTOip KareK\iuev avrov eis 'A<tk \7]ttlov. 

So also many persons sought for aid 
at the oracle of Amphiaraos, near 
Oropos, and threw a gold or silver 
coin into the holy spring. Lastly, 
between Tralles and Nysa, not far 
from Acharaca, there was a Tillage 
with a shrine sacred to Pluto and 
Persephone, and a Xap6i>iov uvrpov, 
whither sick people were brought. 
Strabo, xiv. 1, 44 : \syovo~i yap 5t] 



I leal tovs voaudeis Kai irponrexovras 
ra?s tSov deäv tovtwv Oepaireiais 
(poLTav iKelcre /ecu SiaiTaadai iu rrj 
Kco/j.7) irXfia'iov rod frvrpov rcapa reus 
i/j-Tceipois twv iepewv, oi iyKoifxwvrai 
re virhp abrwv nal ZLardrrovaiv e/c 
twv oueipwv Tas depaireias. 

7 2e'Atj/ov, apium, was especially 
used for decking tombs. Hence the 
adage mentioned by Plutarch, Timol. 
26 : on ra (xvij/xara nie veKpav elui- 
öa,uey iirieLKws <TTe<pavovu <re\ivois ' 
xal irapoi/j.ia ris 4k tovtov yeyove, 
rhv iiriacpaXcüs voaovvra. AelaOai 
tovtov tov aeX'ivov. 



136 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene vni. 



prevent any one from rapping too loudly, and so disturbing 
his lord. Charicles entered, and everything that he saw- 
corroborated Manto's testimony concerning the wealth of 
the possessor. Even the sick chamber, into which he was 
admitted after a slight delay, was furnished with peculiar 
magnificence. Before the door hung a costly piece of 
tapestry, wrought in rich and varied colours, the product 
of Babylonish industry. The sick man's bed 8 was over- 



s The account given of the Ro- 
man bed in £Äs(pp. 285-29 1 ) will, 
in its chief points, be also applicable 
to the Grecian couch ; but the parti- 
culars which Pollux gives are more 
copious, and will, if properly inves- 
tigated, make the matter very plain. 
In Homer we have simply a bedstead 
and coverlet, and there is no mention 
of a mattress of any kind. In later 
times also, the beds of the poorer 
classes were probably of this descrip- 
tion. Instead of a mattress, stout 
coverlets, especially Kudia, sheep- 
skins, were often spread underneath. 
Plutarch, Bee. Or. Vit. iv. p. 379, 
relates of the orator Lycurgus : 'Efxe- 
Xera 8e vvktqs Kal rj/xepas, ovk ev 
7rpbs rä a.bro' r x^ La Tre<pvK(bs, kXl- 
vidlov 8e avrcp inroicei.fj.4vov, £(f> (j> 

(JLOVOV JjV KtoSlOV KOL 7rp00~K€<pd\G.L0V, 

Sttcos iyeipOLTO padicos /cat /xeXeTCfirj. 

But the evv)], the complete bed of 
a wealthy Greek, consisted of the 
following parts : kXivt], iir'novoi, 
rvXelov or KvecpaXov, irpoo-Kecpa.Xa.Lov, 
and i^ßX-fj/xara or TrepißXruxaTa. 
The kXivt), or bedstead, was of very 
simple construction. Its four sides, 
IHjAoto, Attic Kpacrr-tipia (Phryn. 
p. 178) were not so much boards, as 
posts or bars jointed into one another, 
and supported by the feet. Only at 
the end where the head lay was there 
a back, avaKXivrpov or hrliikivrpov. 
Poll. x. 31 : /xeprj Se kXivtjs Kal ivr}- 



Xara Kal iiriKXivrpof . . . 3,o<poKXris 8' 
iv 'ixvevTtus ~2,arvpois ecpr\, evyXara 
£vXa rpiyo/xcpa SiaTopevo-ai ae Setrat. 
Cf. Id. vi. 9. Occasionally there was 
a board at the foot as well as at the 
head of the bed, but this was unusual. 
A bedstead of this kind, KXivrj a/x- 
cpiKvecpaXos, is mentioned by Pollux, 
x. 35, as having belonged to Alci- 
biades. This reading, however, seems 
to be corrupt ; for besides the unin- 
telligibility of the phrase, the word 
KvecpaXov is totally different from 
irpoo-KecpaXaiov : there seems tobe no 
doubt that ajxcpiKe<paXos is the correct 
reading. 

The kXivt) was usually of wood ; 
hence iu-qXara £vXa. Valuable woods 
were often employed, as maple, <r<p4v- 
Sa/xvos, Poll. x. 35, or box- wood, ibid. 
§ 34. but most likely these were only 
used as veneer, at least x^^V 
■n-apcLKoXXos {ibid. § 36) leads to this 
supposition. PassoVs explanation, 
'a low couch, to one end only of 
which was attached an dvaKXivrripiov, 
on which the head rested: being called 
a/xcp'iKoXXns, if it had one atboth ends,' 
is not only at variance with the etymo- 
logy, but also contradicts Pollux, § 34, 
who evidently speaks of the material 
only. That veneering was practised 
among the ancients, has been men- 
tioned in Gallus, p. 295. There is no 
doubt, too, that frames of bronze were 
likewise in request. When, however, 



Scene VIII.] 



THE INVALID. 



137 



hung with a purple Milesian coverlet, from under which 
peeped the ivory feet. Soft party-coloured pillows sup- 



Pollux adds, (x. 35) av 5' av Kal iXs- 
(pavrlvrjv efarois Kal x 6 ^ 1 ' 7 ? 5 » we 
must refer the tortoise-shell alto- 
gether to a later period ; while with 
regard to the ivory, Timseus, ap. 
iElian, Var. Hist. xii. 29, mentions 
as a proof of the excessive luxury 
prevailing at Acragas : Sri apyvpois 
Xt]Kv6ols Kal arXeyyicriv e^pwvTO Kal 
iXecpavrivas KXivas 6?%ov '6Xas. Cf. 
Dio Chrysos. Or. xiii. 434. The feet 
of the kX'lvt), however, were frequently 
of more valuable material ; ivory, fur 
instance, or the precious metals. So 
in Poll. x. 34, apyvpSirovs ; and Clear- 
chos, ap. Athen, vi. p. 255: KareKeiro 
oY virepßaXXovcrav rpv<prjv inl apyvpS- 
ttoSos KXlvris. So also Plato Com. ap. 
Id. ii. p. 48 : 

KSt' eu (cAti/at? e\e<j)avT6iTo<Ttv Kal orpio- 

ixaai 7rop(£vpoßa7rrois 
Kav <f)oi.viKi<TL SapSiaviKaccrii/ ico<rfA.ricrdf/.evoi 

KO.TOiK.ei.VTai. 

The KX7vai captured from the Per- 
sians at Platsea were iirlxpvaoi Kal 
eirdpyvpoi. Herodot. ix. 80, 82. 

Girths were stretched across the 
KXivr) to support the mattress. Poll. 
§ 36 : Kal fiyis to y€ rrj KXivrj 3) rep 
(TKiixTroSi ivreTafAzvoj/, oos (pepeiv ra 
rvXeTa, crirapria, ffirdpra, töVos, 
Ketp'ta' raxa Se Kal ffxoivos Kal axoi- 
via, Kal kolXoi. The general name for 
them was töVos. Aristoph. Lysist. 
923. Thus used, they were called 
K€Lpia : mere cords were used for the 
commoner kinds of beds. Aristoph. 
Aves, 814 : 

Swa'prr?!/ yap av öeifxrjv eya> T17 Vfl ToAei ; 
ov8' av ^a^evi'Tj, noivv ye Keipiav e\<av. 

These girths supported a mattress, 
called Kve<paXov or rvXtiov, also tvXt). 
See Lobeck on Phryn. p. 173. This 
was covered with linen or woollen 



ticking, or even with leather. Poll, 
x. 40, and again, § 39, from Sophocles, 
Xwoppacpri rvXela. The stuffing, to 
4fji.ßaXX6^vou irX-fipcofxa, % yvdcpaXov 
Ka\ov<ri (Poll. 41), was usually flocks 
of wool, and thus KvecpaXov (Kvd<f>a- 
Xov) derives its name from Kvacpevs. 
Some vegetable material was also 
employed, Poll. 41 : tj fj.4vroi KaXov- 
jxivT] Xvxvls avdi)Xr) eKaXeiro, though 
what is meant by Xvxvls, is another 
matter: neither Hesychius nor the 
Elym.ol. M. give a satisfactory ex- 
planation. 

On the i-KiKXivrpov lay, as is 
abundantly manifest from the an- 
tiques, a round cushion, irpoarKecpd- 
Xaiov, which served the purpose of a 
pillow ; but occasi onally th ere are also 
a couple of four-cornered ones behind. 
The expression iror'iKpavov (Poll. vi. 
9) is identical in meaning. Cf. Theocr. 
xv. 3. The irpoffKecpdXaia viravxevia, 
Poll. x. 38, were those employed at 
night, whereas those used at the 5et- 
irvov are called invayKwvia (Trp^fiara, 
because it was the customtolean upon 
the elbow. See Poll. vi. 10. In the vase- 
paintings the covers of these cushions 
are almost invariably represented as 
striped,andusuallyofbrilliantcolours. 
They were perhaps stuffed with fea- 
thers, though this is uncertain ; for the 
■KTLXctiTa mentioned by Poll. x. 38, 
appear to mean something different. 

Over the KvecpaXov were spread 
coverlets, which bear manifold desig- 
nations, Poll. Vi. 10 : TTtpiCTTpWIUaTa, 

iTnßXi)iJ.ara, e<£ec"T/?tSes, ^AcuW/, 
iirißSXaia, SdiriSes, k.t.X., besides 
the TK7T7JT6S and afi<piTd-KT]T€s, Id. vi. 
9. The latter were shaggy on both 
sides, the former only on one : a/xcpi- 
TCt7r7jTes oi e£ eKarepov oaffels, rd- 



138 



CHARICLES. 



[Sceioj vni. 



ported his back and head ; and the hard pavement of 
the floor was covered, after the Asiatic fashion, with a soft 



7r7jTes Se oi efc Oarepov. The other 
names either require no explanation, 
or do not admit of any certain one. 
This article afforded occasion for the 
display of great extravagance : and 
though the various kinds mentioned 
by Pollux (x. 42) belong rather to the 
symposium, still it is certain that 
magnificent coloured coverlets were 
used also for the beds. There was, 
moreover, little or no difference be- 
tween the couches used for meals, 
and those employed for sleeping pur- 
poses, except that the former were 
distinguished by the greater elegance 
of their coverlets and cushions. So a 
fragment of Phylarchos ap. Athen, iv. 
p. 142, which refers to Sparta in her 
degenerate time : o-rpco/xuai re (nape- 
(TKevd(ovTo) rots /meyedeaiu ovtqds 
i£r)crKr)iJ.evcu iroXvreXm Kal rjj iroi- 
KiX'ia. Zia<p6pws, &(TT€ Twv ^evcov 
ivlovs tSiv TrapaXrjcpdevrcDU OKvelv 
rbv ayKtova iirl ra TrpocrKecpaXaia 
ipeßeip. We may well conceive that 
the bed would be correspondingly 
magnificent also. According to Plu- 
tarch, Dec. Or. Vit. iv. p. 366, Iso- 
crates had a irpo(TKe<pdXaiov KpoKoj 
Sidßpoxov. The Asiatics, however, 
regarded the Greek bed as a very 
common affair in comparison with 
their own. Athen, ii. p. 48: irpwrai 
8e Tlepcrai, &s <p7]criv 'HpaKXeidTjs, Kal 
tovs Xeyofievovs arpdras 4<pevpov, 
'Iva k6<t/jL0u exV V ffrpwffis Kal evd- 
<peiav. And presently, 'ApTa^epfys 
(TK7)vt)v re eS&Kev avroj SLCUpepovaav 
rb KaXXos Kal rb fieye0os Kal KXivqv 
ap-yvpoiroda, tVe/ttf/e Se Kal crrpojp.aTa 
iroXvTeXrj Kal rbv imoffrpcLcrovTa, 
(pdaKuu ovk iiriaracrdai tovs "~EXXr}- 
vas viroo-Tpuvuveiv. Cf. Plutarch, 
Pelop. 30. The most celebrated 
arrpup-ara came from Miletus, at least 



in early times, Aristoph. Ban. 542, 
and also from Corinth, as appears 
from Antiphanes ap. Athen, i. p. 27: 
4k Kopivdou arpu/xara. Carthage also 
is mentioned in a line from Hermip- 
pos, ibid. p. 2S : 

Kap\ri8tx>v SaffiSas Kal ttooclXcl irpo<TKe4>u- 
Acua. 

Lastly, there is a remarkable passage 
in Poll. vi. 10, where coverlets of fea- 
thers are mentioned : '6ti 8e Kal tvt'l- 
Xois ra KviipaXa i(pi)irXow, EvßovXos 
iv J A7Xicret SiSaovcei. Kal irrepwrd koX 
TTTLXwra Trpoo~Ke<pdXaia 6vop.d(ovo~i. 
This passage confirms what was said 
in Gallus, p. 288, about the plumarii. 
They wrapped themselves up in these 
coverlets at night, though a special 
night-dress, ivevvaiov, was put on. 
Poll. x. 123. In winter furs were used. 
Plato, Prot. p. 315: 'O fxkv olv Upo- 
Sikos %ri KareKtiro iyKeKaXvu/xevos iv 
kwBlois riai Kal o~Tpojp:ao~i, Kal fxaXa 
iroXXots ens icbaivero. The kwSiov 
is a sheep-skin, irpoßdrov Sopa, as we 
are informed by Pollux, vii. 1 6. But 
the aicrvpa is particularly mentioned 
as a night-coverlet, thus in Aristoph. 
Nub. 10 : 

ev nevre cncrvpcus £yiteKop&v\i)p.evos. 

Cf. Eccles. 347; Aves, 122; Lysist. 
933. This also was used in winter 
(Eccl. 421), and is perhaps nothing 
but a Kc&diov. Poll. vii. 70, says : rj 
5e crio'vpa'FepißX-qp.a av efo) e/c Supdepas. 
The use of this kind of coverlet was 
perhaps confined to the less wealthy, 
who would have to content them selves 
with much less sumptuous appliances. 
We must allowfor the comic exaggera- 
tion in the description of a poor man's 
bed given in Aristoph. Plut. 540 : 

irpbs Se -ye tovtois ai-0' t^artov ßkv ex ei - v 
pa/cos, avTi 5e nXtvr)S 



Sce^e Yin.] 



THE INVALID. 



139 



carpet, and the couch resting upon this, was thus rendered 
still more easy and elastic. 9 Close by stood a round 
table, whose three bronze goat's feet sustained its maple 
top. 10 In one corner of the apartment a magnificent 



anßdSa uxoivtav Kopewv p.e(TT7)v, 17 tovs 

evSovras tyeCpeL. 
Kal 4>opfJ.ov exetc dvri rdnrjTOS aa~p6v ' 

dvri Se irpoaKe^aXaCov 
XiOov ev/xeyedr] npbs rrj Kecpa\j}. 

Cf. Lysist. 916, where are mentioned 
all the parts belonging to an ordinary 
bed, as kXivlDlov, rdvos, \pia9os, 
irpoaKecpaXaioi/, and criavpa. The 
frame of the common bed is called 
(TKL/J.1T0V5, a<rK.6.VTK)s, and Kpdßßaros. 
Socrates slept on a aK^irovs. Plato, 
Protag. p. 3 1 0. The three words are 
precisely identicalin meaning, though 
Kpdßßaros is rej ected by Attic writers. 
See Nubes, 633, and 709 ; Poll. x. 35 ; 
vi. 9 ; Eustath. ad 11, xri. 608 ; and 
ad Odyss. xxiii. 184 : Aex os 8e SrjXov 
Sri tt)v KXlvnw Xeyei, %v oi varepov 
nai b.(TKdvT7)v Kal (TKifxiroZa eXeyov, ws 
871X0? ö ypdtyas ovroos' auKavrris 
'Attikws, crvvr\Qearepov Se b (Tki/jLttovs, 
6 Se Kpdßßaros, <pr)(rl, irap' ovSevi. 
Cf. Suid. and Hesych. Gerhard, Pit- 
ture Tarquin. p. 29. The x^ 6 "^ 
or x a ^ vl0v was nothing more than 
a shake-down. Theocr. xiii. 34 : 

c*cSai/T6S &' iffi Blva. Kara. £vya äalra 
nevovTO 

SaeXtvol, noWoi &e fj-Cav (rropiaavro \a- 

Xeifiiav yap <t$iv e/ceiro /ut-ya?, (TTißd8e<r<TLv 
öveLap. 

On this the Scholiast remarks : o-rt- 
ßdSa Se KaKovffi r^v e'£ vX-qs yoprw- 
5i? Kardarpwatv. Cf. Plutarch, Ly- 
curg. 16: eKadevSov . . . iirl o-rißdScou, 
as avrol crvve(popovv rod irapa rbv 
Evpwrav vecpvKoros KaXa/j.ov. The 
word (pvXXaSes, Poll. vi. 9, probably 
means the same thing. Afterwards 
Xanevviov signified a bed low, and 



near the ground, and was hence op- 
posed to the taller kX'ivt), and was that 
used by the poorest class, being of 
reeds, bast-mat, or rushes. Liban. 
Orat. xxxvii. eV x a l x * vv ' l0ls Set ere 
Kadevbeiu, %v KeXevoo, Kal irdXiv iirl 
KXivrjs, V einrpe-Kw. And Poll. x. 43 : 
Kal jxr]v rols ^xev olKerais ev KOiroovi t) 
irpoKOLrooui, t) irpb vpoKoiravos dvay- 
Ka?a ffKevT), %a/x.ewia Kal ^/iaQoi, Kal 
(popjxol Kal crd/j-a^. eerri Se 6 erdfxa^ 
plip KaXdfxov rov KaXov/j.euov eraKrov. 
IxaXiara he iirl crrparias rovra> e%- 
puvro. The tylados was a mat of this 
kind; see Poll. x. 175, 178, and vi. 11 : 
and (pop/j.bs is perhaps the same thing. 
Theocr. xxi. 13 : vepdev ras KeepaXas 
(pop/xbs ßpaxvs. 

9 Xenoph. Cyrop. viii. 8, 16: eW- 
vois (MtjSois) yap irpurov fxev ras 
evvds ov jxovov dp/cet jxaXaKas viro- 
errpuvvvcrdai, 6.XX' rjSr) Kal rwv kXlvwv 
robs iroSas iirl rairidcov rideaeriu, 
ottcüs /at) dvrepeiSr] rb SdireSov, d\A' 
vire'iKwtTiv at rdirides : and again, 
Memor. ii. 1, 30 : ov fxouov rds arrpoo- 
fxvds na\aKas, aXXa Kal ras itXivas 
Kal rd vir6ßa6pa ra7s KXtvais irapa- 
crKevd£eis. "What the arrangement of 
the viroßaOpa Siayavia was, is, how- 
ever, doubtful. 

10 Maple, crcpevda/jLvus, seems to 

have been much prized. Athen, ii. 

p. 49 : Tpdirefai iKecpavroiroSes rwv 

e-KiQraxdrwv e/c rris KaXovjj.evii)s cr<pei>- 

Sd/xvov Tveiroi^jxevu)!'. Kpartvos 

TavpiOxrai. 8' avaixivovcnv 5>h' kirnyka.ZaiJ.ti- 
vat 

Meipaxe? 4>ouSpal Tpä7re^at TptCTKeAel; o4>ei>- 



140 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene VIII. 



tripod, apparently of Corinthian or Sicyonian workmanship, 
held a copper coal-pan, 11 for the autumn air was chilly. 

Around the bed were placed chairs of ebony, inlaid 
skilfully with golden tendrils, 12 and each provided with a 
coloured cushion. Upon one of these sat the doctor, a 
demure elderly man, of simple yet dignified exterior. His 
short beard, as well as his dark locks, now sprinkled with 
the snows of life's winter, were arranged with peculiar care, 
and, together with the dazzling whiteness of his robe, 
showed him to be one who studied a modest neatness of 
person, and avoided in his appearance whatever might 
create an unpleasing impression. 13 He had deposited a 
plain etui, containing his instruments and medicines, on the 
table near him, while with his right hand he felt the sick 
man's pulse. 

At his side stood three friends of the family, 14 their 
gaze fixed inquiringly on the physician's countenance ; 
while at the foot of the bed an aged slave, with clasped 
hands, 15 was gazing intently on his dying master. Long 



Three-footed tables were called rpi- 
TroSes, but they also bore the name of 
Tpa7re(cu. Thus we have rpdire^a 
rerpdirovs, rp'nrovs, and fiovoirovs, 
Poll. x. 80, and 69. The disk, iiri- 
dripa, of the rpiTTovs, was usually 
round, and was sometimes a horizon- 
tal section of the whole trunk, like the 
Roman orbes. Poll. § 81 : rb 5' e7n- 
Q7]jj.a rod rp'nrofios kvkXov Kai oAftov 
ivpoariKei KdKeiv. Poll, supra : iv 8e 
rols At] fj.LO-Kpa.ro is neu Tpdire£d ris 
P-ovokvkXos ireirparai. See Gallus, 
p. 294. 

11 These coal-pans, avOpdma, eV- 
X^pia, also XdpKoi and cpop/xol (Poll, 
x. 100, and yii. 110), served partly as 
stores, as in Italy. See Gallus, p. 278 ; 
Stuart, Antiq. of Athens, i. pi. 19. 

12 Covers or cushions were placed 
on the very simple, yet beautifully 



shaped settles, and were also called 
irpocnetydAia, or iroriKpava, though 
they were used for sitting on. Plato, 
de Repub. i. p. 328 : Ka6rj<TTo 8e 

io~T£(paVWp.£vOS 67TI TWOS TTpOCKGCpa- 

Xalov re Kal Bicppov. Cf. Theocr. 
xv. 2. See Excursus on The Theatres. 

13 After G-alen in Rippocr. Epid. 
xvii. 2. See Excursus on The Doc- 
tors. 

14 There were numerous visitors 
on the sick, so as even to be burden- 
some. See Note 16. This is taken 
from Demosth. Aphob. 2, p. 840, 
where three relations surround the 
sick-bed. In the reliefs, the death of 
Meleager, for instance, several per- 
sons are always present. 

15 Clasping the hands — with us a 



Scene YHL] 



THE IXVALTD. 



141 



and silently did the leech hold the sick man's wrist, and 
at last let it go, though without uttering a word that 
might encourage hope. 

The slave who had conducted Charicles now approached, 
and first whispered his arrival to the doctor, with whose 
assent 16 he further announced it to his master. The sick 
man pushed back the felt cap, 17 which he had drawn down 
over his forehead, and extended his right hand to Cha- 
ricles. e Joy to you, 18 son of my friend,' he murmured 



sign of devotion or of excessive grief — 
is not properly an antique attitude, 
still instances occur in which some- 
thing of the kind is met with as an 
expression of the latter passion. For 
instance, in a fresco at Pompeii, re- 
presenting 3Iedea about to kill her 
children, the pedagogue stands in the 
background, with his hands in this 
posture. There is also a relief, re- 
presenting a servant in a like attitude 
beside a sick-bed. But to clasp the 
hands round the knees, while in a sit- 
ting position, is mentioned as a token 
of the deepest grief. Böttiger has ad- 
duced as an instance. Appul. Metam. 
iii. p. 1 73 : ' Complicitis denique pedi- 
bus ac palmulis inter alternas digito- 
rum vicissitudines super genua con- 
nexis, sic grabatum coxim insidens 
ubertim fiebam.' Cf. Bio Chrjs. Or. 
xvi. p. 458 : fj.£\aivav icrdrira /ecu ctv/j.- 
tt\okcis x* l puv> Kal raireivas KaQi- 
Spas. So too Basil. Horn. ii. p. 63 : ol 
yewpyol Se reus apovpais hciKtiff'fi- 
/j.€voi Kai ras X^P as Kara tojv yovd- 
rwv avixTrKe^avres' tovto 8e rwv 
irevOovvToov ax^/ia. These are the 
Ka6i<T€is afjLopcpoi of Plutarch, Consol. 
ad Uxor. iii. p. 456. In other eases, 
clasping the hands was supposed to 
act as a spell. Thus, 'adsidere gra- 
vidis, vel, cum remedium alicui adhi- 
beatur, digitis pectinatim inter se 
implexis veneficium est.' Plin. Nat. 



Hist, xviii. 6,17. So Juno sits at the 
threshold of Alcmena, ' digitis inter 
se pectine junctis,' Ovid, Metam. ix. 
299. "Wringing the hands, also, can 
hardly be adduced as a customary 
symptom of grief at any early period ; 
we have, however, toi x e *P e crvvrpi- 
$a.s in Heliod. Mthiop. vii. p. 307. 

16 G-alen in Hippocr. Epid. xvii. 2, 
directs that the doctor shall decide as 
to the admission of visitors: ravra 
de iro\wrrpayuoM)<Tas 6 larpbs avrbs 
epydcreTai /ecu 5taTa|ei. 

17 The word ttiX'iSlov, which is 
used to denote such a head-dress for 
the sick, can hardly be translated 
otherwise. See Plato, de Eepub. iii. 
p. 406 : iav 5e ris abrco (to? ndpLvovTi) 
{xaxpav Ziairav irpocrraTTri, iri\i8id 
re irtpl t^v Ks<pak}\v irtpiriQeh teal 
ra tovtois kirojxeva, k.t.X. Cf. Plut. 
adv. Colot. 33. See Excursus on The 
Dress. 

13 Nothing is harder to translate 
than the conventional formulae of sa- 
lutation. The ordinary G-reekgreeting, 
Xa?pe, literally 'rejoice,' or - joy with 
you,' answers, doubtless, to our ' Good 
day,' but this would sound ridiculous 
if transferred to a classic idiom; while, 
on the other hand, the literal English 
I equivalent of x a 'P € sounds no less 



142 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene VIII. 



feebly ; c and thanks for fulfilling my wish. I was present 
at the festival of naming you, and thus you stand now at 
my dying bed.' c Health to you also,' answered Charicles, 
4 and joy, although now you are in pain and anguish. 



strange to us. The phrase x«'P e or 
Xaipetv (/ceAeuco), was the oldest, and, 
at the same time, most universal form 
of salutation among the Greeks, and 
was used both for meeting and taking 
leave, and corresponds therefore both 
to salve and vale. Though anything 
but appropriate on some occasions, as 
in cases of suffering or misfortune, 
still, as being the usual phrase, it was 
employed all the same, though some- 
times with a qualifying '6/j.oos, as in 
^Eschyl. Pers. 845 : 

vjuets fie irpeaßeis, \aLper, eu «a/ctus ojaco?. 

In place of this ancient form, others 
afterwards came into use. Thus 
from Lucian, de Saltat. 76, we learn 
that Kakcas e%e was said to the 
sick. He tells us that a very lanky 
dancer appearing on the stage at 
Antioch, iireßorjcrav, Ka\ws txe, & s 
voaovvri. In Lucian's time a new 
distinction appears to have arisen 
between the various salutations that 
were in use, and this occasioned the 
treatise tnrep tov eV tt? irpoo'ayopev- 
crei TTTaia-fiaTOS. He informs us that 
though vyiaiveiv might be said at 
other times of the day, yet in the 
morning x ^ 06 alone was used. a<pi- 
KOfxevos ivapa ah, cbs irpoaeiiroiixi rb 
kwQivbv, deou th\v avurjOr] ravrriv 
(puv7]v äcpelvai /ecu x ai P 6L1/ KeXeveiv, 
eyw 8' 6 xpwfoCs eiriXaQdfxevos vyiai- 
veiv ae rj^iovv, eixp-qyiov (xhv /ecu tovto, 
ovk iv KaipcS de, ws ov Kara tt)v ea>. 
Pro lapsu inter salut. 1. We further 
learn that atan earlier period, atleast 
in the time of Alexis and Philemon, 
no such distinction existed, and that 
vyiaiveiv, and ev Trpdrreiv, were cus- 
tomary. The first is the Pythagorean 



salutation ; the second, according to 
Lucian, § 4, was first introduced by 
Plato ; according to Diog. Laert. x. 1 4, 
by Epicurus as a superscription of his 
letters. We have all three in a frag- 
ment of Philemon, quoted by Lucian, 
§6: 

Aitw 5' vyCeiav nponov, e'r' evnpa^iav, 
rpiTOV fie x<*-tpew, elr' b<f>eC\eiv p.rjfiein. 

In the time of Aristophanes, the an- 
cient X°"P e (apxaiOTaT-q cpiXiKr) irpoa- 
(puvriais, Eustath. ad 11. ix. 197) 
seems to have been regarded as old- 
fashioned, and to some extent it be- 
came the mode to say aaird^o^ai. 
Aristoph. Plut. 322 : 

Xcupeiv fx.ev vp.as ecrriv, 5) aefipes fiT/juOTai, 
apxaüov rjSr) npoaayopeveiv <al aairpov' 
äo-7rd£b/u.ai fie. 

See Nicb. 1145, where Socrates says, 
'Xrpe^idSrjv daiyd^op.ai. It appears 
from Herodotus, ii. 89, that it was 
customary to greet with words ; 
though afterwards it became the 
fashion to kiss the hand, breast, or 
knee of a superior. Lucian, Nigrin. 21 : 
ol Sh ae/xvoTepoi Kai irpoaKvvela&ai 
irepi/xevovTes, ov Tc6ppwQev, ovb" ws 
Hepaais vo/xos, aXAa Set -npoaeX- 
6ovtu KaX viroKv-tyavra, Kai ir6ß- 
pcodev tt)v i^vx^v TaireivwaavTa Kai 
rb irdOos avrrjs ifX(paviaavTa rfj tov 
ado/xaTos dfAoioT-riTL, rb o~tt]Qos v) rrjv 
8e%idv Karacpikelv. Also Alexand. 
55 : irpovreive fxoi Kvaai t)]v 5e£iav, 
&o~-Kep elwde i tois ttoXXo7s. This 
usage is evidently borrowed from ob- 
servances in the worship of the gods ; 
see Lucian, de Sacrif. 12: ö Se irevrjs 
IxdaaTo rbv debv (piXrjaas fxSvov tt\v 
avTOv 8e£idV. 



Scene VEIL] 



THE INVALID. 



143 



May the gods transform into lightsome day the dark night 
that now encompasses you.' 19 4 Nay,' said Polycles ; 6 1 
am not to be deceived. I am not one of those who, when 
they meet with suffering or misfortune, send for a sophist 
to console them. 20 Eather tell me something of the fate 



19 The words of Atossa when she 
hears the news of the life of her son 
(Perscs, 306), 

Kai XevKov r^ap vvktos «k fieXayxiiAOV, 

seem to contain a far more natural 
solution of the adage, Aeu/cr? vp-epa, 
than the far-fetched derivations that 
have been given. Plutarch, Pcricl. 
27, says it originated from an incident 
in the Samian war, in which Pericles 
divided the Athenian troops into eight 
companies, and every dayone of these 
was always allowed to rest. They 
drew lots for it, and that company 
which drew the one white bean rested. 
He adds, Sib Kal <po.cn, robs iv evira- 
delais rial yevofxevovs XevK^v r\p,epav 
eKelvqv airb rod XeuKov Kvduou irpoo~- 
ayopeieiv. The more usual deriva- 
tion is from the Scythian or Thracian 
custom of marking those days on 
which they had been prosperous with 
a white, the others with a black 
pebble. Suidas says : XevKT) r]p.epa. 
$v\ap%os yap (pV^h T °vs ~2,Kv6as 
pieXXovras KaQeföeiv hyeiv ry\v <pa- 
perpav Kal, el fxev äXvTras rvxoiei/ 
r^]u rifxipav eKeivriv Ziayay6vres, Kad- 
Uvai els r^]v (paper pav i\irj(pov Äev- 
kt]v ' el 8e öxXypäs, fxeKaivav. After 
death these were counted. See Plin. 
Nat. Hist. vii. 40, 41. 

20 The philosophers of antiquity 
seem in some sort to have undertaken 
the care of souls, at all events they 
frequently administered consolation 
at times of suffering and sorrow. 
Dio Chrysostomis very explicit. Or. 
xxvii. p. 529 : Treir6v6ao'i yap 5^ ol 



iroXXol irpbs robs eK (piXocrocplas 
XSyovs, lliatrep, oljj.ai, irpbs ra, ruu 
larpSsv (pap/xana. ovre yap ris eicei- 
vois evdbs irpocreicriv, ovSe oovelrai, 
irplv $ -rrepnreae?v cpavepcp voctt}- 
[xari Kal aXyricrai ri rov crwp.aros ' 
ovre riov roiovroov Xdywv aKoveiv 
edeXovatv ws rb iroXv, Zrcp av p.y 
\viTT)p6v ri fyjvevexQfi Ka> - T <* }V ^o- 
Kovvrwv xaA.e7rcDi'. . . Kau anoXeaas 
rvxp r was rS)v olae'iav, yvvatna, r) 
iralSa, t) adeXcpbv, a£iovo~ii/ a<puz- 
veicrQai rbv <piX6o~o<pov Kal irapr)- 
yopelv. See Plutarch, de Superstit. 
7. It is related of Antiphon : ev 
Koplvdw re KarecrKevacrjxevos oiKrjpd 
ri xapa. r\\v ayopav Trpoeypatyev, 
'6ri Svvarai robs Xvirov/xei/ovs Sia 
Xoyoov depanevea/. Kal irvvQav6p.evos 
ras alr'ias irapep.v6e7ro robs Kap.uov- 
ras. Plut. Bee. Or. Vit. iv. p. 344. 
See Phot. Bibl. Cod. 259. Similar 
instances occur elsewhere ; so Aris- 
toph. Plut. 177 : 

4>iAe'i/ft.os 5' ov\ eW/ca crov fivöovs Ae'yei ; 

and we know from Dio Chrysost. Or. 
xi. p. 323, how fond the Greeks were 
of listening to amusing tales, whether 
true or not. Many persons turned to 
their own profit the superstition of 
others. See Isocrates, Mgin. 2, p. 551. 
Cf. Plato, de Bepub. ii. p. 364: 
ayvprai de Kal fxdvreis eirl irXovcrlwv 
Oipas lovres TreiOovcri, k. r. X. And 
Dio Chrysost. Or. xxx. p. 553. De- 
mosthenes taunts JEschines with 
having pursued an occupation of the 
kind; de Coron. p. 313; and it is 
related of Epicurus : obv rrj firjrpl 
irepü6vra avrbv 4s ra. oiKioia Kadap- 



144 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene VIII. 



of thy family.' The youth, accordingly, delivered a brief 
recital of the fortunes of his house since the flight from 
Athens. 

The sick man evinced so much emotion in the course 
of the narration, that at last the doctor motioned Charicles 
to break off. 4 Is the draught ready that I ordered to be 
prepared ? ' he enquired of a slave who just then entered, 
6 Manto will bring it immediately,' was the reply. 4 Manto?' 
exclaimed Polycles ; 4 why not Cleobule ? ' 4 She heard that 
gentlemen were with you,' replied the slave. 4 They are 
only near friends of the family,' said the sick man ; * she 
need not mind them. I prefer taking the draught from 
her.' The slave departed to inform the lady of his master's 
wishes, and the doctor again felt the patient's pulse, whilst 
the bystanders stood aside. 

One of the three, who had been addressed as Sophilos, 
had seized Charicles by the hand, and retired with him to 
a corner of the room. His age was between fifty and 
sixty, and his exterior bespoke affluence, as well as polish 
and good breeding. Time had furrowed his brow, and 
rendered grey his locks ; but his firm carriage and active 
step betokened one still vigorous, and he conversed with 
all the vivacity of youth. A gentle earnestness and good- 
humoured benevolence beamed in his countenance, and his 
whole appearance was calculated to awaken confidence, and 
attract the beholder. 21 



fxovs avayivdoanziv. These KaOap/xol 
■were connected with the recitation 
of mysterious spells. Of the same 
kind were the magic sentences serving 
as amulets, aXe^icpapfiaKa, like the 
'E<peo-La ypa/n/xara. So a fragment 
of Men ander : 

'E(£eVia rots yafiovcTLV ovto? irepnraTei 

The interpretation of dreams has 
already been discussed. See Note 4, 
Sc. Tin. A kindred art to this is 



mentioned by Alciphron, Epist. iii. 
59. The TTivaKia there mentioned 
seem to be analogous to the Roman 
sortes, and the operation may be com- 
pared to our cutting of cards. No 
doubt a great number of personsmade 
a living as oiwvmttcu, ayvprai, repa- 
to(xk6itoi and yoyres, though their 
trade stood in very ill odour. 

21 Periplectomenes in the Miles 
of Plautus, in. 1, has served as the 
original of Sophilos. 



Scexe VHL] 



THE INVALID. 



145 



As Charicles recounted the misfortunes of his family, 
Sophilos Lad listened with sympathy, and, when he now 
further questioned Charicles about many passages in his 
life, his glance dwelt on the youth with peculiar satisfac- 
tion. Whilst they were engaged in low-toned conversa- 
tion, the hanging was pushed aside, and Cleobule entered, 
followed by a female slave. Nearly overcome with timidity, 
she did not dare to raise her eyes, but kept them fixed on 
the glass phial 22 in her right hand, and she hastened to 



22 Though the invention of glass 
falls in the days of early Phoenician 
legend, still from this we cannot infer 
howsoon articles of this material came 
into common use in Greece. It seems 
to have been long ranked with pre- 
cious stones, and was always called 
\l6os (Xubes, 766); whilst later, 
crystal is called i'a\os opapvy/xevr] 
(Achill. Tat. ii. 3). In Herodot. ii. 69, 
where we read, apr-r],uard re XiQiva 
X^rd koI xpucrea is rd S.ra ivdevres, 
the name va\os does not seem to be 
even known, so that it must then hare 
been still a rarity. For these At Biva 
Xvra are of glass, as is manifest from 
a comparison of the above passage 
with Plato, Tim.Tp. 61 : to re 7repl r^v 
vaKov yevos dirav ocra re XlQoov x vra 
etSyj. The first mention of the name, 
andatthe same time of glass utensils, 
occurs Acham. 73 : 

devi^oaevoi 5« — pbs ßiav etrivoyuep 
e£ vo\Lv<av eKV^ixä-oiv Kal xpv&Cduv 
änparov olvov rjSvv. 

But here, as in Herodotus, it is evi- 
dent that such vessels are costly rari- 
ties, for the vdXiva iKirw/xara are men- 
tioned along with vessels of gold, and 
the passage is descriptive of magnifi- 
cence and luxury. By degrees glass 
became more common, and not only 
drinking vessels, but also large bowls 
were made of this material. Pausan. 
ii. 27, 3 : yeypairrai Se ivravda nal 



Me0T/, Havalou Kal rovro epyov, e£ 
vaXivr\s (pidXys irivovcra' iSots §' av 
iv tt) ypacprj <pidx-r]v re idXov Kal Si' 
avrris yvvaiKbs irpoffcoirov. In Athe- 
naeus, iv. p. 129, in the description of 
the wedding-feast of Caranos the Ma- 
cedonian, mention occurs of a glass 
bowl which measured two cubits in 
diameter : vaXovs nival; Si-rrrixvs ttou 
tt]v Sidixerpov. But the period when 
the use of glass became most common, 
was when its manufacture, and parti- 
cularly the art of polishing it, arrived 
at such wonderful perfection in Alex- 
andria. Athen, xi. p. 1012: Kara- 
<TKevd£ovcri Se ot iv 'AXe£av5pela 
rrjv vaXov /j.erappv8 : al(ovres iroXXaKis 

■JTOWCUS ISeCUS TTOTTJp'lCDV Ttavrbs TOV 

-rravTctxtQev KaraKo^oixevov Kepd- 
fiov T7]v iSiav fiifiovpevot. Consult 
Gallics, pp. 303 and 373. See also the 
description of a crystal vase in Achill. 
Tat. ii. 3 : vaKov /xev rb irav epyov 
6pupvy/.ievr)S ■ kvkXm Se avrbv a,u.7re- 
Xoi irepiearecpov dirb rov Kparr\pos 
ire<pvrevfMevai. Ol Se ßorpvs irdvrr) 
TrepLKpejjidfxevoi ' 6/j.cpa^ jxev avruv 
eKacrros, oaov Kevbs 6 Kparrip ' 4dv 
Se iyx^V s °l v °v, Kara (UKpbv 6 ßor- 
pvs inroTT€pKd(eraL Kal o-racpvXrjV rr]v 
o/xcpaKa 7roiet. Cf. Strabo, xvi. 2, 25. 

The commonest drinking vessels 
were of burnt clay, Kepa/ieia. Those 
manufactured in Attica were very 
celebrated, and were exported in con- 



146 



CHARICLES. 



[Scenh YIII. 



present to her sick husband and uncle the potion which it 
contained ; the physician having first mingled in it some- 
thing from his drug-box. She next smoothed the pillow, 
bending affectionately over her husband, as if to enquire 
whether he felt any relief. 

The eyes of all present were fastened on this picture of 
dutiful affection, but the gaze of Charicles especially 
seemed riveted to the spot. When Cleobule entered, he 
was conversing with Sophilos, with his back to the door, 
and she on her part was so entirely occupied with tending 
the sick man, that her face had not once been turned to- 
wards the group behind her. Yet there was something in 
that graceful figure that awoke scarcely stifled emotions 
in his breast. It was the very image of the apparition 
by the brook. There was the same delicate structure and 
youthful swell of the limbs, though they were now enveloped 
in a dress of more ample folds ; the same profusion of blond 
tresses, though now gathered in a gold-coloured caul ; and 
that very same gracefulness of movement, though modified 
of course by the altered circumstances. 

The physician next prescribed a bath for his patient. 
This was easily effected, as Polycles had apartments con- 
structed for the purpose in his own house, which were fitted 
up with every requisite appliance. They bore a miniature 
resemblance to the larger public baths ; although Polycles, 
being stricken in years, had seldom any use for the cold bath, 
confining himself to one of a warmer character. There 



siderable quantities. SeeHerod.v. 88 ; 
Aristoph. Acharn. 900 ; Athen, i. p. 
28 ; xi. pp. 480, 484. Theresas also 
throughout Greece an important in- 
ternal traffic in these pottery wares, 
and certain kinds were even imported 
into Athens. Eubulos, quoted in 
Athen, i.p. 28, praises Kvidia Kepd/xia, 
liitceXiita ßardvia, Mt^Mpina -niQaKvia. 
See Plut. de vit. Mr. al. 2 ; and Athen. 



xi. p. 464. Besides these, there were 
utensils of brass, silver, and gold, 
often embossed. Demosth. in Euerg. 
p. 1155: vSpla x a ^ K V toWov ci|/a. 
Again in Timoth. p. 1193, we have 
<pi6.\ai Kvmovpyeis Svo, worth 237 
drachmas. For further information 
see Dodwell, Class. Tour, ii. p. 200, 
and Welcker, in the Rhein. Mus. for 
1839. 



Sceke Yin.] THE INVALID. 147 

was also a regular sudatory, and in it the laver 23 used in 
taking the hotter baths. Orders were given for raising 



28 The Konian baths have been 
veryfully discussed in Gallus, pp. 3 66- 
397, and as what has there been said 
is, for the most part, applicable to the 
baths of Greece, it will not be neces- 
sary to repeat it here ; and besides the 
absence of accurate information re- 
specting the G-recian baths of the bet- 
ter age, leaves us to infer many of the 
details from the analogy of the baths 
of Kome. Here, therefore, the method 
of bathing will be alone investigated. 
The daily bath was by no means so 
indispensable with the Greeks as it 
was with the Eomans ; nay, in some 
instances the former nation looked on 
it as a mark of degeneracy and in- 
creasing effeminacy, when the baths 
were much frequented. But so far as 
the bath was necessary to cleanliness, 
its neglect was considered a matter 
of reproach. So Lysistr. 280 : pvna>v, 
airapdriXros, e| erSsv &Xovros. And 
Nubes, 835: 

u>v vtto TT)? 0etSo)A.ias 
aireKeipar' oüöeis ttuhtot , ovh' rjKelxpaTO 
ovS' es ßa\aveiov rjAöe A.ovcrd/u.ej'os. 

It was said in ridicule of the Dar- 
dans that they only washed thrice in 
their lives, rph ev T63 ßlcp Xovovrai 
fiSvov, '6rav yevvcovrat, Kal eivl 7a- 
/xois, Kal reXevrwvres. Nicol. Da- 
masc. quoted by Stobaeus, Tit. v. 51. 
Yet the frequent use of the bath in 
the ßaXaveiois was deemed a rpv<p)) 
in the better period, and persons of 
simple habits abstained from it. So 
Plato, Symp.-p. 174, relates of So- 
crates, e<prf yap ol ~S,(aKpa.7T] evrv- 
Xeiv XeXovfxevov re Kal ras ßXav- 
ras vnodeSe/jievov, a eKe?vos oXiyaKis 
eiroiei : and in Plutarch, Pkoc. 4, we 
read, QccKicova yap öftre yeXdaavrd 
Tis, öftre Khavo-avra paSiws 'Ad-qvai- 

L 



av elder, ovS' ev ßaXavelcp Sr)fioo~i- 
evovri Xovadfievov. Demosth. adv. 
Polycl. p. 1217, speaks of it as a mark 
of the bad discipline of a ship's crew : 
8ie<p9ap/j.evov fxev irXr]pwfia Kal elca- 
6bs, apyvpiov iroXv TTpoXajxßdveiv, 
Kal areXelas dyeiv rwv vofxi^o/xevccv 
ev rfj j/rji Xeirovpyiwv, Kal XovcrQai 
ev ßaXaveicp. Hence the youth in 
Sparta was Kal Xovrpwv Kal aXeijx- 
/xdrwv aireipos. Plutarch, Lye. 16. 
But it was only the ßaXave?a, that is, 
the warm baths, depfxä Xovrpa, which 
were censured, and in early times they 
were not even allowed within cities. 
Athen, i. p. 18 : irpoo-cpdrces Se Kal 
ra ßaXavtia ttapy\Krai, 7-771/ apxhv 
ovde evSov rrjs TrSXeoss ewvrwv eivai 
avrd. So the AiKaios xSyos, Nubes, 
991, advises the youth ßaXavelccv car- 
execrdai, and maintains this opinion 
against the question which the "ASlkos 
x6yos puts, 1045, 

KatTOt riva yvwfi-qv Hx<»v ^eyet-S ra Oepfia. 
Xovrpd ', 

A. örirj kixkkttov e<TTi Kal SetXbv 7roiet tw 
avSpa. 

Plato, Leg. vi. p. 761, wishes to con- 
fine the use of warm baths to old 
people, yepovriKa Xovrpa Oepua 
ivapexovras. See Plutarch, de San. 
Tuend, i. p. 515 : and Symp. viii. 9. 

The ßaXaveTa were either public, 
$r)p.6aia, (Xen. de Repub. 2, 10,) or 
private establishments, 'Id La, ldia>riKa, 
though the latter terms may also be 
supposed to denote baths in private 
houses, which also naturally existed. 
In some vase-paintings the bathing 
tubs bear the inscriptions AHMOSIA 
and IAIA. See Tischbein, Coll. of 
Engr. i. pi. 58, from which the accom- 
panying cut is taken. A public bath is 
to be understood in Diog. Laert. vii. 1 2, 
2 



148 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scexe vni. 



this apartment to a moderate temperature, previous to 
the patient being carried thither. Cleobule hastened to 




where Zeno is mentioned as tuv els 
tt]v imcTKevT^v rov Xovrpwvos crv/x- 
ßaXXofieywv els. A private bath is 
mentioned by Isaeus, de Diccsog. her. 
p. 101, and in Id. de Philoctem. her. 
p. 140, we hear of such an one being 
sold for three thousand drachmas. A 
ßaXavelov Idiwrinbv is referred to by 
Plutarch, Demetr. 24, and also by Al- 
ciphron, Epist. i. 23. In these baths, 
and in the public ones as well, the /3a- 
Xavevs received a trifle, eiriXovrpou. 
So Nules, 835, where Socrates and his 
scholars abstain from bathing for the 
sake of economy. See Ranee, 710; 
Lucian, Lcxiph. 2 : av 5e, 8> rrcu, 
arXeyyida jxoi teal ßvpcrav, Kai <pu- 
(Twvia, Kai pv/jifxara vavaroXelv is 
t5 ßaXavelov Kai roviriXovrpov ko- 
fi-Ceiv. ex«? Se x a /-"*C e irapa rrjv 
iyyvoQ^K-qv Su' oßoXw. Schol. rb 
eniXovrpov . Se rb iv rfj avvr]deia 



ßaXaviKbv, and that this is to be un- 
derstood of the public baths, appears 
from Athen, viii. p. 351 : iv Qao-nXib't 
de irpbs rbv iraiSa dia/jicpicrßrjrovvros 
rod ßaXavews irepl rov apyvpiov ' -f)V 
yap vo/Aos irXelovos Xoveiv rovs £e- 
vovs " T H /J-iape, ecp-q, iral, irapa X a ^~ 
kovv jxe fiiKpov ^acr7]XlT7]u iiroiTiaas. 

Of the arrangement of the baths 
we know extremely little, for Lucian' s 
Hippias refers to a bath arranged in 
the taste of a later age. It is rather 
remarkable that in the vase-paintings 
we never meet with any basin or tub, 
wherein the bathers might stand or 
sit. There is always a roimd or oval 
basin, resting on one foot, beside 
which the bathers stand quite naked 
to wash themselves. These basins 
are doubtless the Xovrripes and Xov- 
rripia. See Moschion apud Athen. 



v. p. 



!07. The virdararov, Poll. x. 



Scene VITL] THE INVALID. 149 

superintend in person the needful preparations, and as she 
turned round to go towards the door, her eye fell upon 



46, is the leg or foot thereon the 
vessel rested. Nevertheless we can- 
not doubt but that there were also 
tnbs in the baths, which one might 
get into. They were called irveAot 
(in Homer acrduivdoi). See Schol. on 
Aristoph. Equit. 1060 : ' ras irvtXovs 
KaraXfi^eo-d' iv ßaAßveltp.' ras iu- 
ßdcreis. irveXos yap upvy : ua. i^ßari] ev- 
6a a.Tro\ovovrai, and Pollux, vii. 166, 
quotes a fragment of Aristophanes : 

ÖAA' äfjTÜüS KareXi-ov avrqv trpMp&wqv 
ii- rfj Trve'Aü). 

Some of them were calculated to con- 
tain several persons; as we see from a 
passage of Eapolis ap. Poll. vii. 16S : 
Ae'yet yovv iv AiaLTuvn, els ßaXa- 
veiov elaeXöuv jj.r> ^rjXormrr\o~^s rbv 
trvftßedvovTci aoi eis r^v (tdicrpav. 
So that, in the main points, the Xov- 
r?;p answers to the Soman lahrum, 
and the ttvsXos to the alveus. 

In the ßaXavelov there was also 
frequently a vapour-bath or sudatory, 
irupia, TTupiaTiipiov. Herodot. iv. 75, 
mentions it as usual ; also Eupolis 
apud Poll. ix. 43 ; Aristot. Probl. ii. 
11; 29; and 32. There seems to 
have been nothing in the Grecian 
sweating-baths similar to the Eoman 
concamerata sudatio, with its Laco- 
nieum ; but the bathers sat, on the 
contrary, in separate tub-like com- 
partments. This is what is meant by 
the irvp'ias x^A/ccis in the fragment of 
Moschion, referred to above. See also 
Athen, xii. p. 519: iraA ^vßapfrcus 
5' evprjdrjaav /cat irveXoi, iv als Kara- 
Kei/ievot iirvpLwuTo. These irueAot 
used in the vapour-baths were also 
called Tvpiai. Phrynich. Epit. p. 325. 
A bathing establishment also was not 
complete without an anointing room, 
a\enTTT]piov, which is probably the 



! same as the elceothesium of Vitruvius. 

See Poll. vii. 166. It is doubtful 
I whether an airodvT-ripiov, in which to 
deposit the clothes, was an essential 
portion of the baths ; it was probably 
of later date. Though Lucian talks 
of such a place, where ifjutTto^vXa- 
Kovvres (Lat. capsarii) are stationed, 
yet in Aristotle's time such people 
were unknown, and the bathers 
looked after their own clothes : for 
in discussing the punishment to be 
awarded, idv p.ev Tis e/c ßaXavelov 
K\e\!rf], he says, iv 5e t<£ ßaXaveicp. . . 
pq.8i.ov rev ßovXouevw KOKOvpryeiv. 
i ovdev yap lo~xvpbv %x ov<JL ^pos rrjv 
I <pvXaK$]v oi riSivres, aXX' -/) to av- 
. tuiv ofipta. Probl. xxix. 14. See 
Theoph. Char. 8 ; Diog. Laert. vi. 
52 ; Athen, iii. p. 97. 

The question whether there were 
common baths for women, can ouly 
be answered from the monuments. 
I There are many very wanton vase- 
paintings representing women wash- 
, ing together at a Xovrrip. Tischbein, 
Coll. ofEngr. iii. 35 ; iv. 26 ; 27 ; 28. 
j Millin, ii. 9, &c. A vessel in the 
Museum at Berlin is especially in- 
teresting ; a woman's bath of very 
remarkable construction is depicted 
on it. Water descends upon the 
bathers in a shower, from certain 
heads of animals fixed to the capitals 
of the pillars of the bath-room. If 
these representations do not refer to 
baths in private houses, it would ap- 
pear that there were common baths 
! for women, and perhaps even public 
ones. The almost illegible inscrip- 
tion on the Xovt^p, in Tischbein, iv. 
I 28, looks very much like AHM02IA, 
! though this is far from certain. At 
I Athens, it is true that nothing of the 



150 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene' VIII. 



Charicles, who was standing near it. Suddenly she started 
as though she had seen the Grorgo's head, or some spectre 




kind would be admissible ; but in other 
towns, those of Magna Grsecia for 
instance, where the women were un- 
der less restraint, it might well have 
been the case. 

In the vase-paintings the women 
are in a state of nudity, except in a 
single instance where one has a slight 
shift, x iT ^ vl0V - See the woodcut. 
Poll. x. 181, says : rb fiivroi dep/xa, § 
viro^wui/vvrai at •yvvcuK.es Kovofxevai, 
? i) ol Xovvres auras, $av XovrpiSa e|- 
€(rrt KaXeiv GeoirSfjnrov dirdvTOS iu 
Ylaiffi, 

T7)vSl 7repi£tocraMei/o? wav AourpiSa 
KaraSeo-jiAoe rjjSrjs 7repi7rerao-of. 

4»epe/cpaT7js 8e eV "lirucfi Kara\4ywu 
rot 4pya\e?a rrjs TraiSoTpißmris 

rjSrj (Jikv <aav Xov/xevoL irept^ioyvvvTau 

But neither of the passages he quotes 



refer to women ; and such a irepifaixa 
or wrofaixa is never represented. Cf. 
Jacobs, Animadv. ad Anthol. iv. p. 
224. The other necessaries, such as 
oil, towel and strigils, were brought 
from home by slaves. See Gallus, 
p. 393. For the form of tbe strigil or 
scraper crrXeyyls or |iWpa (Phryn. 
p. 229 ; 460), the handle of which was 
hollow, see Aristoph. Thesm. 556 : 

enel t65' ovk elprjx, öp£?, ws arKeyyiSas 

Xaßov&ai 
entiTa ai4>u)vl£o(j.ep tou oii/oc. 

It was usually of iron, among the 
Spartans of cane (Plut. Inst. Lac. 
32), at Acragas, according to iElian, 
Var. Hist. xii. 29, cf silver, as well 
as the XiiKvdoi. Sometimes it was of 
peculiar shape, as we see from vases 
and gems. Miliin, Feint, d. Vas, 



ScE?ra vni.] 



THE INVALID. 



151 



risen out of Hades ; and the glass phial would have dropped 
from her hand, had not the doctor caught it. With a 



ii. 45 ; 63. Concerning the oil, see 
Theophr. Char. 11. The pvppa, 
however, was mostly provided by the 
ßaXavevs, thus in Aristoph. Lysist. 
377, the woman says, 

et pv/j-fia rvyxäven e\<^V) Xovrpov ye crot 
vape^a. 

Ran. 710 : 6 irovrjpSraTos ßaXavevs, 
dirSaoi Kparovai KVKT](Tni<ppov, ipev- 
dovlrpou Kov'ias Kal KipcoXias yrjs. 
Schol. ravra roiavra Kaddpp.ard 
irrriv, ois oi Xov6p.evoi xP^ vral T ^' / 
ßaXaveaiv irwXovvrwv. For the va- 
rious sorts, lye, Kovia, (Plato, de Re- 
pub, iv. p. 430,) alkaline salts, nitre, 
v'tTpov, fuller's earth, yrj Ki/io>Afa,&c, 
see Beckmann's History of Inven- 
tions. What resemblance the ffp-^para 
or (T/x^yixara bore to our soap cannot 
be determined. See Gallus, p. 378. 

It was invariably the rule to be 
soused with cold water immediately 
after either a warm or a sweating- 
bath. Plutarch, de primo frig. 10: 
luavws Se Kal 6 roov pera. Xovrpbv f) 
Trvpiav Tre pix^apivuv xpvxpbv aviav 
ärpbs ivSeiKvvrai k.t.X. Cf. Fragm. 
in Hesiod. irzpixedpevoi Kara. KparSs 
T6 Kai &LLUV, and Paus. ii. 34, 2, com- 
plains that at the hot springs of 
Methana, Xovaapivcp Se ivrav6a otire 
v5u>p iarlv iyyvs ipvxpbv, ovre icnre- 
crSvra is ttjv BaXaarcrav olkivSvvus vt]- 
XeaQai. Cf. Plato, de.Repub. i. p. 344 : 
Sxrirep ßaXavevs rjpuv Kar avrXr] eras 
Kara tcov &twv a.6p6ov Kal ttoXvv X6- 
yov. So Lucian, Demosth. encom. 16. 
This dashing with cold water was 
performed by the ßaXavevs and his 
assistants, irapaxvrai. Plutarch, de 
Invid. 6 : and Apophth. Lao. 49. 
The vessel used for the operation 
was called apvraiva, and perhaps also 
apvßaXXos, as Poll. vii. 166, supposes 



from the passage in Equit. 1090, 
though the Scholiast explains it dif- 
ferently. See Athen, xi. p. 1039; and 
Theophr. Char. 9 : deivbs Se Kal irpbs 
to. %a\/ce?o tos iv t<£ ßaXaveicp irpocr- 
eXQöiv Kai ßd\pas äpvraivav ßowvros 
tov ßaXavews avrbs avrov Karaxe- 
aadai. In a vase-painting, Tischbein, 
i. 58, is represented a boy in the cha- 
racter of a irapaxvT7]s with the apv- 
raiva, and in Moses, Collect, of Ant. 
Vas. p. 14, there is a woman over 
whom the water is being poured. It 
may be added, that the irapaxvrai 
also brought the hot water. See 
Athen, xii. p. 518. 

The hour of bathing was, in the 
better period, that preceding the chief 
meal, Seiirvov, of this no proof need 
be adduced. In later and more 
degenerate days, noon is sometimes 
mentioned. Lucian, Lexiph. 4 : Kal 
yap ö yvd>pu>v o~Kid£ei peo~7]v t\\v tt6- 
\ov' Kal Se'os p}] iv Xovrpicp airoXov- 
crwpeda k.t.X., and Alciph. Epist. iii. 
60 : is yap ikovaavTo oi iroXXol Kal 
p-ecrovaa rjpepa t\v. But, even at an 
earlier period, voluptuaries bathed 
several times a day. See Menander, 
quoted by Athen, iv. p. 166 : 

KaCroi. veos nor* eyevonyv /cay£>, yvvai. • 
d\\' ovk e\ovp.r)v irei/Taxis tt}? ^jue'pas 
tot', dWa vvv. 

See also the fragment of Simonides 
in Meineke, p. 127 : 

Aovtcu Se ndo-qs r)ixepa<; dno pvirov 
Sis, aAAore rpis, /cat p.vpois dXei<f>eTat, 

Still, even then the bath was regarded 
for the most part as a preliminary to a 
meal. See Artemidor. Oneirocr. i. 64 : 
vvv Se oi pev ov Trp6repov iffQiovcriv, 
el pr) Xovoivro ' ol Se Kal ip<pay6v- 
res • elra §)) Xoiovrat peXXovres 
Seiirvhcreiv. Kal eari vvv rb ßaXa- 



152 



CHAEJCLES. 



[Scene VIII. 



deep blush, and downcast eyes, she rushed hurriedly past 
the young man, who was himself so surprised and confused, 
that he did not hear the question which Sophilos just 
then put to him. It was now necessary to leave the 
sick chamber, and he was not sorry to do so. Approach- 
ing the bed, he expressed a hope that its tenant would 
amend, and then hastened from the chamber in a tumult 
of contending emotions. 



veiov otöev &XXo $j odbs inl rpo<prjv. 
At that time, games, such, as the cot- 
tabos, were played at the baths. See 
Diog. Laert. vi. 46. In winter, the 
baths, particularly the firing-place, 
served for the poor to stay and warm 
themselves, if the ßaXavevs allowed 
it. Aristoph. Hut. 951 : 

AIK. /ecu fxy\v eVei&j ttjv ircxvo-rrXlav r>jv 

e\<>>v ßa&C&is, es to ßoiXaveiov Tpi\ e ' 
eneiT e/cet /eopuc/xxios ecmjtftos 6epov. 
Kayiu yap elxov -rv\v <rTd<Tiv TavTrjv nore. 
XP. äAA.' 6 ßaKavtvs eA£ei 6vpa£' avrov. 



Cf. also, ib. 535, which latter passage 
is admirably illustrated by Alciphr. 
Epist. i. 23 : ißovXevad/j.r]v oZv'Odvcr- 
creiov ßovXev/na, Spa/neiv els robs 66- 
Xovs 7) ras KOfxivovs twp ßaXave'iojv • 
&AA' ov<5e e/ce?cre ffvvex&povv ot r<bv 
ojxor^x v(ÜV ' Ke P^ toOtcc KvXivSovjxevoi 
... els ovv fia , S6jxif)v, ovk eJva'i fxoi els 
ravra elan^reov dpa/xwu eirl rb 
&pa<rvXXov ßaXavetov IdiwriKrjs 01- 
■Aas evpov tovto Kevbv koX Karaßa- 
Xau oßoXobs 8vo k<x\ rbv ßaXavea 
TOVTOis 'tXewv KaracTTijaas e6ep6/j.7}v. 



153 



SCENE THE NINTH. 
THE WILL. 

IT was one. of those blustering nights, so common at the 
commencement of Maemacterion. The wind blew from 
Salamis, driving before it the scud of black rain-clouds 
over the Piraeus ; and when they opened for a moment, the 
crescent of the waning moon would peer forth, throwing a 
transient glimmer on the distant temples of the Acropolis. 
In the streets of the sea-port, generally so full of bustle, 
reigned deep repose, only broken by the dull roaring of 
the sea, or the groaning of the masts, as some more violent 
gust swept through the rigging of the vessels yet remaining 
in the harbour. Occasionally too some half-intoxicated 
sailor would stagger lanternless 1 from the wine-shops 



1 As the streets were not lighted, 
(see Gallus, p. 80, Note 19,) it was 
enjoined by custom, or perhaps even 
by authority, that all who went out 
after dusk should be preceded by a 
slave with a light. Torches, SaSes, 
<pavo\, SeTcu, Xa/xvaSes, Xafxirrripes, 
mostly purchased at the time from a 
K<x-nr)\os, were used for this purpose. 
See Lysias, de Ccsde Erat. p. 27 ; Ni- 
costr. ap. Athen, xv. p. 700 ; Plutarch, 
Arat. 6 ; Aristoph. Eccles. 692, 978 ; 
Vesp. 1331. They consisted of a bun- 
dle of pine-splints, (hence Serai, and 
in Athen, xv. p. 700 : e/c rivusv tvXuv 
rerfirifievoop SeV/Mj,) or of other dried 
woods, probably made more inflam- 
mable by means of pitch. Thus the 
tendrils of the vine were used. 
Lysistr. 308 : 

r>}? U(tire\ov S' es ttjv \VT(kav rov (j>a.vov 

eyKaOevres, 
äv^avTe? eir' es rrj v Bvpap'^pnqSbv e/X7reVoi/iev. 

On which the Scholiast remarks : ix. 



Se tcov afxireXlvav ras Xa/JLird^as 
Kareo~Keva£ov els e^a^tiv, ws nai ev 
hnifxviais (pricri. In the early times, 
however, no mention occurs of the 
pitch-torches of oakum, funalia, or 
the wax-torches, so much used by the 
Romans. See Note 5, infra. They 
used also lanterns of horn, called 
(pavol, but by the Attics Xvxvovxoi. 
Among many other passages we may 
refer to Phryn. Eel. p. 59 : <&av6s ■ 
hit rr\s XaixirdSos, aXXa. /jlt] eVl rod 
Keparlvov Xeye. rovro Se Xvxvovxov. 
Phot. Lex. p. 238: Xvxvovxov rbv 
Kepdrivov <pavov, anh rod Xvxvov eV 
avrS Trepiex^Qai, (pavos Se T] e'/c 
£vXcoi/ Xa/iiirds- Athen, xv. p. 699: 
'6ri Se Xvxvovxoi ol vvv KaXov\xevoi 
<pavo\ wvo/jid^ovro ' Apio~ro<pdvris ev 
PdoXoo-'iKoovi Trapiarrjcri ' 

Kai StatTTt'Aßorö' 6pü>/xez> 
cjcrn-ep lv kcllvQ 
navTa tvjs e^co/xiöo?. 

Translucent horn seems to have been 



154 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene IX. 



towards the harbour ; or some footpad would sneak along 
the sides of the houses, ready to pounce on the cloak of a 
belated passenger, and hiding cautiously behind a Hermes or 
an altar whenever the bell of the night-patrol was heard. 2 
In a small room of a house situated some distance from 
the harbour, a young man of unprepossessing exterior lay 
stretched upon a low couch, which was too short for his 
figure. His hollow eyes and sunken cheeks, the careless- 
ness of his demeanour, his hasty way of draining the cup in 
his right hand, and the coarse jokes that from time to time 
escaped him, sufficiently marked him as one of those vulgar 



the usual material for these lanterns. 
See a fragment quoted by Athenseus, 
supra : 

Kepaiivov re <f>o>cr<£opov \vx vov (re'Aas. 

See Gallus, p. 314. In this lantern 
the lamp was placed. See Vesp. 246. 
In the absence of such a lantern, a 
pot or basket supplied its place. So 
Acham. 453 : airvpiZiov o~ianGKavfx£vov 
\vxv<f. How general the use of such 
lights was, is shown by the manner 
in which the Chorus in the Clouds, 
612, extols the moon, for saving 
people this expense : 

TrpuiTa peu tov /xijvbs els So 5' ovk eAarTOi/ 17 

too-re Kai \dyeiv airavra^ e^iovras eo"jrepa<; • 
jj.rj npito, nat, SaS', eireiSrj <£ws SeArji^aiTjs 

KdkoV. 

See also the fragment of Epicharmus 
quoted in the following note, where 
the parasite very characteristically 
steals about without a light. 

2 The altars and Hermse before 
the houses, the public monuments and 
the arcades, were well adapted for 
nocturnal hiding-places. See Andoc. 
de My st. p. 19. Nocturnal depreda- 
tors, who stole people's clothes, Aw-rro- 
Svrai, would avail themselves of them. 
The often-expressed fear of such cha- 
racters proves how numerous they 



were at Athens. Antipho. de Ccede 
Volunt. p. 631 : ecrrt 5e ovk aireiKos, 
&s ovrol (pacriv, aXXa cIkos, aa.pl twv 
vvktwv irXapwfJ.evoy iirl rots ipariois 
dtacpdaprjvai. The nightly patrols, 
irep'nroKoi, seem to have apprehended 
suspicious characters whom they 
found in the street, at least so says 
the parasite in a fragment of Epi- 
charmus, ap. Athen, vi. p. 236 : 

k\>x vov M ot (rvpL^>epei • 

eprrw 5' bktcrda.^<i>i> re Kai Karao-KOTOS 
epa/otos. at »ca. 8' ecrv^w rots 7rept7r6Aois, 
tovtois ayaBbv ernkeyu) toi? öeols, ort 
ox) XHovTt iraifiiV, aAAa ixacrTtyihvTl fte. 

These irepiiroXoi, as can be abun- 
dantly shown, carried a bell to ascer- 
tain whether the watch were awake 
and at their posts, and the latter were 
probably required to answer at the 
sound of the same. Aves, 842, 1159; 
Schol. on the former passage: olirepl- 
ttoXoi ras (pv\aicas irepio-Koirodures, 
ipX^/JLevoi iirl tovs (pvXcucas Kwdavas 
elxov ical 8ta tovtcov i\\/6<povv, ireipd- 
(ovres tov KadevSovra, Kai 'Iva ol 
(pvXaTTOvres avTHpöeyywvTai. Cf. 
Hesych. s. v. KcaSw/icrai and Koodo)vo~ 
<popa>v. See also Plutarch, Arat. 7, 
concerning the surprisal of Sicyon : 
AvaßavTwv Se twv tt pear wv 6 ri]v 
eu>6ivi]v (pvXaK^jv irapa.h'ib'ovs icpcoSeve 
KdoSavi Kal (pcora iroAAa Kai d6pvßos 
■fiv tuv iirnropevoixevwv. 



Scene IX.*] 



THE WILL. 



155 



roues, who were accustomed to waste the day at the 
dice-board, and devote the night to riot and debauchery. 
On the table near him, beside the nearly empty punch-bowl, 
stood a lamp with a double wick, whose light abun- 
'dantly illumined the narrow chamber. There were also 
the remnants of the frugal supper that he had just con- 
cluded, and a second goblet, which a slave, who sat upon 
another couch opposite the young man, replenished pretty 
frequently. Between them was a draught-board which the 
slave was eyeing attentively, whilst the other surveyed it 
with tolerable indifference. The game was by no means 
even. The menial evidently had the advantage ; and he now 
made a move which reduced his adversary to great straits. 

4 A stupid game, this 1 ' exclaimed the youth, as he 
tossed the pieces all in a heap ; 4 a game where it's all 
thinking, and nothing won after all. Dicing for me,' he 
added with a yawn. 4 But what has got Sosilas ? It must 
be past midnight ; and such weather as this, I should not 
over-enjoy the walk from the town to the haven.' 4 He's 
gone to Polycles,' replied the slave. 4 'Twas said he 
would not live. till morning, and Sosilas seems vastly con- 
cerned about him.' 4 1 know,' answered the youth ; 4 but 
then why did he send for me, just at this time of all others ? 
The morning would have done quite as well ; and I must., 
needs leave a jolly party, forsooth ; and here T am, hang it, 
and have to stand my own wine ; for not a drop has the 
old hunks provided.' 4 All I know,' replied the slave, 4 is, 
that he bade me fetch you, wherever you were, as he must 
have speech with you this very night without fail.' * Then 
why doesn't he come?' retorted the other, peevishly. 
4 Did he go unattended ? ' 4 Syrus went with him ; he'll 
come to no harm. And even suppose he didn't return,' 
continued the slave with a smile ; 4 why, you're his next 
relation and heir, aren't you ? Two houses in the city, 
besides this here — a carpenter's shop, 3 and may be some 



8 See Excursus on The Slaves. 



156 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene IX. 



five or six talents in ready cash : — in sooth, no such bad 
heritage ! ' The youth lolled back complacently on the 
couch. 6 Yes, Molon,' said he, 6 when he's once out of the 

way, then ' At this moment came a violent rap at the 

outer door. 4 There he is ! ' cried the slave, as he hastily 
caught up the draught-board and one of the goblets, 
smoothed down the cushion and coverlet of the couch he 
had been sitting on, and stationed himself at the stripling's 
elbow, as if he had been waiting on him. 

Steps were now audible in the court-yard, and a gruff 
voice was heard giving orders to a slave in harsh accents. 
The door opened, and in walked a man with a large beard, 
and dark and forbidding features. He was wrapped, after 
the Spartan fashion, in a short mantle of coarse thick tex- 
ture, and wore Laconian shoes. In his hand was a stout 
cudgel, with its handle bent in the form of a cross. 4 The 
sight of the drinking cups and the unwonted illumination of 
the chamber made him forget the greeting. He approached 
the slave in a rage. 6 Ah ! you knave ! ' cried he, raising 
his stick ; 6 what d'ye mean by these two burners, and such 
large wicks? 5 Does not the winter consume oil enough 



4 In ancient reliefs and paintings, 
representing scenes from comedy, are 
to be seen old men with, sticks whose 
handles curl inwards in a serpentine 
fashion. See Mus. Borb. i. 20 ; iv. 24. 

5 So Strepsiades says, Aristoph. 
Nub. 57 : 

oi/uoi, t£ yap ßoi tov noTrji' ^7rres Au^i/ov; 
Sevp' eAÖ', Iva (cAaflS. Ö. 816. Tt örjra 

KAavcro/xcu ; 
2. ort tu)v 7Taxeiä)V eveTiflels OpvaWiSuiv. 

Similarly the chorus, Vesp. 251, for- 
bids the wick to be drawn out too 
much : 

Tt 6tj Traöiov 7<Z Sa/CTvAw ttjv öpvaAAto" coöeis ; 
Kai raOra rovXaiov criravtgovTos, w Vötjtc. 
ov yap SaKvei <r', örav Sey rifJ-LOV TrplavQai. 

The oil-lamp, \x>xvos, was the only 
sort of light the Greeks had for house- 
hold use. Perhaps in more ancient 



times chips of wood, or pieces of pine, 
burning in a chafing-dish, answered 
the purpose ; but when manners grew 
more refined, this method of lighting 
was entirely superseded by the lamp, 
and torches were used only out of 
doors. Athen, xv. p. 700, says : oh 
iraXaibv 8' evprifxa \vx vos ' <p\oy\ & 
oi ira\aw\ tt}s tc Sadbs Ka\ rSiv 
&K\a>v £v\ccv e'xpwi/TO : but this refers 
to the very earliest period only ; and 
when he wrote, the lamp had been 
known for perhaps nearly a thou- 
sand years. "Wax and tallow lights 
are scarcely ever mentioned, and then 
only in the very latest times, and by 
the Eoman name, KavhriXai. Athen, 
p. 701 : 'EjUol 8e, ttou SoupSSeiirj/e, 
acrcraplou Kav8r]\as irpia. Moreover 
they are here used as a substitute for 



SCEXE IX.] 



THE WILL. 



157 



without this ? And you, Lysistratos ' — he here turned to 
the youth — 6 seem to make yourself quite at home in my 
house ? ' 4 Oh ! to be sure, uncle,' answered the other, 
drily ; 6 wine on credit from the tavern, since yours is safe 
under lock and key. Do you suppose I'm going to wait 



torches. Suidas, very improperly, de- 
rives the word from the Greek: — cbro 
rod Kaieiy dr/Xa. 

The lamps were usually of "burnt 
earth (rpox^Xaroi, Ecclcs. 1 — 5.) or 
of metal. Their form is well known : 
they had sometimes one, sometimes 
two or more orifices for the wick, 
which from their likeness to the nos- 
trils were called jxvKrrjpes and fiv^aL ; 
hence Xv\voi SI/mv^ol, rpi,uv£oi, &c. 
Poll. ii. 72. The wick, Attice BpvaX- 
Xls, otherwise iXXvxvtov and (pXoaos, 
(Poll. vi. 103; x. 115,) was, partly at 
least, made of the woolly leaves of a 
plant, which was thence called <px6- 
fJLos Xvx^tls. Dioscor. iv. 106; Plin. 
sxt, 10, 7-A; Hesych. $x6uos' iroa 
ris, $ Kai avr\ iXXux^iov XP^ VTaL ' 
7] avrri 5e Kai dpvaXXis. Also Phot. p. 
95: QpvaXXis' iax^pa- Xvxvos' hurls' 
Kai ßordvt] irpos Xvxvov apfi6Qotffa. 
As the lamps were generally small 
and low, and without feet, they were 
set upon a stand, \vxvlov or X-bx^iov, 
also Xvxvia or Xvxvsiov, (Athen, xv. 
p. 700,) the candelabrum of the Ko- 
rnaus. What has been said on this 
subject in Gallus, p. 313, need not be 
here repeated. See especially Athen, 
iv. p. 147 : (fyiXvxvoi air/ai); xv. 
p. 700; Poll. x. 118. The word dße- 
Xia , KoXvx vlou ^oweyev requires expla- 
nation. Poll. 117, says: rb5e 6ßeXL<r- 
KoXvxviov. o~r par loir lko i> fiiv rot rb 
XpriH- a ' e'ipT)rai Se virb Qeoirofj-Trov 
rod kw/xlkov iv Elpr/vy, 
■qßäs 6' aTTa\\axOevTa<; ep äya.6<xis tv\'CU? 
bß€\i<TKo\vxviov Kai f (.(^o^axcupa; ni.Kpäs. 

And Athen, xv. p. 700, refers to the 



same expression of Theopompus, 
which however they both seem to have 
misunderstood. But Aristot. de Ee- 
•pub. iv. 15, p. 1299, explains the mili- 
| tary connexion in which Theopompus 
j employs the word. Aristotle is speak- 
ing of the necessity of assigning, in 
small states, several functions to the 
same individual, there not being 
persons enough singly to undertake 
them,and«then be succeeded by others. 
Small states, however, often require 
as many offices as large ones, though 
these may not be individually of so 
much importance. He then says: 5i6- 
irep ovSev KuXvei iroXXas ivipLeXeias 
aixa irpoardrrsLu' ov yap ijxirodiov(TLV 
aXXr}Xais, Kal npbs ryv oXiyavdpcc- 
■Kiav avayKaiou ra. apx^a oiov oße- 
XifTKoXvxvia iroLtiv. Now as he is 
talking of the heaping several offices 
on one person, we might fancy the 
allusion to be to a candelabrum, 
which, obelisk-like, is set with lamps 
from bottom to top ; but, inasmuch 
as Theopompus combines it with 
^L(bo l udxo-Lpa, a thing which admitted 
of a twofold use, it seems certain that 
the comparison refers to something 
else than the multitude of the offices ; 
and wethen arrive at another solution, 
namely, that a person who is employed 
first for this and then for that official 
duty, is like the oßeXicrKoXvxviov, 
which served both for a spear and a 
candlestick, and which would thus 
be a very compendious implement 
for a soldier, — crrpariwriKov xpV^, 
as Pollux calls it. 



158 



CHAEICLES. 



[SCEKE IX 



here half the night for you, without a drop to drink ? ' 
4 1 didn't expect to be kept so long,' said the old man, 
somewhat softened, as he hastily scanned the apartment. 
4 You may go,' he said to the slave ; 6 we don't want you 
any more ; leave us, and go to bed.' The slave departed : 
Sosilas bolted the door, and returned to his nephew. 

4 He is dead,' whispered he, drawing a long breath ; 
6 Polycles is dead, and a property of sixty talents and more 
is left without natural heirs.' The nephew started. 6 Well ! 
and what good is that to us, if we do not come in for 
a share ? ' 4 That's just the question,' answered the uncle. 
4 Lysistratos,' he resumed after a short silence, 4 you may 
be a rich man, if you will.' 4 Will ? ay ! by Dionysos will I, 
and no mistake,' laughed the nephew. c Only do what 
I tell you,' said Sosilas, 6 and you have your desire. We 
are connected — very distantly, I grant — with Polycles, 
for my long-deceased wife and Cleobule's mother were 
first cousins. Yet this connexion gives us no title to the 
property. But, now, what if a will were produced naming 
me heir ! ' 6 You mean a forged one,' said Lysistratos, 
musingly ; 4 but how will it be accredited without you have 
his signet ring ? And do you suppose Polycles, during his 
long illness, has not himself arranged about bequeathing his 
property ? ' The old man quietly opened an adjoining room, 
and fetched out of it a box, which he unfastened, and 
drew forth a document with a seal. 4 Look ye there, read 
that,' said he, as he placed it before the youth. 4 What's 
the superscription ? ' 4 By Dionysos ! ' cried the youth, 
springing to his feet, 4 44 The last will of Polycles." How 
came you by this ? ' ' Very simply,' replied the uncle. 
4 "When Polycles was starting to iEdepsos, and Sophilos, 
who had got him in his meshes, was luckily gone upon a 
journey, he summoned me, as a relative of his wife's, and 
entrusted me with his will, in the presence of the three 
witnesses therein named.' 4 Capital ! ' shouted Lysistratos : 
4 so you can substitute another of your own composing. 
But, still, even then, you will want his signet : do you 



Scene IX.] 



THE WILL. 



159 



think you could imitate it ? ' 6 c That would be a dangerous 
experiment,' replied the uncle ; fi and, besides, you can 
perceive by the superscription, in what peculiar shaky 
characters it is written ; so that it would be almost impos- 
sible to forge an imitation, nor indeed do we want one.' 

Saying this he produced a knife, removed the shell 
which served as a capsule to the seal, 7 and said, 6 See ! 
that's Polycles' seal, and there is just such another beneath 
the writing ; 8 and now look at this,' cried he, as he placed 
side by side with it another seal, hanging by a slip 
of string. 4 By Poseidon ! exactly the same,' exclaimed 
Lysistratos, in amazement ; 4 but I can't conceive what all 
this is about.' 4 You'll understand presently,' replied the 
uncle. He took the knife, and without hesitation severed 
the string to which the seal was appended, opened the 
document, and spread it before his nephew. 4 Look,' he 
said with a malicious grin ; 4 supposing 44 Sosilas " stood here 
instead of 44 Sophilos," and there, 44 Sophilos " instead of 
44 Sosilas." I should not so much mind then.' The youth 
read in astonishment. 4 1' faith ! ' he exclaimed, 4 that were 



6 Forgery of seals must have oc- 
curred early, fcr Solon enacted a law 
against it: daKTv\ioy\v(pq> pi) e|e?- 
vai a<ppay7da (pvXarTeiv rod irpa- 
devros SaKTv\iuv. Diog. Laert.i. 57. 
Afterwards it occurred frequently, as 
may be concluded from Aristoph. 
Thesmoph. 424 : 

TrpoTov ixev ovp y\v iAA' vrrot^at ttjp Ovpav, 
■n-otr/cra/xeVatcrt 8o,ktv\lov rpicu/SoAou. 

Thucydides, i. 132, also relates that 
Argilios, the ambassador from Pau- 
sanias to Artabazos, opened the letter 
entrusted to him : koI TrapairoLrjad- 
pevos crcppaytSa, 'Iva, $}v \pevcr6ij rrjs 
86£r]s, r) Kal inzlvos peraypd\pai ri 
aLTTjCTj, pi) siriyvcp, Auet ras inicno- 
\ds. 

1 The custom of keeping a seal in 
a capsule, K6yxv, lest it should be in- 



jured, is only mentioned in a single 
passage, Aristoph. Vesp. 585, but the 
allusion is clear and decisive : 

Kap anoOirqaKoip 6 iraTrjp tw &<Z KaTaketirtov 

iraiS' knlicXiipov, 
KkaeLV ifpeis fj.aK.pa rr\v Ke^aXrjp elnoPTes Tfl 

5c. 0.677x77 

Kai TT) KoyxT? t"11 väpv tre/xi'ä)? rot? crrjjaet'oi- 

criv eWOTJCTY], 

eSouep ravTT)i>, {Joris ap JjVä? apTißoATjcras 
aparreiar]. 

And the Scholiast says : as nSyxas 
iiriTiBivToov reus (r<ppayl<riv aa<pa- 
Aei'as evaca. 

8 Important documents, although 
they were to be sealed up, were also, 
it seems, attested by a seal beneath 
the writing. PJato, Leg. ix. p. 856; 
cf. Demosth. in Pantcen.^. 978; and 
in Aphob. p. 837. 



160 



CHARICLES. [Scene IX. 



indeed a master-stroke ; and there are only two letters to 
alter ; for, as good luck has it, the fathers' names are the 
same. But the seal ? ' he added, 4 the seal ? how could you 
venture to break open the deed?' 

The old man made a second dive into the mysterious 
box, and drew out something resembling a signet. 6 1 learnt 
how to make this substance from a cunning fellow who 
went about soothsaying. If pressed when soft, upon a seal, 
it receives all the characters with perfect accuracy and in 
a short time becomes as hard as stone.' 9 The will had been 
opened before, and the seal appended to it was merely an 
impression of this. £ Can you distinguish between it and 
the genuine one ? ' 4 No, that I can't,' answered the nephew. 
6 So then, it will be an easy matter to re-seal the deed, 
when we have altered the letters in these two places.' 
4 But how am / to become rich by this ? ' now interposed 
the youth, suspiciously ; 4 my name is not mentioned in the 
testament.' 4 Listen a moment,' replied the uncle ; 4 the 
inheritance, as you may have read, is coupled with one 
condition — that the heir must marry the widow Cleobule, 
and if he object to this, must be content with five talents 
as his portion ; but he will have the right of giving the 
widow in marriage, along with the rest of the property, to 
whomsoever he may judge proper. 10 Now I am too old 
to marry again ; and, besides, I was warned against it in a 
dream. I dreamt that I wished to take a wife, and went 



9 Lucian, Alexander sen Pseudo- 
mantis, 21, mentions many artifices to 
which that impostor had recourse for 
opening letters containing inquiries 
addressed to him, and then sealing 
them again without detection. But 
the seal is there of wax, which is 
here designedly supposed not to be 
the case. He, however, mentions two 
methods of taking impressions in a 
soft substance which afterwards be- 
came hard. The second of these, 



which is that intended in the text, he 
describes thus : rirdvov yap is k6\- 
Kav ifißaAwv, y KoWaxri ra ßißAia, 
Kai KT}pbv €K TOVTOV rcoii]<Tas, eVi 
vypbv ovra eVeTi'flet ttJ acppayihi 
Kal a<pe\wv (avriica 5e %7}phv yiyve- 
rai Kal Ktparos, ixaXKov Se crihypov 
irayiwrepov) tovtc? 5e ixpV T0 irpbs 
rbv tvttov. See Note 14. 

10 See Note 20. 



Scene IX.] 



THE WILL. 



161 



to the bride's house to be betrothed to her, but when I 
essayed to go away again, the door was fastened, and 
could not be opened. Two interpreters of dreams, whom 
I consulted, foretold that I should die on the day of my 
betrothment ; 11 and that is warning enough: but you 
shall marry Cleobule, if you will privately cede half the 
property to me.' The nephew reflected for a moment. 
4 It's an unequal partition,' he said at last ; 6 your share is 
unencumbered, while my moiety will be saddled with the 
widow.' 4 Fool ! ' retorted Sosilas ; 6 Cleobule is such a 
beauty, that many a man would be glad to take her with- 
out any dowry at all ; besides which it all depends on me, 
you know, whether you get a farthing.' After some hig- 
gling, it was finally settled that the uncle should not 
receive the five talents over and above his half of the pro- 
perty, but that these should be included in the partition. 

4 Now hand me the will,' said the old man ; ' with this 
little sponge I erase the two letters, and the more easily 
because the paper is so good. 12 Look ! they are now 



Again, if Pliny had meant that the 
Btalk was cut into plates or slices, he 
would have used the word lamina or 
tabellce, certainly not philurcB. Nor 
were 1 on gi tudi nal s ecti on s m ad e of th e 
stalk, for each strip would have then 
contained all degrees of quality; 
whereas Pliny says, 'principatus me- 
dio, atque inde scissurse ordine,' that 
is, the strips were such, that the inn er- 
most one was the best, and they gradu- 
ally became inferior as they got nearer 
the outer part, propiores cortici. This 
agrees also with what Pliny adds as 
to the process of manufacture: 'Pre- 
mitur deinde prelis, et siccantur sole 
plagulae atque inter se jungun'ur, 
proximarum semper bonitatisdiminu- 
tione ad deterrimas. Nunquam plures 
scapo, quam vicense.' The old pla- 
nation of Winkelmann, ii. p. 1 7 seoms 
to be the best, that the nu.ny bast- 

M 



11 Artoraidor. Oneirocr. i. 78 : 
olda Se Tiva, ts e5o|ej/ elcreXOelv els 
iropveiov Kai fx)) Svvacrdcu e£eA0fc?i/. 
Kal airedavev ov jxera. iroKKas rj/xepas. 

12 The observations in Gallus, p. 
325, on the paper of the ancients, 
are perhaps open to question ; owing 
chiefly to the uncertainty as to the 
meaning of the passage in Pliny, Nat. 
Hist. xiii. 12, 23, which is the main 
source of our knowledge about this 
manufacture. Sprengel, Allgem. En- 
cyclop, explains the words, ' Prsepa- 
rantur ex eo chartse, diviso acu in 
prsetenues, sed quam latissimas phi- 
luras ; ' ' The inner pith was split by 
a pointed instrument into very thin, 
but broad slices' This can hardly be 
the meaning, for the inner pith of 
the papyrus appears to be much too 
porous for the fabrication of paper. 



162 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene IX. 



scarce distinguishable. This ink,' continued he, as he 
produced a little box, 13 and the writing-reed, ' is of just the 



like skins or layers placed one under 
another were peeled off, (these are the 
philurse, )and thus the strips produced. 

The paper of the Nile was known 
and used in Greece long before the 
time of Herodotus, for he says, v. 58 : 
kcu ras ßvßXovs SicpOepas naXeovai 
airb rod iraXaiov ol "laves, Sri Kore 
iv GTcavi ßvßXcov eXP* wvro Si^fleppct 
alyeriffi re ical b'Urjcn. The univer- 
sal name for the paper, as a writing 
material, is ßißXos ; the single leaf is 
called x° i P Tr l s \ an( i when written 
upon, or designed for such a purpose, 
it is denominated ypaixjxaretov and 
ypanfjLaTidiov ; though these words 
are sometimes used to mean merely 
the tablets, izlvaK.es, SeXroi, smeared 
over with softened wax, fjt.dx.6ri or 
fxdxda, (Poll. x. 58,) which were also 
early used. The word fj.dX9r) is ex- 
plained by Harpocration,Photius,He- 
sychius and Suidas to be fxefxaXay/xe- 
vt]s K7?pbs,andwe may readily suppose 
that the wax was mixed with some- 
thing to make it less brittle ; Suidas 
also mentions cncXripSicripoi SeXroi, 
which would better preserve the 
writing on them : pSXis fxev ypd<pov- 
rai, diarrjpovo'i Se ra ypa<pevra. 
These wax tablets were only used for 
letters, and matters of no permanent 
moment. A passage in Demosthenes, 
in Steph. ii. p. 1132, is worthy of 
attention : "En rolvvv Kav curb rov 
ypa/xfiareiov yvolt] ris, ev & r\ fJ.ap-. 
rvpia yeypairrai, '6ri ra, tyevdrj fie- 
fj.aprvpr]K6. XeXevKWfjLevov re ydp 
io~ri fcal oIkoBzv Kareo'Kevao'ixevov. 
Kalroi rovs jxev ra ireirpayixeva fxap- 
rvpovvras irpoa^Kei olicodev ras /xap- 
rvpias Ka.reaicevao'fxevas p.aprvpelv ' 
rovs 8e ras irpoKX^ffeis fxaprvpovv- 
ras, robs airb ravroLidrov irpocrrdv- 



ras, ev ixdXQr) yey paii\i.evi\v r)]v /xap- 
rvpiav, 'Iva, el ri irpoo-ypd^/at rj aira- 
yetyai ßovXrjÖrj, pdZiov ■p. Nothing 
could be easier than to alter anything 
written on a wax tablet, and ink- 
marks could also readily be effaced. 
The Nile paper, particularly when 
good, did not, to any great extent, 
imbibe the writing fluid, which, as we 
learn from Pliny, resembled our In- 
dian-ink, and could easily be washed 
off with a wetted finger or a sponge. 
See Chamseleon ap. Athen, ix. p. 407: 
$\nev els rb Mr}rp<£ov, oirov ruv diKcbv 
•tjcrav at ypacpa], ical ßpe^as rbv 5a/c- 
rvXov ex rov arSfxaros 8ir]Xei\pe rrjv 
51kt]v rod 'Ryr)/j.ovos. Hence the 
paper might be cleaned, and then 
used a second time, as TraXifi^crrov. 
See Gallus, p. 328. With regard to 
the price, all that can be stated is 
that a piece of paper for a bond cost 
two chalcus, i.e. a quarter of an obole. 
Demosth. in Dionysod. p. 1283 : Aa- 
ßwv yap apyvpiov cpavepbv Ka\ 6/j.o- 
Xoyov/xevov ev ypafALiariolcp Svoiv 
XaXKolv iwvrjfxevcti Kai ßißXiSicp fiiK- 
p$ irdvv rrjv oiioXoyiav KaraXe- 
XoLire rod iroirjo'eiv ra. dlicaia. See 
Note 19 to Scene iv. 

13 Pollux, iv. 18, and x. 59, men- 
tions among the requirements of a 
school-boy, the ink-stand, ttv^Iov, 
which he also calls fieXavoB6xov. 
The ink, rb fxeXav, was not a chemi- 
cal preparation, but merely a pigment 
which was prepared for use by rub- 
bing ; Demosth. de Corona, p. 313: 
rb fxeXav rp'ißeiv. Instead of quills, 
they employed reeds, naXaLioi ypa- 
cpe?s. Poll. x. 61. See Gallus, p. 
327. Plutarch, Demosth. 29, relates 
of that orator, that he used to bite his 



SCEKR IX.] 



THE WILL. 



163 



same blackness as the writing. There we have it, all right. 
Who will assert that it was not always as it now stands ? ' 
6 Excellent ! ' said the nephew ; 6 now for the seal.' The old 
man carefully folded up the deed again, moistened some 
clay, 14 tied the string, and impressed the forged stamp upon 
the clay. 6 There ! ' said he, 4 isn't it the same seal ? ' 6 Well, 
that beats everything,' cried Lysistratos, as he compared 
the two seals ; £ no one will ever dream that it is a forgery.' 
A rustling outside the door startled the old man. He 
snatched up the will and the other contents of the box, 
which he bore off, and fastened the door of the room 
adjacent, sealing it for greater security. Then taking the 
lamp, he explored the court, to discover, if possible, the 
cause of the disturbance. 6 It was nothing,' he said, when 
he came back ; 6 most likely the storm which made the 
door shake. It will soon be morning ; Lysistratos, come 
into my bed-chamber, and let us have a short nap.' 

The two worthies had not been long gone, when Molon 
glided softly into the room, and groped about, in the dark, 



writing-reed while meditating: Kal 
Xaßwp ßißXiop, as ypdcpeip /xeXXoop, 
Trpoa-fiueyKe t<S CTO/xart rhu KaXa- 
fMOV, Kai Sa/cobi/, &(Tirep iv reo Ziavo- 
e?<r9ai Kal ypd(peip eleaöei, XP° U0U 
riva Kareax^y, e?Ta o'vyKaXvtydiJ.e- 
vos aireKAive t)]p KecpaX^p. See also 
Plutarch, Dec. Or. Vit. iv. p. 376. 
A pointed instrument, ypafyzlov, was 
used for writing on waxed tablets. 
Poll.iv. 18 ; x. 59. Cf. Plut. Eumen. 1. 

14 In early times a kind of earth, 
called cretula by the Romans, seems 
to have been exclusivelyusedfor seals, 
and it continued to be so employed 
after wax had come into vogue. See 
Beckmann's Hist, of Inventions. The 
Greeks named this material pviros. 
Aristoph. Lysist. 1199 : 

Kal (irjSev ovtws 
«5 cretTriii.a.i>6au, to jutj ov^i. tovj puVovs 
avaandyai. 

M 



The double meaning of the word pv- 
vros gave occasion to the witty an- 
swer of Lais, recorded by Athen, xiii. 
p. 585 : Trpbs Aa'ida t\\v Kopip6iap 
ipa<TT7]s CLTro(T$payi(T[xa irefxtyas ece- 
Xeve irapayivscrQai. r) ob dvpa/xa'., 
e?7re, irr)X6s ian. See Poll. x. 59. 
The document to be sealed was tied 
round by a thread, Xivov ; or perhaps 
it was pierced on the open side, and 
the thread drawn through. See Paul. 
Sent. xxv. 6. The material for the seal 
was then put on the ends of this thread, 
part under the knot, part upon it, arid 
then stamped. See Lucian, Alex- 
and. 21 : ßeXc&prip irvpwo~as to virb 
t)]V (T(ppay7Ba t uepos rov Kripov Sia- 
ttjkoop ££,ypci Kal fxer'a ttjp apdypec- 
ffiv Trj ßeXdovr) avOis iirixXidpas top 
Krjpbp, top T£ /caro; virb Tcj3 Xipqi Kal 
rbp a ? )TT]p tv]p (T(ppay78a %x QVTa -> 
paSi'ws <xvp<-n6xXa. 



164 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene IX. 



for one of the sofas. A gleam of moonlight shone through 
the open door ; and he hastily seized something that lay 
in the folds of the drapery ; and then, as quickly and 
softly vanished, his gestures denoting the prize to be one 
on which he set a high value. 



When morning dawned on the house of the deceased, 
it found the inmates already busy with preparations for the 
burial. An earthen vessel, filled with water, stood before 
the door, to signify to the passenger that it was a house 
of mourning. 15 Within, the women were occupied in 
anointing and laying out the corpse. Cleobule, inexpe- 
rienced, and woe-begone like an orphan child, had begged 
the aid of Sophilos ; who, even without solicitation, would 
have undertaken to conduct the funeral. She had always 
looked on Polycles in the light of an affectionate uncle, 
who had indulged her every wish ; and now she wept for 
him as for a parent; while she applied herself to her 
mournful duties, assisted by her mother, whom she had 
sent for on the previous evening, as her child-like tremors, 
which had been early nourished by nurses' fairy-tales and 
ghost-stories, rendered solitude in the house of death in- 
supportable. 16 

It was still early, and Sophilos was just debating with 



15 See Excursus on The Burials ; 
also Eurip. Alcestis, 98 : 

trv\u)v ndpoiöe 8' ovy öpd» 
iryjyalov u>s vofxl^erai 

Xepviß' erri 4>9it<j)v 7rvAat?. 

Cf. Hesych. s. v. oarpanov : Sitots tis 
aivoQavoi ydcrrpav irpb rwv Qvpwv 
(Tideaav, e| aWrjs olnias Xafxßd- 
vovres na\ irXripovvTZs vSaros. 

16 The fear of apparitions and of 
being alone in the dark is occasion ally 
mentioned See the story of Demo- 
critus, quoted in the Excursus on IVie 
Burials ; and Plaut. Mostell.W. 2, 76. 
These fears were fostered by a multi- 



tude of terrifying stories, of which 
several survive. A ghost-story that 
may be compared to that of the Marble 
Guest occurs in Dio Chrysost. Or. 
xxxi. p. 618 : Te\evTr)<ravTOS 8e irpay- 
jxa irduTuv auoTirorarov Kai acreße- 
(Ttcltov eTToUi. rbv yap avSpidvTa 
avrov, rbu ko~r 5>Ta iv pear) rfi 7roAei, 
vvKTup i/xaaTiyov. roiyapovv eire 
airb rvxv^, Sai/Aoy'iov nvbs ve- 

fA€o~ri(ravTOs avrw, Kivrjdels irore 4k 
<rr)s ßdaecos i)KoAov9r)(rev ajxa rrj 
[j.d<TTiyi Kal Krelvei rbv avdpa. A 
somewhat similar story may be found 
in Lucian's Philapseudos. 



Scene IX.] 



THE WILL. 



165 



the women as to the order of the interment, when Sosilas 
also made his appearance, with sorrow in his aspect, but 
exultation in his heart. He had hastened, he saidj to 
bring the will which the deceased had deposited in his 
hands ; as, perhaps, it might contain some dispositions 
respecting his interment. 17 He then named the witnesses 
who had been by when he received the will, and whose 
presence would now be necessary at the opening. Cleobule 
was somewhat disconcerted to find the document that was 
to decide her future fate placed in the custody of one to 
whom, whom early childhood, she had entertained feelings 
of aversion. Polycles had never been explicit on this 
head, merely assuring her, in general terms, that she had 
been cared for. And such she now hoped was the case ; 
but yet she had rather that anybody else had produced 
the will. Sophilos, on the other hand, did not seem at 
all put out by the circumstance. He praised Sosilas for 



17 That the will was opened im- 
mediately on the testator's death is 
evident from the fact that it often 
contained dispositions regarding the 
burial. See Notes 25 and 26. Cf. 
Lucian, Nigrin. 30, whence it also 
appears that the opening did not take 
place judicially, as at Rome, but in 
private before witnesses. It is true 
that a more public procedure is men- 
tioned in Lucian, Tim. 21 : na\ 6 p.\v 
ueicpbs ip (TKoreivcv irov ryjs oln'ias 
Trp6Keirai, virep toc y6uara iraKaia 
rrj bdovr) aKeirSixevos irepifxaxwos 
reus ya\a7s. e/xe Se (tvXovtov) ol 
eTreXTricrai/res eV tt? ayopa irepifie- 
vovtxi K€X r ) v ° T€S • • .'E7T6i8av Se rb o"tj- 
p.el.ov atyaipeOfj nal to Xivov ivTp.7)dfj, 
Kal 7) SeÄTOs avoixQf), Kal avaKr)pvx6y 
p.ov 6 xaivbs 8eo-7ro , T77y /c.t.A. We 
must not, however, infer from this 
that the practice was prevalent at any 
early period, for Lucian frequently 
introduces much that is quite irrele- 



vant to earlier Attic customs. On the 
contrary, we must suppose that the 
will was opened in private, and not 
proved before a court till afterwards ; 
and this view is borne out by De- 
in osth. in Aphob. ii. p. 837 : aAA' 
*XPV, eiretS^ Tax'oV ereAeuTTjo-ej/ 
6 Trarfyp, €io~Kah£o~avTas ixapTvpas 
ivoWovs •napao-y]pA]vadQai KeAevaai 
ras Sia6r]Kas, "tv\ et Tt iyevero a/j.- 
(pio-ßr}TT]o-i/xou, -f]V ets ra ypd/uLfxara 
tout' iiraveXdely. The fxaprupas 
■noWovs would not have been re- 
quired, if the proceedings had been 
of a judicial character. Nor can we 
conclude from Demosth. in Stcph. i. 
p. 1104, that wills were opened in the 
presence of disetetes, for in the case 
there mentioned the matter was al- 
ready a subject of litigation, and a 
copy only of the will could be pro- 
duced See Meier and Schümann, 
Att. Proa. p. 259. 



1G6 



CHAKICLES. 



[Scene IX. 



his punctuality, and desired that the witnesses might be 
cited to attend ; but this, the other said, was not necessary, 
as he had already sent them notices to that effect. 

Before long, the three made their appearance. 6 You 
were present,' said Sosilas to them, 6 when Polycles com- 
mitted his last will to my charge ? ' They replied in the 
affirmative. 6 You will be ready then to testify that this 
is the deed which he entrusted to me ? ' 6 The superscrip- 
tion and the seal,' answered one of them, 6 are what prove 
its authenticity. All that we can witness to is, that a 
testament was deposited with you — not, that this is the 
identical one in question ; 18 still there is no ground for 
the contrary assumption, since the seal is untouched, and 
may be recognised as that of Polycles.' 6 Do you, there- 
fore, satisfy yourself, Cleobule, that I have faithfully dis- 
charged your husband's behest. Do you acknowledge this 
seal?' With trembling hand Cleobule took the deed. 
£ An eagle clutching a snake,' said she ; 4 it is the device 
of his signet.' She next handed the testament to Sophilos, 
who also pronounced it all right. ' Open it then,' said 
Sosilas to one of the witnesses, 6 that its contents may be 
known. My sight is bad; do one of you read for me.' 



18 The presence of witnesses at 
the depositing of a will was consi- 
dered necessary for several reasons. 
Firstly, in order that the existence of 
the testament might not be kept 
secret ; secondly, that the fact of its 
deposition might be defended against 
any cavils ; next, as an additional 
security against forgery ; and lastly, 
to prove that the testator was free 
from any mental infirmity which 
might incapacitate him, by Solon's 
law, from any testamentary dispo- 
sition of his property. See Note 19, 
infra. The witnesses, however, knew 
nothing of the contents of the will, 
and therefore could not attest the 



authenticity of the same at its opening. 
Isseus, de Nicosir. her. p. 75 : /ecu t&v 
Siaride^epcov oi iroXXol ou8e Xeyovcri 
ro?s irapayivo/Aevois '6,ti diaridevrai, 
&AA' avrov /j.6vov rov KaraXiTveiv 8m- 
drjnas /JLtiprvpas TrapiaravTai. Cf. Id. de 
Apollodori her. p. 160. Wills, how- 
ever, were frequently forged, and 
palmed off as genuine. Aristot. 
Probl. xxix. 3 : Sia ri iviois SiKacrrTj- 
piois ro?s yevecri fiaXXov % reus 5ia- 
OvKais ^7]<pLovvTai ; ^ '6ti yevovs fxkv 
ovk ecrri KaraxpevcxaffQaL, äXXa rb %v 
airotyaiveiv. diadriKai 8e iroKXai \pev- 
5e?s 7?5tj Qe\4yx6r\(xav oZaai. Cf. 
Demosth. hi Macart. p. 1051 ; and 
Lucian, adv. indoct. 19. 



Scene IX.] 



THE WILL. 



167 



The string was cut, the document unfolded, and the wit- 
ness read as follows : 

" The testament of Polycles the Pseanian. May all 
be well : but should I not recover from this sickness, thus 
do I devise my estate. 19 I give my wife 20 Cleobule, with 
all my fortune, as set down in the accompanying schedule, 21 
— save and except all that is herein otherwise disposed, — 
to my friend Sosilas, the son of Philo, to which end I 



19 The form in which a will was 
drawn up is well known to us. "We 
have extracts or epitomes of wills in 
Demosth. in Steph. i. p. 1110; in 
Aphob. i. p. 826. Of much greater 
value, however, are the wills of Plato, 
Aristotle, Theophrastus, Lycon, and 
Epicurus, which have been preserved 
verbatim by Diogenes Laertius. They 
mostly commence by a kind of title ; 
thus Demosth. in Steph. p. 1110: 
Ta5e SteöeTO Uaalau 'Axapvevs : or 
as in Diog. Laert. iii. 41 : Ta5e /ca-re- 
Ai7re TlXdruv Kai SieOero. The for- 
mula v EcrTa£ /j.ev ev is a common com- 
mencement. Diog. Laert. v. 11. : v E<r- 
rai (xkv ev " idi> Se ti ffvfißodyp, raSe 
SUOero ' A.pi<rrori\i)s. So ib. § 51 : 
"EcTTai fxev ev' iav Se ti (Tvfißjj, ra5e 
SiarlOe/xai : and Lycon's will, ib. § 69, 
commences : TdSe SicmSe^a: irepl 
t£>v Kar ifiavrbv, iav fj.ii $vvr]6u ti]v 
dppwariav Tavrrjv vireveyne'tv. Cer- 
tain persons were by a law of Solon 
incapacitated from making a will. 
Demosth. in Steph. ii. p. 1133: ra 
kavTov SiaßeaOai elvai, oircas av ideAy, 
av jj.7] 7rcu5es 3>cri yvi)(Tioi appeves, av 
ix)) /xaviuv ?) yrjpass, ^ <papj.iaKu>v, fj 
vScrov evettev, yvvaiid Trei96/j.evos, 
% vir)} twv tov irapavS/jLccu, vn' 
dvayx-qs, ?l lirb Seafxov Kara\ri<p- 
6els. This can only refer to cases 
in which the mind was enfeebled, 
for bodily infirmity was no impedi- j 



ment. Thus in Isaeus, de Apottod. 
her. p. 160: e5f ris Te\€VT7]<reiv /j.e\- 
ttwu Sie06To. Cf. Diog. Laert. iv. 44. 
The document was superscribed with 
the name of the testator. Demosth. 
in Steph. i. p. 1106: ypafx/xare^ov 
%X^ LV t $ yeypd(p9ai, AiaöriKT] Tla- 
aictivos. At the end, curses were 
often imprecated against those who 
should act contrary to its dispositions. 
Demosth. Pharm, p. 960 : aAA' ivav- 
ria Trj diadriKr) /ecu reus dw iKeirqs 
dpa?s ypacpeicrais inb rod irarpbs 
ehavveis, 5za>/ceis, avKocpavreTs. 

20 The Attic laws of inheritance 
are obscure and difficult. Polycles 
and Oleobiüe are here supposed with- 
out heirs male, while the latter, as 
niece of the testator, woidd be heir at 
law. There occur instances of a third 
person being designated as spouse as 
well as Kvpios of the testator's widow. 
The cases of Demosthenes' father. 
Demosth. in Aphob. may be cited, 
and perhaps also that of Pasion. Id. 
in Steph. p. 1110. Cf. Diog. Laert. 
x. 19. 

21 Usually the various goods and 
chattels are enumerated in the will; 
here, however, Plato's will has been 
the model: (TKevrj rd yeypaiijxiva, wv 
eXei ra dvriypacpa Ar)p.r\Tpios. Diog. 
Laert. iii. 43. 



168 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene IX. 



adopt him as my son. 22 But should he refuse to marry 
her, then I bequeath to him the five talents lying with 
PasioU) the money-changer; but I then constitute him 
guardian of Cleobule, and he shall give her, with the rest 
of the property, to some husband of his ow T n choosing ; who 
shall take possession of my house. I give and bequeath 
my house on the Olympieion to Theron, the son of Callias ; 
and the lodging-house in the Pirseus to Sophilos, son of 
Philo. To the son of Callipides I bequeath my largest 
silver bowl, and to his wife a pair of gold earrings, and 
two coverlets and two cushions of the best in my posses- 
sion ; that I may not seem to have forgotten them.' 23 To 
my physician, Zenothemis, I leave a legacy of one thousand 
drachmae, though his skill and attention have deserved still 
more. 24 Let my sepulchre be erected in a fitting spot of 
the garden outside the Melitic gate. 25 Let Theron, toge- 
ther with Sophilos and my relatives, see to it that my 
obsequies and monument be neither unworthy of me, nor 
yet on too sumptuous a scale. 26 I expressly prohibit 
Cleobule and the women, as well as the female slaves, from 
cutting off their hair, or otherwise disfiguring themselves. 27 
To Demetrius, who has long been free, I remit his ransom, 
and make him a present of five mina3, a himation and a 
chiton, in consideration of his faithful services. 28 Of the 



22 See Isseus, de Aristarch. her. 
p. 258; and Petit. Leg. Att. 579. 

23 Lycon's will, ap. Diog. Laert. v. 
72 : AlSw/xi 8e tw KaXXivov Trai&iw 
6t)piK\eiü)u £evyos Kal ry yvi/cuiti 
avrov po'icrntov £evyos, \piXordinda, 
afjupLTa-n-ov, irepiCTTpctiixa, irpoaKe<pd- 
Xaia Svo rd ßeXiara rwv KaraXei- 

24 Ibid.'. Ti^TjcaTw 5e Kal robs 
larpobs Tlaaidefxiv Kal Meidlav, a|i- 
ovs ovras Kal Old r\\v eTTifxekeiav rrju 
Trepl e/xe Kal rrjv reyytiv Kal /xei^ovos 

€Ti TtfJ.TJS. 



25 Theophrastus' will, ibid. v. 53: 
6d\j/ai 5e Kal 7]/j.ds, '6irov av ookt} jxd- 
Xicrra apjxoTTOV ehai rov kt)ttov, /xn]- 
Sev Txep'iepyov Tvepl ri)v ra<pr)v, fj.r]re 
Trepl rb fj.vqfxe'iov iroiovvras. 

26 Lycon's will, ibid. v. 70 : irep) 5e 
rr)s eK(popds Kal Kavaecos eTrijxeX-r]6i]- 
rwo-QLV BovXow Kal KaXX7pos jierd 
rwv avvfjdctiv, ottws \xT\r dveXevQepos 
yeprjrai ju^re irepiepyos. 

27 See Excursus on The Burials. 

2S Diog. Laert. v. 72 : Arj/x-rjrpiw 
(xev eXevdepcp irdXai ovri d<piy][xi rd 



Scene IX.] 



THE WILL. 



169 



slaves, I hereby manumit 29 Parmeno, and Chares, 30 with 
his child ; but Carion and Donax must work for four years 
in the garden, and shall then be made free, if they shall 
have conducted themselves well during that period. 31 
Manto shall be free immediately on Cleobule's marriage, 32 
and shall also receive three minae. Of the children of my 
slaves none are to be sold, but are to be kept in the house 
till they are grown up, and then set free. 33 Syrus, however, 
shall be sold. 34 Sophilos, Theron, and Callipides will dis- 
charge the duties of executors. 35 This testament is placed 
in the keeping of Sosilas. Witnesses : Lysimachos, son 



Xvrpa Kal diSw/xi xeVre fiväs, Kal 
Ijxdriov Kal x iT & va ' '^ va ifoKKci ire- 
ttovtjkws /if t' ifxov, ßiov €v<TX'Vl X0l/a 

29 The manumission of slaves, and 
of their children, occurs very fre- 
quently in wills. So in Aristotle's 
will, Diog. Laert. v. 15. Also a 
female slave is sometimes assigned 
to a freedman. Thus in Lycon's will: 
SiScofxi 8e Kal ~2.vpu> eXevOepci) ovTi 
rerrapas ums, Kal ri]v Mrjuodcopav 
SiSw/u. 

80 The assertion of Limburg 
Brower, Hist, de la Civilisation des 
Grccs, i. p. 254, that slaves might not 
have the same names as freemen, is 
utterly unfounded. In the above- 
mentioned wills a host of the most 
distinguished names are mentioned 
as being those of slaves ; for instance, 
Dionysios, Philo, Cimon, Callias,De- 
metrios, Crito, Chares, Euphranor, 
Agathon, Nicias, &c. Had not this 
been the case, the law (Gell. ix. 2), 
that no slave might bear the names 
Harmodius or Aristogeiton, would 
have been superfluous. 

" Diog. Laert. v. 55 : Mdi/rjv 8e 



Kal KaXXiav irapafxeluavras <=ttj t4t- 
rapa iv tcS K-fi-rrcp Kal (Tvvepyaaap.(- 
vovs Kal avajj.apTriT ovs yevo/aevovs 
acpirifjLi iXevdepovs. So also Id. v. 73 : 
Kal "hyddoova Svo err] irapap-t'ivavTa 
a(pe7cr6ai iAevdeoou. 

82 Aristotle's will. Diog. Laert. 
V. 15 : Toxoid Se iXevdepov elvai, 
'6rav 7] Tra7s iKdodr}. 

33 This humane disposition is also 
made by Aristotle. Ib. : /xr] irwXe?v 
Se twv iraiÜLav (irjSeva ra>u i/xh depa- 
irevövTwv, dXXd xp^cröcn avrols ' '6rav 
(V iv TjXiKia yevcDVTai, iXevdepa a^>ei- 
vai /caT' a^iav. 

84 Theophrastus' will. Diog. Laert. 
V. 55 : Evßiov 8' airodocrdai. 

35 In Theophrastus' will we have : 
'ETr£/xeÄ7]Tai 5e earoiffav ra>u iv rrj 
hiaQi]Kri yey pa/x^eucou "lirirapxos, N77- 
Aei/s, ^rpdroov, k.t.X. Diog. Laert. 
v. 56. These inifxeXTjral, or execu- 
tors, are not quite identical with the 
iiriTpoiroi in Aristotle's or Plato's 
wills, for the latter took also the 
office of guardians. See Meier and 
Schümann, Att. Proc. p. 445. 



170 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene IX. 



of Strato ; Hegesias, of Hegio ; and Hipparchos, of Cal- 
lippos." 

A deathlike stillness reigned among the audience when 
the reader had concluded. At the first words Cleobule 
had turned pale, and sunk back on a settle half-fainting, 
while her mother, who was crying, supported her. Sophilos 
placed his hand on his lips, and was lost in thought : the 
witnesses mutely surveyed the scene. Sosilas alone seemed 
perfectly composed. 6 Take courage,' said he, approaching 
Cleobule ; 6 fear not that I will lay claim to the happiness 
that Polycles intended for me. I myself too am astonished, 
and could easily be dazzled by the tempting prize : but I 
am too old to dream of wedding a young bride. Willingly 
do I resign the rich inheritance, and shall select for you a 
husband more suitable in age.' 

Cleobule turned away with a shudder. Sosilas grasped 
the will, saying, 4 Nothing more is now wanting but the 
attestation of the witnesses, that such was the tenor of 
the will, when opened.' 36 The witnesses accordingly set 
their seals to the writing. ' It is not the only testament 
that Polycles has left,' remarked one of them. c How ? 
What ? ' exclaimed Sosilas, turning pale ; ' nothing is said 
here about the existence of another will.' 6 1 don't rightly 
understand it,' replied the witness ; but two days after 
you received this, Polycles called me and four others in as 
witnesses, on his depositing another document — doubtless 
a duplicate of this — in the hands of Menecles, to whose 
house he had caused himself to be conveyed.' 

The effects of this disclosure on those present were, 
as might have been expected, extremely various. Sosilas 
stood like one utterly undone ; a faint ray of hope glim- 
mered in the bosom of Cleobule ; Sophilos eyed narrowly 
the countenance of the forger, who quailed before his 
glance ; and the witnesses looked doubtingly at one an- 



88 The passage from Demosthenes | witnesses, after opening the will, set 
quoted in Note 17 shows that the j their seals to it. 



SCEJSTE IX.] 



THE WILL. 



171 



other. Sosilas at length broke the silence. 6 This will,' 
said he with some vehemence, e is genuine ; and even sup- 
posing that there is another authentic one in existence, its 
contents will of course be the same.' 4 Why ! it is indeed 
hardly to be supposed,' rejoined Sophilos, 6 that Polycles 
would have changed his mind in two days : but we must 
invite Menecles to produce the copy in his custody, with- 
out loss of time.' A slave here entered, and whispered a 
message in his ear. 6 The very thing ! ' he cried. ' Mene- 
cles is not less punctual than you. Two of his witnesses 
have already arrived, in obedience to his summons ; and 
he will therefore shortly be here in person.' The men 
now entered. Sosilas walked up and down the room, and 
gradually recovered his composure. Even should his plans 
be unpleasantly disturbed by the contents of the second 
will, still a wide field would be open for litigation, in which 
he had an even chance of coming off victor. Menecles 
soon arrived with the other two witnesses, and delivered 
the will. The superscription and seal were found to be 
correct, and its contents tallied with those of the first, 
word for word, with the exception of the two names, which 
were interchanged. At the end was a postscript, to the 
effect that an exactly similar testament was deposited 
with Sosilas the Pirsean. 37 



37 This custom of depositing seve- 
ral copies of a will in the hands of 
different persons seems to have been 
very common. In Demosth. in Steph. 
ii. p. 1137, where we read: SiadrjKoiu 
ovSels 7T6Ü7TOT6 äuriypa \. a iiroif)<raTo ' 
aXXa ffvyypatywv fjikv, 'iva eldaicri koL 
fj.7] irapaßaLuaxTi, SiadriKcov 8e ov. tov- 
tov yap eVe/ca KaiaX^iirovo'ii' ol fiiari- 
6e/j.evoi, 'iva /xrjSels eiSrj, h SiaridevraL, 
all that is meant is that no open 
copies were given, whence the con- 
tents of a man's will might be divulged 
in his lifetime. This agrees with 
Isaeus, de Apollod. Her. p. 160. Eat 



several copies might be left for addi- 
tional security. Arcesilaos took this 
precaution. In a letter to Thauma- 
sias, in which he commits a copy to 
his keeping, we read, Kelvrai Se 5 A0^- 
prjcriv avrai irapd riffi toc yvcopifioov, 
Kal iv 'Eperp'iq. Trap' ' ' AfxcpiKpircp. 
Diog. Laert. iv. 44. So Theophras- 
tus had deposited three copies. See 
his will in Diog. Laert. v. 57 '■ 8ta- 
Orjiczi Keivrat avTiypa&a tw &eo(ppd- 
ffrov SaKTuXiCj) aear]y.a(TiJ.euai, /x(a 
fiev, k.tA. The witnesses might, or 
might not, be the same ; thus in 
Theophrastus' second will we have 



172 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene IX. 



The readiug of this caused a violent scene, and plenty 
of abuse and recrimination followed on both sides. Sosilas 
pronounced it a forgery, and went off declaring that he 
would make good his claims before a court of law. 



The morning of the funeral had arrived ; and, before 
daybreak, a crowd of mourners, and of others actuated 
merely by motives of curiosity, had collected in and around 
the house, either to attach themselves to the procession, 
or merely to be spectators of the pageant. Even the day 
before, whilst the corpse lay in state, the door was crowded 
by persons who in the course of their lives had never be- 
fore crossed its threshold. Several too had evinced much 
celerity in putting on mourning, being very anxious to 
establish their claims to a distant relationship with the 
defunct, when they learnt the property was in dispute, and 
there seemed a prospect of good fishing in the troubled 
waters. 38 

Charicles, however, did not present himself within ; 
although perhaps the house possessed greater attractions 
for him than for any of the others. The impression his 
late unexpected appearance made on Cleobule had not 
escaped him, and he held it improper to disturb her duties 
to the departed by a second visit. Still he could not omit 
accompanying the funeral procession to the place of inter- 
ment; and in fact Sophilos, who somehow felt a great 
liking for the youth, had himself invited him to be pre- 
sent. The old gentleman had paid him several visits, and, 
in a significant manner, had described how much Cleobule 
was imperilled by the will, which he was convinced was a 
forgery. Charicles was perhaps more disquieted at this 
than even Sophilos himself. Whichever way the matter 
might be decided, it would of course make no difference 



/xaprvpes öl avTol, but for the third 
will others are selected. Cf. Lysias, 
in Diogit. p. 864 ; Jsseus, de Philcct. 



Her. p. 123. 

38 See Aristoph. Equites, 864. 



Scene IX.] 



THE WILL. 



173 



to him personally ; for, in case a fraud were detected, the 
lady would become the wife of Sophilos ; and, as regarded 
himself, he had made up his mind, that, even under the 
most favourable circumstances, it would never befit one of 
his years and condition to marry a widow of such large 
property : 39 he was, nevertheless, pained to think that such 
a fascinating creature might fall into the power of one 
who, to judge from all accounts, must be utterly unworthy 
of her. He had caught only a hasty glimpse of Sosilas at 
Polycles' house, and therefore was the more inclined to 
attend the funeral, where he would be sure to obtain a 
good view of him ; — impelled by these reasons, he had 
repaired to the house of woe at an early hour, but forbore 
to enter, waiting outside in order to attach himself to 
Sophilos, as soon as he should come out. 

The first ray of the morning sun had not as yet beamed 
forth, when the procession began to move. In front, the 
plaintive tones of the flutes resounded in Carian mode ; 
next followed the friends of the deceased, and any others 
of the male sex who wished to join the train. Behind 
these came freedmen, 40 bearing the bed, on which lay the 
corpse, as if asleep, wearing a white robe and garland. 
The magnificent purple pall was half hidden by number- 
less chaplets and taenioe : 41 beside it walked slaves bearing 
vessels of ointment, and other needful accessories. Behind 
the bier followed the women, and among them Cleobule, 
led by her mother. Never, perhaps, had she appeared 



,9 So Plutarch, Amat. 2, says, with 
regard to a somewhat similar case : 
Tlapad6£ov de rov irpdy/j.a.TOS avrov 
(pavevros, % T6 ^rr\p vcpewparo rb 
ßdpos rov o'lkov koI tov uynov, ws 
ob Karä rhu ipaaT^u. See Excursus 
on The Women. 

40 This supposition is the most 
natural one in the absence of rela- 
tions. See Excursus on The Burials. 



41 The passage of Alciphron, Epist. 
i. 36, quoted in the Excursus on The 
Burials, need not lead us to suppose 
that the bier of young persons only 
was thus crowned. Plutarch, Philop. 
21, speaking of Philopcemen's burial, 
says: Aut^v Se rrrju vHpiav virb nXi)- 
6ovs TCLiviöbv Kai are<pducüv /xoAls 
Spw/xepyju iicSijufev 6 rov Grpprniyov 
Tojv 'Axarl'i/ ircus, TloXvßios. 



174 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene IX, 



more beautiful ; never was it more manifest that the fresh 
vermilion which tinged her delicate cheeks was no deceit- 
ful work of the cosmetic pencil. 42 



42 There can be no doubt that 
painting was almost universal among 
the Grecian women. The reason of 
this may have been that the oWovp- 
e?i>, (TKiaToa<peL(rQai, and the del KaOrj- 
adai of the girls and women robbed 
them of their natural freshness and 
colour, which they thus endeavoured 
to imitate. Thus Ischomachos coun- 
selled his young wife to take exer- 
cise, that she might do without the 
rouge which she was accustomed 
constantly to use. Xenoph. €Econ. 
10, 10: ffvveßovXevov avTrj, ft)] 8ov- 
Mkcos del KaQr\<rQai. Cf. Stob. Tit. 
lxxiv. 61: Et yap /z7i8eV ti oKprjcrai 
avT^jv Kal 7reot yv/xvaaias %x €LV ^ va ~ 
ireiarais., ivTavda evpois av Kal, ov 
wd\ai iiredviMovfj.€v, tov k6o~[jiov t<j5 
adofiart. Tov /xev yap vyiaiveiv ov- 
Sev efxoiye Soice? aAAo ti irepl6r]iJ.a 
Kal irepidepaiov KpeiTTOV. TlSppco 5' 
av eXr) Kal tov Serjdrjvai yvv^] vyiai- 
vovo~a Kal xpifj-vd'tov, Kal for' b<p6aKjx£ 
vTToypa<pris, Kal äAAou xP c * > P- aT0S 
ypa<povvTOS Kal a(pav'i£ovTOS Tas 
o^/eis. "While the women were en- 
gaged in their ordinary domestic avo- 
cations,paint may have been partially 
di sused, but it was resumed when they 
were going out, or wished to be spe- 
cially attractive. So in Lysias,^e Ccede 
Eratosth. p. 15, the woman retouches 
her complexion when she goes to meet 
her paramour, and the next morning 
her husband observes, e5o£e Se jxoi 
to irpoGUTtov ZtyifJLvQitoaQai. See Ly- 
sistrata, 149; cf. Eccl. 878 ; Plut. 
1064 ; and Plutarch, Alcib. 39. The 
pigments employed were ipinvdiov, i.e. 
cerussa, or white lead, dyxovffa or 
eyxovcra, Traidepas, crvKafiivov, and 
(pvKos, which last chiefly supplied the 



red tint ; all the red colours were de- 
rived from the vegetable kingdom . <f>0- 
kos is not mentioned in earlier times; 
&yxovcra occurs most frequently. Xe- 
noph. (Econ. 10, 2 : 'Eyco to'ivvv, e<pr], 

ISdllV ITOTe ai/T7]V, 3) 2., ivT€TpL/x/j.e- 
vrjv, iroXXql /j.hv tyijAvQio), oirws Aeu- 
KOT^pa %ti SoKolr} elvai, 3) fjv, iroAAj? 
Se iyXovcrri, onus ipvOpoTepa <pai- 
voito T7)s aXrjdeias k.t.K. Cf. Ly- 
sistr. 48 ; Eccl. 929 : and a fragment 
of Alexis in Athen, xiii. p. 568: 

crvixßeß-qK.' elvai fieXaivav • /caTeVAatre 

Xeu/co^pais Klav rts ecrrt • jraiSe'pwr' evrpi- 
ßerai. 

See Etymol. M. i^iifijxvQiwcrQai. The 
folly andrepulsiveness of the practice 
are well pictured by Ischomachos, 
Xen. G£con. 10, 8: At S' airaTai av- 
Tai tovs /jlsv e|o> ttws hvvaivT' av 
dve|eAe7KTCos i^airaTav, avvSvTas Se 
ael avdyKt] a\'io~Keo~Qai, av iirix^i- 
p5>o~iv i^anaTav dA.A73A.ous. *H 701p 
e| euf?jy a\io~H.ovTai i^avio'Tdfj.evoL 
irplv Trapao-Ksvao-acrdai, virb ldpS>- 
tos i\eyxovTai, ?) iirb SaKpvwv ßa- 
o~avi£ovTai, 7) inrb KovTpov ahT)div£>s 
KaTw-KTevdrjo-av. So also an amusing 
fragment of Eubiüos, ap. Athen, 
xiii. p. 557 : 

Ma Ac', ovx L f epiTe7rAacr/x6i/at t/u/xu0i'oi?, 
ovS' löanep v/xet? o~VKa)xLv<f rds yvaOovs 
Kexpt/Jievau /car e^Cr/re tov öepovs, 
anb tüiv ßev öt£9aA/xü>i' vSpoppoai Svo 
peovcrt jueAafos, ck Se tOiv yv6.do)v iSptos 
C7rl tov Tpa^TjAov a\oKa. p^iAtcüSij iroiel, 
em. t<2 rrpoo-coTTw 8' at rpt^es <}>opovp.eva.i 
et^atrt 7roAiat?, avanXeui \j/i.fjLv6iov, 

The eyebrows were painted with a 
dark colour, called fx4\av or &aßo\os. 
Alexis, ap. Athen, xiii. p. 068 : 

rds ö^püs Ttuppas e^et rts • faypafyovo-iv 

äcrß6\u>. 



Scene IX.] 



THE WILL. 



175 



The procession soon approached the garden, in the 
centre of which the funeral pyre had been erected. The 
bier having been lifted upon it, unguent vessels and other 
articles were thrown in, and a blazing pine-link was then 
applied to the pile, which being constructed of the most 
inflammable materials, took light at once, and the con- 
suming flame shot high aloft, amid the loud lamentations 
and sobs of those present. Sincere tears of deepest sor- 
row were shed by Cleobule. With tottering step she 
approached the blazing pile, to throw into it a vessel of 
ointment, as a last libation of love ; when, in her distrac- 
tion, a sudden draught of air drove the flame towards her 
without her being conscious of the danger. 6 For heaven's 
sake ! ' screamed several voices, and Charicles, reckless of 
everything, darted ahead of all the rest, and with his hands 
smothered the flame, which had already caught the border 
of her robe ; he then led the trembling Cleobule to her 
mother, who was hastening towards her. 43 

A part only of the escort tarried till the ashes were 
collected, and all the rites duly discharged. Of this num- 
ber was Charicles. But when the bones had been con- 
signed to the ground, and the women had bidden farewell 
to the new-made grave, he also, with Sophilos, wended his 
way back towards the city. The possible consequences of the 
unhappy will formed the topic of conversation. Charicles 



It was also called ffrl/Mfiis. Poll. v. 
101 : Kai rä vrroypd/uL/jLaTa Kai i) 
(TTi[XfiLS irap' 'lavi iu 'OfjL<pd\r) 

Kai TTjv fteKaivav (TTiftjJ.LU o/tjuaroypa^oi/. 

Instances occur of men painting, so 
Demetrios Phalereus, mentioned by 
Duris, ap. Athen xii.p. 542. Ischoma- 
chos too asks his wife if she would pre- 
fer him painted. Xenoph. GEcon. 10,5. 
The passage however is evident ly cor- 
rupt, since avhpe'iK<z\ov was never used 
for painting the eyes. We should 
probably read fiiXrcp -J) äpdpemeAcp. 
In Tischbein's Engravings, ii. 58, is 



a vase-painting of a female in a sitting 
posture occupied in rouging with a 
brush. This is copied in Böttiger' s 
Sabina, PI. ix. The operation was 
also performed with the finger. 

43 After Terent. Andr. i. 1, 102 : 

In ignem imposita est : fletur. Intereahsec 
. scror, 

Quam dixi, ad flammam accessit impraden- 
tius, 

Satis cum periclo : ibi turn exanimatus 

Pamphilus 
Bene dissimulatum amorem et celatnm 

indicat. 

Adcurrit, mediam mulierem complectitur, 
etc. 



176 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene IX. 



could not conceal how very different an impression Sosilas 
had made upon him from what he had expected. To-day 
the man had looked so unassuming and devout, and withal 
so venerable, that he had well nigh dropped his suspicions. 
4 Who ever would believe,' said he, 4 that beneath this ex- 
terior lurked such knavery ? ' 6 You will meet with plenty 
more such,' answered Sophilos, 4 who go about with the 
aspect of lambs, but within are the most poisonous scor- 
pions ; 44 it is just these that are most dangerous of all.' 

At the city-gate they separated. A strange slave 
had followed them at a distance all the way. He now 
stood still for a moment, apparently undetermined which 
of the two he should pursue. 4 Youth is more liberal,' 
said he half aloud, after reflecting a moment, 4 especially 
when in love.' With this he struck into the path Cha- 
ricles had taken, and which led through a narrow lonely 
lane, between two garden-walls ; here he redoubled his 
pace, and soon overtook Charicles. 4 Who art thou ? ' asked 
the youth, retreating back a step. 4 A slave, as you see,' 
was the reply, 6 and one who may be of service to you. 
You seem interested in Cleobule's fate, eh ? ' 4 What 
business is that of yours ? ' retorted Charicles ; but his 
blush was more than a sufficient answer for the slave. 4 It 
is not indifferent to you,' he proceeded, 4 whether Sophilos 
or Sosilas be the heir.' 4 Very possibly ; but wherefore 
these enquiries ? what is this to you, sirrah ? ' 4 More than 
you think,' rejoined the slave. 4 What shall be my re- 
ward if I hand you the proof that one of the two wills is 
a forgery?' 4 You! a miserable slave!' exclaimed the 
youth, astonished. 4 The slave is often acquainted with 
his master's most secret dealings,' answered the other. 
4 Come now, what's to be my reward ? ' 4 Freedom, which 
is your rightful due for the discovery of such a crime.' 45 



44 Hermipp. Fragm. Com. p. 381. I that when a mere private right was 
Mein. violated, freedom was publicly given 

,ä It is not here intended to assert j as a fx-fjvvrpa to the slave who in- 



SCKSTE IX.] 



THE WILL. 



177 



6 (rood,' replied the slave, 4 but the freedman must have 
the means wherewith to live.' 46 e That also shall you have ; 
five minse are yours, if you speak the truth.' £ Thy name 
is Charicles,' said the slave ; £ no one hears your promise, 
but I'll trust you. My master is Sosilas, and they call me 
Molon.' He opened a small bag, and pulled something 
out of it with a mysterious air. 4 See, here is the signet,' 
said he, 6 with which the forged will was sealed.' He took 
some wax, wetted it, and impressed the seal thereon. 
4 That is the device of Polycles, an eagle clawing a snake ; 
you will be the eagle.' He related how he had witnessed 
the forgery through a crack in the door ; how a rustling 
he had made was near betraying him ; and how Sosilas, in 
his haste to bundle up the things, had unwittingly let the 
false stamp drop on the coverlet. 'Now then,' said he, 
e haven't I kept my word ? ' 'By the gods ! and so will I,' 
cried Charicles, almost beside himself with wonder and joy. 
4 Not five — no — ten minse shalt thou have. And now to 
Sophilos with all speed.' 4 No ! ' said the slave, 4 1 trust to 
you. Do you go by yourself, and have me called when 
you have need of me.' 



formed, but the manumission might 
be otherwise effected. See Excursus 
on The Slaves. 

46 After Plaut. Epid. v. 2, 60 : 



PE. Optuinum atque asquissimuni oras : 

soccos, tunicam, pallium 
Tibi dabo. EP. Quid deinde porro ? PE.Li- 

bertatem. EP. At postea ? 
Novo liberto opus est, quod pappet. PE. 

Dabitur : prasbebo cibum. 



178 



SCENE THE TENTH. 

THE DIONYSIA. 

AMONG- the festivals which Athens celebrated annually, 
or at greater intervals, — either in honour of the gods, 
for the renown and credit of the state, or for the amuse- 
ment of its burghers — there were doubtless several that 
laid claim to a greater share of political importance, or 
a deeper religious significancy, than the rest, as, for ex- 
ample, the Panathensea and the Eleusinia. But the last- 
mentioned object — pleasure — was attained most eminently 
by that feast at which the giver of joy and jollity, Dio- 
nysos himself, was worshipped. Almost might it be said, 
that the original intention of the festival, — to thank the 
god for the noblest gift brought by the returning seasons, 
— had been lost sight of in the tumult of passion and 
unbridled mirth. On these days all sobriety or serious 
occupation was banished, and the people, one and all, 
embraced with open arms the myrmidons of the god, 
Methe and Comos, resigning themselves all too willingly 
to their sway. To have their fill of enjoyment, with pub- 
lic spectacle and carouse, and to revel self-oblivious in a 
transport of delight — such was the all-absorbing desire 
of young and old, the common goal to which all pressed 
forward ; nay, even the most sober-minded, bidding adieu 
to the stringency of habit, followed the maxim : 

Ne'er blush with drink to spice the feast's gay hour, 
And reeling own the mighty wine-god's power. 

The feast of the city -Dionysia, 1 which was celebrated 



1 At the Dionysia the most un- 
bridled merriment and drunkenness 
were the order of the day, and were 
held quite blameless. Nor was this 
the case at Athens only : see Plato, 
Leg. i. p. 637. He says elsewhere, in 



extenuation : triveiv 5e ets p.eQT\v ovre 
aWod'i ttov Trpeirei, TrArjv eV rats 

TOV TOV olvOV doVTOS 6eOV COpTCUS. 

Leg. vi. p. 775. Indeed, it was con- 
sidered as an act of gratitude due 
to the giver of the grape, and under 



SCEJTE X.] 



THE DIONYSIA. 



179 



at the beginning of spring, with the greatest splendour 
and festivities, was most popular of all. Not only did it 
attract the inhabitants of Attica ; 2 but a vast number of 
strangers, eager for spectacles and diversion, streamed 
into Athens on these anniversaries to share in the fun and 
frolic. 

The first anniversary of this festival, since Charicles 
had returned to Athens, had now arrived. The milder 
days of spring had set in early; 3 the winterly rest and 
stillness of the port had yielded to new life and animation ; 
craft were beginning to run in from the neighbouring ports 
and islands ; and the merchants were fitting out their ships 
on any venture that promised a lucrative return. 4 Innu- 
merable guests had poured to the scene of the festival 
from all the regions of Greece; 5 every house was kept 



Ptolemy Dionysios it was thought a 
crime to remain sober ; so at least 
says Lucian, de Cahtmn. 16 : irapd 
TlroXe/Aaicp T<p Aiovvcra) einKXr]8evrL 
eyeiero ris, ts SießaXe rbv TlXarw- 
vinhv Ar]jx-f]Tpiov, on vdwp re irivei 
Kal jx6vos rS>v aXXwv yvvaiKela ovk 
evehvaaro ev ro7s Aiovvaiois. Kal ei 
ye /j.7] KXrjdels eaßev eirive re irdv- 
rwv bpwvrwv kcu Xaßcov Tapavrivi- 
tiiov eKv{ißdXiae re Kal irpocrwpxh- 
aaro, airoXwXei av. 

2 Country folks naturally resorted 
to the city-Dionysia, though more 
rarelyin early times. Isocrates,^m?p. 
p. 203, says that the ancient inhabit- 
ants of Attica were so comfortably off 
in their farms, (äcrre) iroXXovs rwv 
TroXirwv /X778' els ras eopras els a<rrv 
Karaßalveiv, otAA.' alpeicrdai fxeveiv 
eirl rols Ihiois äyaOols /xaXXov 7) ruiv 
KOIVWV aivoXaveiv. 

3 By spring is here meant the 
milder season of the year generally. 
In Attica this may be supposed usu- 
ally tohavesetin some timeinMarch; 

N 



though occasionally cold weather 
might return. Plutarch, Demetr. 12 : 
Tfj 5' 7}(J.epa 7; ra Aiovvcria eyivero, 
rr\v iro}XTt7\v KareXvcrav Icrx^pwv ird- 
ywv yevo^ievoov irap wpav Kal 7rdxvr)s 
ßadeias Treaovcrr]s i)s ov fxovov a^ire- 
Xovs Kal (TvKas airaffas diveKavae rb 
ipvxos, aXXa Kal rod airov rhu irXe?- 
arov Karecpdeipev ev X^V, 

4 Navigation was suspended dur- 
ing the winter. Hes'iod, Opp. 619. 
The time of the city-Dionysia was the 
period when the sea was again con- 
sidered navigable. Theophr. Char. 3 : 
rrju ddXairav e/c Aiovvo-'lwv TrXd>'i/j.ov 
elvai. 

5 The Dionysia and other festivals 
were visited by a very great concourse 
of strangers. Xenoph. 1, 11 : eirl Se 
rovruv eKaara oi /xev Idiwrai epxov- 
rai Kal els TrSXeis, as av ßovXcourai, 
Oeapdrcov eveKa Kal els ras Koivas 
iravriyvpets. iEschin. in Ctesiph. p. 
428 : KrnaKpwv de (dvaKTipurreiv Ke- 
Xevei) ev rep dedrpw . . .ov8e eKKXrjcria- 
(6vrwv 'Adyvaiwv, aXXh rpaywdwv 

2 



180 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene X. 



open for the reception of distant friends ; every tavern 
was too small to accommodate its crowd of visitors. Many 
had even erected booths in the streets and public places, 
intending to turn the festival to profit ; for, besides the 
sight-seers and pleasure-hunters, a mass of the lower classes 
had come, in the hopes of picking up something among 
such a confluence of idlers. Retail-dealers 6 of all descrip- 
tions had arrived ; pimps, with their bevies of Corinthian 
beauties ; jugglers, and strolling mountebanks, laden with 
;he apparatus of their art, and the decorations of their 
booths ; 7 all were ready to devote their utmost exertions 
to the amusement of the public, and the replenishment of 
their own purses. 

Charicles was one of the few who could not be allured 
into the universal tone of enjoyment. Since the death of 
Polycles more than four months had passed, and these had 
been to him a period of disquiet and of painful irresolution. 
Cleobule's affairs had taken a most happy turn. In ad- 
dition to the slave's statement, and the production of the 
forged signet, another decisive proof had been obtained. 
With his usual circumspection and prudence, Polycles had, 
during his stay at iEdepsos, deposited a third copy of the 
will in the hands of a respectable man there. 8 Of course 



äyoovi^oixGVWv kcllvSov, ouS' ivavrlov 
rod &7]/xov, a\\' ivavriov rwv 'EÄÄ7J- 
vü3V : and again, ib. p. 434 : ol Se avt\- 
yopevovTO ivanriov airdvTcov rwv 'EX- 
Xtivqov. So Demosth. in Mid. p. 584, 
speaking of the insult offered him by 
Meidias in the theatre, says, T]\iaprt\- 
x.6ra dcreXyws eV T-avr\yvpzi, fxdprv- 
pas rrjs vßpecüs tv,s aurov TreiroLr]fj.e- 
vov ob /x6vov v[xas, dXXa Kal robs 
emdrjixovvras diravras ru>v 'EXXrjvwv. 

6 See Excursus on The Markets 
and Commerce. 

7 The Qav^aronoioi, or wandering 
jugglers, are mentioned by Plu- 



tarch, de Facie in Orbe Lunce, 8 : 
0avfj.aroTroi.ov tlvos d-roo~Kevrjv Kal 
-rvXaiav Ka.TavwTio~aiJ.evoi Kal irapiX- 
kovtss. ' They naturally frequented 
public festivals. Dio Chrysostom, Or. 
viii.p. 278, speaking of the Isthmian 
games, says, ttoXXuv Se dav/j-ar otto luv 
dav/xara iiriSeLKVvvrcov, ttoXXccv Se 
T€paT00-K6-rav ripara Kpiv6viwv. The 
Syracusan in Xenophon's Symposium 
had unquestionably come to Athens 
on account of the Panathenjea. 

8 Such caution was necessary. 
Diog. Laert. iv. 43 : rpeis re Stad-f)- 
Kas -roL7]adfj.€vos eöero r)]v /xpv iv 
Eperpia. Tza.pa 'AfxcpiKPLrov, rrjv Se 



Scene X.] 



THE DIONYSIA. 



181 



this also testified against Sosilas, and the forgery he had 
committed was now so manifest, that he might congratu- 
late himself on the magnanimity of Sophilos in not pro- 
ceeding against him. Charicles had therefore no further 
cause for alarm about the fate of Cleobule ; but he became 
the more anxious and uncertain respecting his own destiny, 
particularly as Sophilos delayed his marriage, and had let 
fall some expressions which seemed to indicate that he had 
no intention of ever celebrating it ; nay, he even hinted 
that he designed his young friend, whom he treated almost 
like a son, for the bridegroom of the wealthy widow. This 
it was that rendered our hero so uneasy. 

The heart of Charicles leaned, it is true, towards 
Cleobule, and it pained him to fancy the possibility of 
her being the bride of another ; but Phorion's warning, 
not to become dependent on a rich wife, resounded loudly 
in his ears ; and he was the more alive to the truth of 
his sage monitor's advice, from his own innate love of 
freedom and independence. His humble patrimony almost 
vanished in comparison with the dowry which Cleobule 
would bring her future husband, and her property, not 
his, would be the basis of the establishment. 6 No ! ' he had 
mentally ejaculated, 4 "Look out for a wife befitting you," 
says the proverb, 9 as Ctesiphon, not without reason, lately 
reminded me : never will I sacrifice to inclination the 
position that a free man ought to enjoy.' And thus he 
fancied that by dint of calm reason he had vanquished the 
passion that filled his bosom : when, on the day preceding 
the festival, Sophilos came to him, as he often did, with 
looks of the sincerest friendship. 6 1 have a weighty busi- 
ness to discuss with you, Charicles,' said he, after the first 
salutations, 6 and I wish, in the celebration of the festival, 
to be one care lighter. The will of Polycles makes it 



'Adrji/ycri irapd twos twv <pikwv, 
TTjv 8e rp'nt]v a7recrTeiAe?/ eis oinov, 
K.r.K. 



9 tV Kara cravrbv eAa. Plutarch, 
de Educ. Fuer. 19. See Excursus on 
The Women. 



182 



CHARICLES. 



[SCEITE X. 



imperative on me to give away Cleobule in marriage, and 
I have already delayed doing so almost too long. Two 
fathers have been suing for her on behalf of their sons, 

but neither of them is to my taste, and ' 6 What, are 

you not going to wed her yourself then ? ' hastily inter- 
posed Charicles. 6 What would you think of me ? ' replied 
Sophilos. £ I'm the wrong side of fifty ; brisk and hearty 
to be sure ; my eye is still undimmed, my limbs robust 
and active ; and though this hair be grey, yet the intel- 
lect is unenfeebled by age ; 10 but, notwithstanding, do you 
suppose that, at my time of life, I am going to undertake 
the cares of a husband and a father, and embitter my 
days with a thousand anxieties? 11 I have had my share 
of them, and am resolved to pass the remainder of my life 
in peace.' 6 But can you resist the temptation of so rich 
a dower ? ' enquired Charicles. 6 What do I want with 
riches ?' said Sophilos gravely. 6 Have not I more already 
than I want, and does not my property nearly equal that 
which was left by Polycles ? But for whom should I pile 
up riches ? My sons fell in the wars against Philip — one 
son I still might have, if — but why advert now to that 
painful subject ? Enough ! for Cleobule's sake I will never 
put forward any claim to the property ; the second time 
she shall not be wedded to an old man. The choice of 
her husband rests with me ; but it were better that she 
should have one of her own choosing, and, if I err not, 
you are the man.' c I ? ' cried Charicles in confusion, while 
the blood mounted to his cheeks ; 6 Cleobule choose me ? ' 
The thought of being so near happiness, that he had only 
to stretch out his hand to obtain it, had such a powerful 
effect on Charicles, that he had to call to mind all the 
objections with which calm reflection had combated his 
wishes, in order not to prove a deserter of his principles. 



10 The words of Periplectomenes, 
and the remark of Palsestrio. Plaut. 
Mil. iii. 1, 35. 



11 The reason given by Periplec- 
tomenes for not wishing to marry. 
Ibid. v. 125. 



Scene X.] 



THE DIONYSIA. 



183 



'I thank you, 5 he replied at length in a collected tone, 
6 for the twofold happiness you design for me ; but this 
marriage would be unsuited to my circumstances.' c Un- 
suited ? ' repeated Sophilos in amazement. 6 A young and 
blooming bride, and good and well-mannered withal, with 
such a property too, and not suit ? Or is it because she 
is a widow that you hesitate ? Fool that you must be ! 
call her a bride rather, a bride of sixteen, whose bride- 
groom never escorted her to the thalamos, for he was 
a dying man from the very hour of the marriage-feast. 
Search Athens through, and you will not find a damsel 
who could with more confidence enter the grotto of Pan 
at Ephesos, where, as they say, the god takes terrible 
vengeance on the conscious delinquent.' 12 4 Not for that,' 



12 Achill. Tat. viii. 6, relates that 
pure virgins only might enter this 
grotto, which Pan had dedicated to 
Artemis, and wherein he had hung 
up his pipe. Hence, any damsel sus- 
pected of incontinence was made to 
enter it, and the doors were closed ; 
if she was innocent, the clear tones of 
the flute were heard, the doors flew 
open of themselves, and the maiden 
came out scatheless. Were the con- 
trary the case, the flute remained 
mute, sounds of wailing reached the 
ears, the doors remained closed, and 
the female was seen no more. This 
story may not have been the pure in- 
vention of the writer, but may have 
been founded on some local legend, 
most likely of considerable antiquity. 
iElian, Hist. Anim. xi. 6, mentions 
a similar test of virginity in the 
dragon's cave at Lanuvium, and this 
is elsewhere corroborated ; as also is 
what Achilles Tatius relates of the 
~Zrvybs vdwp, by which an oath was 
tested. Hence the tale about Pan's 
grotto need not be considered pure 
fiction. Ordeals were as well known 



in antiquity as in the middle ages. 
The earliest instance of the kind oc- 
curs, Sophocl. Antig. 264, where the 
guards over the corpse of Polyneioes 
assert their innocence : 

r/ßev 8' eTOifjLOi Kai pvSpovs alpeip x^poiu 
Kai nvp Siepireiv, Kai öeovs bpKcafiorelv 
to (J.r)Te öpacrat, |utjt£ tcu i-vvei&evai 
to Trpäyixa ßovktvcravTi, fjLrjr' eipyaayeVa). 

This of course does not refer to tor- 
ture, or anything of the kind, but is a 
voluntary offer of the speakers to at- 
testtheir innocence by liftinghot iron, 
passing through the fire, and similar 
acts. Brunk, incorrectly, it would 
appear, compares the Qavjxaar^ Upo- 
iroua at Soracte. See Strabo, v. 2, 9. 
Pliny, Nat. Hist. vii. 2, however, clear- 
ly shows that this was apiece of mum- 
mery got up by the priests to deceive 
the credulous people. A similar im- 
posture took place, according to Stra- 
bo, xii. 2, 7, at Castabala in Cilicia, 
'6irov (petal ras iepeias yvyLVois toIs 
noal Si' avdpaKias ßadi(eiv aira8e7s. 
A case much more in point occurs in 
Pausan. vii. 25, 8, where it is related 
that the purity of the priestesses in a 



184 



CHARICLES. 



[SCEtfE X. 



answered Charicles ; £ Cleobule is the most loveable crea- 
ture I have ever seen, but her property does not assort 
with mine. I will not live in the house of a wife whom 
I have to thank for my good fortune ; I will be free and 
independent, and owe my position to myself, not to an- 
other.' 'You might be right,' rejoined Sophilos, 'with 
any other than an innocent, merry creature like Cleobule, 
who would never dream of giving herself airs on the 
strength of her superior wealth ; trust me, all the power 
she would ever exercise over you would be that of love. 
Come, don't be a fool, and mar Cleobule's happiness and 
your own, by pride and obstinacy ; for that you love each 
other, I know full well. I had wished to affiance you this 
very day ; but since you raise scruples, we'll talk thereon 
when the festival is over.' 



The Dionysia had begun, and pleasure was the sole 
pursuit of all through the live-long day. Strangers and 
citizens paraded the streets in holiday attire, with garlands 
on their brows ; altars and Hermae were wreathed with 
chaplets ; and in every thoroughfare stood huge bowls 
filled with the gift of the god, inviting all that liked, to 



temple in Achaia was put to the proof 
by making them drink ox-blood, which 
was thought to be deadly poison : iri- 
vovffai 8e aip.a Tavpov SoKi[xd(ovraL. 
?? 5' av avrwv tvxV PV a\i]0evov(ra, 
avTiKa e/c tovtov t\v hiK-qv e%ei. 
Cf. Aristoph. Equites, 80 ; Plutarch, 
Themist. 31, and Scholiast thereon. 
Another peculiar ordeal was the altar, 
iffxapa (Heliod. Mthiop. x. 8), by 
which the crimes of irapQeveveiv and 
perjury were assayed. When a guilty 
person ascended the altar, flames is- 
sued from it spontaneously. Similar 
to this was the water-ordeal of an 
oath, to which class belongs the 2tu- 
ybs vdwp already referred to. Achill. 



Tat. viii. 12: 'H 8e ttpiais' iyypdxpas 
rbv opKou ypa/x/xareicc /xypivda} Sede- 
/xivov 7repteÖ7jKaro ttj Sepy. Kav fj.ev 
a-tyevdr) rbv opKov, /xevei Kara x&P av 
7] iT7]yr)' av 5e \pevS7jrat rb v$a>p opyi- 
£erai /ecu avaßa'ivti fx4xpi rrjs Se'pjs, 
koX rb ypafxparilnv eKakvtye. So the 
vSwp ÜpKiov and the cppiap i\4yxov, 
mentioned by Philostr. Vit. Apoll on. i. 
6, and iii. 1 4. A sort of wager of bat- 
tle is also mentioned, Heliod. JEthiop. 
vii. 4. Something of the kind is al- 
luded to by Chsereas, ap.Charit.viii.4 : 
2u p-ev e^ieAAes rrjv 5lkt]v Kplveiv, iya> 
§e f/5i7 vev'iKrjKa irapa T<p ducaiOTdTcp 
8iKa<rrf}. 7roAe/xos yap dpicrros Kpi- 
Tqs rov Kpeirrovds re nal x^' l P 0V0S ' 



SCEXE X,] 



THE DIONYSIA. 



185 



drink to their very heart's content. 13 Everywhere peals 
of loud laughter and boisterous mirth assailed the ear ; 
nought was to be seen but troops of merry-makers, and 
reckless swarms of coinastse, impudently caricaturing the 
pomp and ceremony of the festal procession. 

But the most curious sight of all was the mob that 
beset the theatre. Since early dawn the seats had been 
crammed with spectators, who attentively followed the 
solemn contest of the tragedians, previous to being 
diverted, a little later, by the more lively fare of the 
comedians. 14 From time to time stormy rounds of cheer- 
ing and applause burst from the serried mass ; while at 
intervals might also be heard a shrill whistling, directed at 
an obnoxious passage in the play, or the bad performance 
of some actor, or, perchance, meant for some one among 
the audience. 

Outside the theatre also, sight-seers of more humble 
pretensions found abundant materials for amusement. Here 
a puppet-man had set up his little theatre, 15 and, with 



13 A Delphian oracle, quoted by 
Demosth. in Mid. p. 531, enjoined 
the Athenians, 

IxefjivrjcrOai BaKxoio ko.1 evpvxopov? holt' 
ayvias 

icrravai wpouW Bpop.ü}> X° L P LV aMM l 7 a 
7ravra?, 

/cat Kvicraav /Sco/xoZcn, Kapij arefyav ois tsvkv- 
aavres. 

Cf. in Macart. p. 1072 : Kar' ayvias 
Kparripas lardfxsv. This was also the 
case at the Dionysia at Pellene in 
Achaia, and elsewhere. Pausan. vii. 
27, 2 : rovrcp Kal AafATTT-qpiav kopr^v 
ayovcri Kal badds re is rb Upbv KOfxl- 
£ovaiv iv vvktI Kal ölvov Kparripas 
itrraaiv ava. rrjv ttoXi,u rrdaav. 

14 Xannegiesser, Die alte Tcom. 
Huhne in Athen, has supposed that 
because the scene of several comedies 
of Aristophanes is laid early in the 



morning, therefore the representation 
of them commenced at daybreak. But, 
on the other hand, it is clear from 
Aves, 785, that the tragedy was acted 
early, and the comedy in the after- 
noon : 

avTix' vfxüv to>v Bearüiv el Tis fjv VTrojrrepo?, 
eiTa treiviav tols xopoicrt rStv rpayiohdv r\x m 
6ero, 

eKTTTOftevos av ovtos ■r)pC<TTr\<Tev eXOotv otKaSe • 
kSt av ejU.7rAi7<70els e<p' Tjjuäs avOis av nare- 
itTero. 

15 Puppets moved by strings, vev- 
poffiraara, are mentioned by Hero- 
dotus, ii. 48, as having been introduced 
from Egypt : avrl 5e (paXXuv &Wa 
crept icrn i£evpr)fi.eva 'öffov re ttvX v - 
a?a ayaXjxara vevpoairaara, rd ire- 
picpopeovcri Kara K&p-as yvvalKes, 
vevov rb alZoiov, K.r.X. See Lucian, 
de Syr. dea, 16 ; Aristot. de Mundo, 



186 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene X. 



practised hand, guided the hidden strings that set in motion 
the pigmy figures, which performed the most grotesque 
antics, to the intense delight of the children and nurses 
standing round. 16 Elsewhere a Thessalian exhibited the 
dexterity of two damsels, who, with the most infinite cool- 
ness and agility, made surprising leaps amidst sharp sword- 
blades stuck upright in the ground, threw somersaults, 17 
or, sitting down upon a potter's wheel in rapid motion, 
read and wrote with ease; 18 whilst the man himself from 
time to time opened his mouth wide, and let fly a stream 
of sparks among the horrified spectators, 19 or, with ap- 
parent difficulty, gulped down swords and daggers. 20 Not 
far off a juggler had pitched his tent, taking the prudent 
precaution of placing projecting barriers, 21 to keep over- 



6 : ofjLOLcos de Kai ol vevpoairdarai 
jxiav (xripivQov eiuo-naadixevoi iroioZcri 
Kai avx^va KiveiaOai Kai X € ^P a r °v 
£wov, Kai 3>fxov, Kai b<pQa\fJ.6v. Cf. 
Heindorf, ad Hor.Ä^.ii. 7, 82. Per- 
sons strolled about, exhibiting them 
for a livelihood. Xenoph. Synvp. 4, 
55 : ovroi yap rd e/xd vevpoa-naara 
Qedifxevoi rp4(pov(TL /xe. 

JS Plaut. Cist. v. 2, 45 : 

Nutrix 

me spectatum tulerat per Dionysia. 

17 On this Kußiardv els ixaxo-ipas, 
see Note 22 to Scene vi. Cf. Athen, 
iv. p. 129 ; and Mus. Borb. iv. 58, 
where we actually see represented 
this Kvßicrrdv els kvkKov irepifxecrrov 
%L(pb>p bpQwv. 

13 Xenoph. Symp. 7, 2 : ela-ecpe- 
pero rrj bpxyffTp'ihi rpoxbs rSiv Ke- 
pa/xeiKwv, ecp' ov e/xeXXe dav/xao-iovp- 
yri<T€Lv : and a little further : /ecu ph\v 
to ye eiri rov rpoxov a/xa irepidivov- 
/xevov ypdcpeiv re Kai avayiyvwcrKeiv, 
ßav/xa jxev icrws ri ecrriv. 

19 This trick was well known to 
the Greeks* Hippolochos, apud 



Athen, iv. p. 129 : [el<rri\Q6v) rives 
Kai Qavjxarovpyoi yvvalKes, els |/d>i) 
Kvßio-ruxrai Kai irvp 4k rov ar6/xaros 
eKpLTri^ovaat yvfxval. 

20 Plutarch, Lyc. 19, where an 
Athenian, ridiculing the short Spar- 
tan swords, says, padioos avrds ol 
dav/xaroiroioi Karairivovo'iv ev rots 
dedrpois. The apparatus used for 
performing this feat was nearly the 
same as that now employed for the 
same purpose. See Achill. Tat. iii. 20, 
where Satyros finds in a chest x^W^Sa 
Kai £i(pos rj\v [lev KW7rr)v '6aov TraXai- 
crr&v recradpeov, rov de aidrjpov eiri rfj 
Kcairr) ßpax^rarou, daKrvKav '6o~ov ov 
irXelca rpiwu. 'Cls de dve\6/xevos rb |t- 
<pos d MeveXaos lAaöe fxeraarpe^as 
Kara rb rov aid^pov fxepos rb fxiKpbv 
eKeluo |t^os, uxrirep cWb xvp^ov rr\s 
kocivt)s Kararpex^ 1 roaovrov, oaov 
elx*v V kojttt) rb jxeyeQos ' ws de 
dvecrrperpev els rb e/xiraXiv. aidis ö 
aidrjpos etcrca Karediero. Tovrcp 8' 
dpa, ws e'iKbs, 6 KaKodai/xcav eKelvos 
ev rots Oedrpois expyTO irpbs ras 
Kißdrj\ovs a<payds. 

21 Casaubon, on Athen. . p. 19, 



Scene X.] 



THE DIONYSIA. 



187 



curious observers from bis apparatus-table. Simple rustics 
and fisbermen bebeld witb wonderment bow at first tbe 
pebbles lay, one under eacb of tbe mysterious cups, tben 
all are under one, after wbicb tbey all vanisbed, finally 
reappearing out of tbe conjuror's moutb. 22 But wben, 
after causing tbem to disappear a second time, be finally 
drew them all tbree out of tbe nose and ears of tbe 
nearest spectator, several of tbem scratcbed tbeir beads, 
as not knowing wbat to make of it ; and one plain coun- 
tryman, sbaking bis bead, said to bis neighbour, 6 1 say, 
if this chap come near my farm, then good-bye to goods 
and gear.' 23 But the heartiest laughter was heard round 
the booth of a man who was exhibiting a number of trained 
monkeys, dressed in motley suits, with masks before tbeir 
faces, and which performed elaborate dances like so many 
well-behaved human beings. 24 Tbe trainer's switch kept 



and on Theophr. Char. 6, has dis- 
cussed the ancient jugglers. Cf. 
Beckmann's History of Inventions, 
from which mainly Böttiger has 
compiled his meagre account. He is 
quite wrong too in supposing the 
performers had nothing erected to 
conceal their secret apparatus, for 
the contrary is expressly asserted by 
Plato, de Eejpubl. vii. p. 514 : cixnrep 
to?s Oau/xaroiTOiols irpb twv avOpunruv 
irpOKzirai Tß irapacppdy/jLaTa, imep wu 
ret Qavjxara heiKvvcriv. 

22 One of the commonest tricks 
was that of passing objects from 
under one cup to another (-n-apo^/tSes 
fxiKpai). The performers were hence 
called y\ir](poKKiTvraL, y\zf]<poiralKTai, 
tyr\<pox6yoi. Athen, i. p. 19; Poll. yii. 
201. Suidas quotes the words of an 
unknown writer : fcaivep ol iprjcpoXo- 
yoi tovs 6(p6aKfji.ovs t$ ra%et T7js 
/jLtraOzaews rwu $-f]<pcov airaT&VTes 
(TvvapTrd(ovcri. See Artemidor, Onei- 
rocr.üi. 56 ; and Alciphron, Epist. iii. 



20, is still more explicitinhisdescrip- 
tion : Els ydp ris, els fxeo~ovs irapeX- 
dcoi/ Kal o~TT]o~cts Tp'iiroSa, rpe?s /miKpas 
irapeTiQei irapoty'iZas . elra inrb rav- 
tclis eCKerre fxiKpd riva Kal XevKa 
Kal arpoyyvXa XidiSta, ola rjfxeTs iirl 
rats Öxöais 7<*>v x ei / U£ W a ' I/ avevpi- 
ffKOjxev. ruvra irore fxeu Kara, fiiav 
ecrKeire 7rapoi//t5a, 7roTe Se, ovk o?5' 
Swas, vTrb rfj /xlS, ede'iKvv, Trorh 8e 
TravTeXcis curb rS>v irapotyidoov r\<pd- 
vi£e Kal iirl rov (rr6/j.aros ecpaivev. 
etra Karaßpox&io'as robs TrXricriov 
ecTTwras &ycov els fieaov, ttjv [xev e/c 
piv6s twos, t)]v de e| wtlov, tt}v 8e 
4k KecpaXris aviipelro. 

23 Alciphr. ib, : M77 yevoiTo Kar' 
aypbv TOLovTO Qt]plov oh yap a,Xd>- 
creTai vir' ovSevbs Kal ivd,VTa vcpai- 
povfxevos to. evdov (ppovdd p.01 rä Kar' 
aypbv airepydcreTai. 

24 Lucian, Piscat. 36, mentions an 
ape-comedy like this, though his de- 
scription refers to a somewhat later 



188 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene X, 



them a long while in order, and his man was just collect- 
ing the small copper-coins from the bystanders, 25 when 
a wag amused himself with throwing some nuts among the 
dancers, who, in a twinkling, forgetful alike of all propriety 
and the parts they played, made a descent on the prey, 
and began scratching and biting each other for the pos- 
session of it, to the great amusement of the spectators. 26 
The confusion which ensued was a fine opportunity for the 
thieves and cut-purses, who were following their calling in 
great force, and levying contributions on the crowd, or at 
the tables of the pedlars, where all sorts of wares, clothes, 
and ornaments, both false and genuine, were displayed for 
sale. 27 Not a few of the purchasers, when they came to 
pay, discovered themselves to be minus girdle and purse ; 
but it was Dionysia-time, and so nobody was disconcerted 
by such occurrences. 

Whilst all besides resigned themselves to mirth and 
joviality, Cleobule ( sat weeping in her chamber. Her 
thoughts were bent on the future ; and, occupied with the 



date. Cf. de Merc. Cond. 5. Dogs, 
horses, and other animals were train- 
ed for the same purpose. Plutarch, 
Gryll. 9 : K6paicas SiaAeyeadai. kcu 
Kvvas aWeadai did rpox&v irepupe- 
pop.ivu>v 'liriroi 5e Kal ß6es iv 6ed- 
rpois KaraKXiosis Kal x°P e ' Las Kc " 
ardaeis irapaßoKovs, Ka\ Kiwfjcreis ou5e 
avdpuTrois irdvv paUas aKpißovaiv. 

25 As with "us a person goes round 
with a plate to the spectators, so the 
Greek davfxaroiroioi went round to 
collect the öeapiKov. Theophrastus, 
Char. 6, among the tokens of divovoia, 
mentions : iv dav/j-aai robs x a ^ K0 ^ s 
iKAeyeiv, Kaff eKacrrov irapiwv, Kal 
jxax^Qai Tots rb o~v/j.ßoAov (pepovcri 
fa\ -npoiKa deoopelv d^iovcri. Hence it 
appears that they gave to some per- 
sons free-admission tickets, which 
entitled them to see without paying. 



See also Lucian, Asiti. 37 ; Xenoph. 
Symp. 2, I. 

26 Lucian, ibid. : Kal ^XP 1 iro ^- 
Kov evSoKi/j.e7v ttjv 6iav, &XP 1 ^ rLS 
dearrjs darelos, Kapva virb koKttov 
e%wj/, dcprjKev is rb fxiffov ' ot Se iri- 
6t)kol lB6vres Kal ixAadSfj.ei'oi Trjs 
opx'ho'^oüs rovd', 'direp r)aav, TridrjKoi 
iyevovro avrl irvppixio~T&v Kal £vve- 
rpißov ra ivpocranreia Ka\ Tr\v iadrjra 
Kareppyyvevov, Kal ifxdxovro rrepl 
Trjs OTTupas irpbs aWr)\ovs. 

" Aristoph. Pax, 760 : 

co? etcüöacrt juaAiora 
rrepl ras <TKr]va<; nkeliTTOi K.kima.1. Kvirrd^eiv 

<ai KOLKOTTOielv. 

See Excursus on The Markets and 
Commerce. Xenoph. (Econ. 10, 3, 
mentions false trinkets, '6p/xovs vtto- 
%v\ovs. 



Scene X.] 



THE DIONYSIA. 



189 



wishes secretly cherished in her heart, she had not quitted 
the house, declining all share in those pleasures which her 
sex was permitted by custom to enjoy. For a short time 
she had surveyed the festival from a window, but the merry 
multitude possessed no attractions for her ; there was one 
only whom she had desired to see, and she had seen him, 
but alas ! only to feel to her sorrow that his thoughts were 
not occupied with her, for he had directed no kindly gaze 
toward the house. Charicles had passed moodily by, his 
eyes cast straight before him. 'He loves me not,' she 
said to herself, as, with tears in her eyes, she left the 
window ; 6 1 am forgotten, and all the oracles have played 
me false.' Thus she sat sorrowing in her chamber, her 
beautiful head leaning on the white arm which rested on 
the side of the chair. Chloris, her favourite and confi- 
dential slave, knelt before her, and beside her stood the 
aged Manto, trying, with anxious solicitude, to divine the 
reason of her tears. 'Art thou unwell, my mistress ?' she 
enquired ; £ hast thou peradventure been blighted by the 
evil-eye ? 28 If so, let us send for the old Thessalian crone, 
who can counteract each spell.' But Chloris understood 
better than Manto what was passing through her mistress' 
heart. She had noticed that the youth had found favour 
with her lady in the adventure of the brook, and that 
since Polycles' death the inclination cherished in secret had 
become a consuming passion. Why else would Cleobule 
have so often stealthily cracked the leaves of the tele- 
philon ? 29 or why did she so repeatedly shoot the slippery 



28 It is curious to remark how the 
belief in the evil-eye has descended to 
the present time, and the bcpdaKfxbs 
ßdcrKapos of the Greeks corresponds 
to the mal-occhio and mauvais-ceil of 
our day. Avcr/xev^s Kai ßdcruauos 6 t&v 
yenovwv 6<p0aKv6s, says Alciphron, 
Ep.i. 15; and Heliod. Mthiop. iii 7, 
comments on and defends the popular 
superstition. Plutarch devotes a spe- 



cial chapter to the subject. Sympos. 
V. 7 : ire pi Tüiv ßaaKaiviLU Xsyo/xe- 
vcou teal ßacrKavov exetv ocpdaX/xou. 
There, as in Heliodorus, the notion is 
partly derided, partly defended. Not 
only theperson, but hisproperty could 
be affected by ßaanavia Virg. Eel. 
103. See Note 3 to Scene vm, 

29 Just as the leaves of the ox-eye 



190 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene X. 



apple-pips out of her taper fingers against the ceiling ? 30 or 
so carefully treasure up those trumpery sandals ? and to 
what must Chloris ascribe the numberless cups and 
vases, which her mistress had fractured in her fits of 
abstraction? 31 'Pooh, pooh 1' said she to Manto, volun- 
teering an answer for Cleobule ; 6 our mistress wears the 
ring with the Ephesian legend on it ; 32 and that's a sure 



daisy, Chrysanthemum leucantheimim, 
are consulted in Germany as love's 
oracle — a game immortalised by 
Göthe's Gretchen — so the Greeks 
had recourse to more than one fiav- 
Tei'a of this sort in affairs of the 
heart . The u sual way was to place the 
leaf on the ring made by bending the 
fore-finger to the thumb, and then to 
burst it with a slap of the other hand. 
The broad petal of the poppy-flower, 
hence called irXaiaycovLov, was used, 
as well as that of the anemone ; but 
the T7}X4<piXov is much more fre- 
quently mentioned, though it is un- 
certain whether this word denotes a 
particular plant, or was only another 
name for the izXaraywvwv. See Pol- 
lux, ix. 27, who apparently does not 
distinguish between them : Tb 8e 
irKar aycav iov ol ipwvres 7) ipoccrai 
eitai&v • KaXtLTai fxku yap outco Kal 
rb Kp6raXov Ka\ rb cre?arpop, 
KaraßauKaXwcriv at Tirdai \pvxa- 
ywyovvai ra Sv&vrrvovvra ru>v 7rou- 
d'lwv. 'AXXa. /cat ra. rod rrjXetyiXov 
KaXovjJicvov (pvXXa eVl robs Trpwrovs 
Svo rrjs Xaias Sa/crvXovs els kvkXov 
avfißXr)64yras ein64ures rtp kolXw 
t?]s er4pas x ei P 0S erriKpova'avres, et 
ktvttov Troi-tjaeiev evaporov viroarxi- 
o~Qev rrj irXTjyfj rb (pvXXov, fxejxvri- 
oQai robs epoo/u.4vovs avrwv vireXafx- 
ßavov. So also Phot. Lex. p. 432 ; 
Suidas and Hesych. The Scholiasts 
on Theocr. iii. 28, incline however to 
the former supposition. But a diffe- 
rent sort of augury is there described, 



derived not from the sound produced 
by the slap, but from the discoloration 
of the skin,produced by some corrosive 
principle in the leaf or fruit. In the 
case of a favourable argury this was 
red. On the whole it seems that the 
word rt]Xe(piXov was used to designate 
the leaf (or fruit) of every plant used 
as an oracle of ' distant love.' See 
Anthol. Pal. v. 296 : 

'E£ÖTe T7]\e^)iXov rrKaray^ftaroi rjxera jSdp.- 
jSos 

yaarepa fxavrtZov /aafaro KLO-trvßiov, 
tyvuiv, d>s (piAeets |Jte. 

Pollux, ix. 128, mentions another 
method, by means of inflated lily- 
leaves: Ka\ fxev /cat rb xpivov dinXovv 
t>v Kal SiaKevov evSodev e/xcpvo-rjcravres, 
ws vTTOirXriaai nuev/xaros irpbs ra 
/xerwTa pt\yvvi>res eo-r)fxalvovro ra. 
irapairXi)aia rw ktvitw. 

30 Poll. ix. 128 : "Eti roivvv rb 
0"rr4pp.a rav fxi]Xwv, onep eyneirai. 
rc7s fj.r}Xois evdoOev, &Kpois ro7s irpw- 

TOIS TTjs 5e|iSs SvO SaKTvXOLS (TVfl- 

iri4£ovres in Siäßpoxov Ka\ oXiadri- 
pbv hv, el irpbs v\pos -m^riaeiev, icrr}- 
\xaivovro tovtcx) tt)v evuotau rrju irapa 
tosv naidiKcav. 

31 Aristoph. Thesmoph. 401 : 

eäv ye Tis irKeKr) 
yvvr) (rre^avov, epäv Botel' Kai/ eKßä\i\ 
<TK.ev6s ti, /cara tt)v olkColv nKavoifievr}, 
avr)p epwra, reo Kareayev i] \xnpa ; 
ovk eaO' Ö7rws ov raJ Kopif0i'a> £eV&j. 

32 It was very usual to wear amu- 



SCEKE X] 



THE DIOOTSIA. 



191 



safeguard against the evil-eye. It is merely a transient 
qualm ; go and prepare the potion our doctor prescribed 
in such a case.' 

Away went Manto. Chloris affectionately embraced 
her mistress' knees, and giving a roguish peep upwards, 
said in dolorous tone, 'Alas! that odious bath.' 'What 
mean you ? ' asked Cleobule, raising herself. £ I mean the 
journey to iEdepsos,' answered the abigail ; 'that's to 
blame for all. We must go to Argyra, and bathe in the 
water of the Selemnos, 33 the wondrous efficacy of which 
the byssos-seller from Patrse extolled so much the other 
day.' ' You silly thing ! ' scolded the mistress with a deep 
blush, ' there you go chattering again !' 'Am I not right V 
said the slave in coaxing tones ; ' but, may be, help is 
nearer at hand. How runs the proverb ? " He who gave 



lets, irpoßaaicdvia, as a protection 
against spells or misfortune. The 
Phalli and other obscene emblems 
hung about children, or even affixed 
to -houses, as a safeguard against 
fascination, are well known. Plutarch, 
Symjpos. v. 7, 3 : Aib Kal rb twv 
Xtyoixevoov irpoßacrKauicou yzvos oXov- 
rai -npbs rbv <pQ6voi> a(peXe7v, eA/co- 
fj.ewqs oia. tt]v aroiriav ttjs o^/ews, 
ware t\ttov iirepeideiv ruls irdo~x ov ~ 
aw. Eings, also, probably with some 
secret token, were deemed a security 
against every danger. Aristoph.P^. 
883: 

ovSev TrpoTifJiü) aov. (f>opi yap Trpidfievos 
70V SaKTvkiov TOvSi nap' Ei/Sa/u.ov SpaxM^S- 

So also a fragment of Antiphanes, 
apud Athen, iii. p. 123 : 

ov yap KaKOv (U-^S' exoi/u.'. eav 6" apa 
o-Tpi<f>r) jue irepi ttjv yacrrep' 77 rbv 6/x<{)a\bv 
Trapa QepraTOV SaxrvKios £o~ti /xoi Spax/J^Si 

So again Charicleia possesses a magic 
ring; Heliod. JEthiop.iv. 8. In Lu- 
cian, Philops. 17, Eucrates, who had 
been sadly plagued by ghosts, says he 
is free now, /naXiara e£ ov jxoi rbv 



§a.KTv\iov o"Apu\p eSco/ce oi5r)pov rov 
e/c tqov (Travpuy ireiroLrjfj.ei'ov. An 
amulet bearing certain Ephesian 
characters, is mentioned byAnaxilas, 
ap. Athen, xii. p. 548 : iv o-Kvrapiois 
po/WT olo~ i (popwv 'E(peo"f}ia ypdjxjxara 
KaXa. On the subject of these Ephe- 
sian characters, Photius, who gives in- 
stances of their efficacy, observes (p. 
40) : bvoixara ana Kal tpwval avri- 
irdOeidv riva <pwiKT}V %x ov<Tai - He- 
sychius gives the six original words ; 
cf. Eustath. ad Odyss. xix. 247 : on 
acacpcos Kal alviyfxarwOws So/ce? iirl 
iroSaiv Kal (covris Kal o-Te<pdi>r}s eVi- 
yeypdcpdai t?is ' Apri/xiSos to. roiavra 
ypdfxfxara, 

33 The little river Selemnos, in 
Achaia, was said, in reference to the 
myth of its metamorphosis, to be a 
cure for the love-sick. Pausan. vii. 
23, 2 : rb vBocp rod ~2,zXifxvov crvix- 
(popov Kal audpdcriv eivai Kal yvvaiQv 
is epwros ia\xa Xovo/meuoLS iv t<j3 tt&> 
rafxo) \-fjdrjv epcoros ylvccrdai. 



192 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene X. 



the wound will also heal it." 34 Isn't it so ? ' Cleobule 
turned away her face and wept. 4 1 knew it long ago,' 
continued the domestic ; 4 but why cry so, my lady ? 
Hasn't Sophilos left the choice to yourself? and as to 
Charicles, his wishes on the matter must be known to 
every one who attended at the funeral.' 4 He has forgot- 
ten me,' said Cleobule mournfully ; 4 he hates me.' 4 Non- 
sense ! ' retorted Chloris ; 4 but if so, we must send for the 
woman of Thessaly. I'm told that she has often, by melt- 
ing waxen images, and pronouncing charms the while, or 
by the magic virtue of the iynx, and other secret arts, led 
the hearts of faithless swains back again to their loves.' 35 
4 In the name of all the gods, no ! ' cried Cleobule ; 4 1 have 
heard that such love-charms may imperil the life of their 
object.' 4 Well then,' continued Chloris, 4 let us resort to 
more simple methods. A half-faded garland from the head 
of the damsel, or a bitten apple, has often done wonders.' 36 
4 I'm to propose to him myself, then ?' said the lady, rising ; 



34 'O rpdocras avrbs lacrerai, ori- 
ginally the answer of the oracle to 
Telephos, hut afterwards employed 
in this sense. Charit, vi. 3 : (pap/xanov 
yap 'irepov epwros ovdev iari irX^v 
avrbs 6 ipdo/xevos. rovro Se dpa rb 
dddfieuov \6yiov tfu, fri 6 rpwcras 
avrbs idcrerai. 

35 That fertile subject, the magic 
arts of the ancients, can be merely 
touched on here. The ^apuavevrpia 
of Theocritus is the most instructive 
treatise on this head which Greek 
literature supplies. Consult also 
Tiedemann, Kurze Uehersicht d. 
Gesch. d. Artes magicce. For a case 
of poisoning by a cpiXrpov, see 
Antipho, de Venef. pp. 608, 614. 

36 A chaplet that had been worn, 
or a bitten apple, served as a declara- 
tion of love, or as a substitute for a 



billet doux, in the same way as drink- 
ing out of the same goblet. Note 25 
to Scene n. See Lucian, Tox. 13 : 
teal ypajxiiareia re eicecpoira rrapa 
rrjs yvvaiitbs avry /cat crre<papoi 
rjfj.i/xdpavroi /ecu /xri\d rtva cWoSe- 
dyy/Aer/a Ka\ &Wa, oiroaa al fxacrrpo- 
ttoI eirl rots veois \JA]%avu3vrai, Kara 
fjLiupbv avrols inirexv&lJ.evai robs 
epecras, /c.t.A. Also Id. Dial. Meretr. 
xii.; and Alciphr. Epist. iii. 62 ; and 
i. 36 ; also Theocr. xi. 10, says of 
Polyphemus : 

"Hparo 6' ovri pöSois, ov/u.aAoi?, ovSe klkiv- 
vois. 

Merely throwing an apple at a person 
was a declaration of love. Anth. 
Pal. v. 79 : 

Tu> ju^Ao) ßäWcj ere • <tv 8', el fj.ev enovaa 

$iA.eis jute 
Se^afxivrj tt;s <tt}; napOeviris fxerdSoi;. 



Scene X.] 



THE DIONYSIA. 



19.3 



4 no, Chloris, you are not in earnest, surely?' 'Let us 
have recourse to Sophilos then,' interposed the indefatig- 
able slave ; ' besides, old Manto, you know, was once Cha- 
ricles' nurse. Yes, I have it ; she must be our main agent. 
Just leave it to me, and ere three days have passed I'll 
bring the truant back.' 



o 



194 



SCENE THE ELEVENTH. 

THE EIN Gr. 

DEEP repose was still spread over Athens, and her 
citizens were dreaming off, at their leisure, the fumes 
of the festival just ended ; when Manto emerged from her 
mistress's abode, on the secret errand with which Chloris 
had commissioned her. The streets were still noiseless, 
although it was past daybreak. A few slaves only had 
begun their day's avocations, or were busied in attending 
to the first morning requirements of their lords. Here and 
there tipsy comastse, their faded bravery of coronals and 
taeniae reeking with ointment, and all dangling from their 
heads, came reeling homewards from their prolonged de- 
bauch, a female flute-player staggering in the van. 

Manto hobbled away, without stopping, to the house 
where Charicles dwelt. Who more desirous than she to 
promote his marriage with Cleobule ! Faithfully attached 
to the interests of her mistress, she was no less so to 
Charicles, who had been committed to her fostering care 
from his earliest infancy. But she was also bound to him 
by a certain cherished mystery, of which she was now the 
sole living repository. Nor must it be forgotten that the 
moment of Cleobule's marriage was that also of her own 
manumission, and she hoped to pass the remnant of her days 
in the house of Charicles, released from toils and troubles. 
Yet there was still something else that spurred on her 
footsteps. An unlooked-for event threatened suddenly to 
defeat all her wishes and hopes, and bring about a dis- 
covery, the consequences of which could not be foreseen. 
She too had mingled in the crowd of spectators yester- 
day ; and while intent upon the feats of a rope-dancer, a 
slave, whose guise was more that of a farm-bailiff than a 
town servant, had edged through the press, and twitching 
her cloak, had bidden her, in a tone, partly of entreaty, 



Scexe XL] 



THE RING. 



195 



partly of command, to follow him. Much alarmed, she 
had done so ; and when they had escaped from the crowd, 
he sharply eyed her, and asked who was her master. '-My 
master is dead,' was her answer. The man demanded 
more hurriedly, whether he had left a son. 'No,' she 
replied, somewhat perplexed ; 6 he had not been married 
a year when he died.' The slave looked at her for a 
moment with attention. 6 You are certainly the woman,' 
he then exclaimed, 4 who one-and-twenty years ago took 
up a boy exposed on the altar of Pity, early in the morn- 
ing. I watched you ; you bore off the vessel 1 with the 
infant to Mcarete the midwife : she has unfortunately 
been dead this long while ; but I conjure you by the gods, 
tell me to whom you gave the boy : it was my master's 
son, and he has no other.' Manto, confused, tried to get 
off ; but her trembling plainly showed that the slave was 
not mistaken. He begged, he conjured, he threatened 
her, ' and Manto had very nearly lost her self-possession 
and confessed the truth ; but the thought that Charicles 
— for he, in truth, was the boy — might find his parents 
again in a manner he least desired, restored her presence 
of mind. To be sure, he could not be of lowly origin ; 
this was proved by the fine linen cloth that lay by the 
child, the golden ring with a blue stone ingeniously carved, 
and also by the collar, and the various gold and silver 
baubles. 2 But nevertheless, Charicles, who was happy in 
the recollection of the loved and familiar faces of his sup- 
posed parents, and who was, at present, in the independent 
, enjoyment of an ample fortune, might have to make an 
unpleasant change ; and Cleobule — there was no know- 



1 Children were exposed in large 
earthen vessels, iv x" T P als - Mcer. 
Att. p. 102 : iyxvTpifffibst y rod ßpe- 
(povs 6K0e(TiS, e7rel iv x^ T P ais e£eTi- 
0ei/To. See Schol. on Bancs, 1288 : 
rb 8e eV offrpaKcp, iirel eV xirpais 
££tTiQz(Tav tos iraidia, Sib Kai x-orpi- 

O 



Ceiv e\eyov. Cf. Schol. on Vesp. 228; 
and Hesych. s. v. The sale of children 
is also alluded to, Anthol. Pal. v. 178. 

2 See Excursus on 'Education. See 
also Heliod. Mihiop. iv. 8. 

2 



196 



CHAK1CLES. 



[Scene XL 



ing what might intervene to thwart her wishes. At all 
events, she thought it would be better that the revelation 
should be deferred till after the wedding, and she there- 
fore promised to meet the slave the next new moon, at 
sunset, near the Acharnian gate, making all sorts of ex- 
cuses for not saying more at the present moment. ' But 
how am I to trust you,' answered the slave, ' if I don't 
know who you are?' 'I swear to thee by the Dioscuri,' 
was her assurance. ' Women's oaths are fleeting as the 
water, on which they are written,' 3 he interposed; 'tell 
me to whom you belong.' ' What good will that be to 
you?' answered she. 'To one so distrustful as you, that 
will be but a poor satisfaction ; for how would you know 
after all whether I were speaking the truth ?' Without 
his observing it, she had gradually drawn him back near 
the spectacle, and profited by the lucky moment to dis- 
appear in the tumult. 

This it was that urged her to the house of Charicles 
at so early an hour. She wished at all events to attain 
one object, before she could be traced out, and the truth 
come to light prematurely, contrary to her desire. She 
expected to find the house still in repose, and had intended 
to wait before it till the inmates were astir ; but to her 
astonishment the door was open, and, on entering the 
peristyle of the court, she was met by Charicles, who was 
just giving orders to a slave. 'Quick, quick!' said he; 
e take this paper, and fasten it to some pillar in the mar- 
ket-place, so that every one can read it, and bid the crier 
make known with a loud voice through the streets and in 
the full market, that whoever has found a gold ring with a 



3 Els vSwp ypd(peiv, or els recppav, 
was a proverbial expression for fruit- 
less undertakings, particularly in- 
valid oaths. So Hellad. Chrest. apud 
Phot. Bibl, p, 530 : a crrix ? ö 
iro.poiyaa^oyievQS, 

6p*ous ey.ii yvroufcb? eis vSoop ypd<fxa. 



icrrl juev ~^o(poK\4ovs , rovrov Se 7ro- 
pcpdrjcras 6 $iAa)i>'i,8r)s e<pi), 
op/covs Se (xot.x&v eis refypav eyoi ypa</>to. 

And in Lucian, Catapl. 21, Micyllos 
Bays: Uai^eis, & Xdpwv, «a0' v'Sa- 
tos, (paalu, ^877 ypdcpeis, irapa Mi- 
KvWov $8ti riva dßokbv TrpoaloKwv. 



SCENE XI.] 



THE RING. 



197 



blue stone, bearing the device of a running satyr holding 
a hare, and will bring it to Charicles, the son of Charinos, 
shall receive the reward of two minae. 4 Grive my address, 
and add that the ring may easily be recognised, on account 
of a flaw in the stone right across the satyr's body.' 

Manto had only caught the concluding words. 6 You 
have lost a ring ? ' asked she, approaching Charicles, when 
the slave had disappeared. 'Yes,' said he, 'a trinket, that 
my dying mother gave me, with significant but enigmatical 
words.' 4 By all the gods ! ' cried the slave, 6 surely not 
the ring with the blue stone V 6 The very same,' he replied ; 
6 but how do you know anything about it ?' 'I have seen 
it on your finger,' said she, trying to hide her confusion. 
6 Yet I have seldom worn it in Athens,' answered Charicles. 
6 Yesterday, at the bath, I took it off, and in some incom- 
prehensible manner it has disappeared ; though I, not 
habitually wearing it, did not discover my loss till I went 
to bed. I had rather have lost the half of my estate than 



4 Things lost, stolen, or found, 
runaway slaves, and commodities for 
sale, were advertised either by the 
public crier, a placard on the walls, 
or a board set up in some frequented 
spot. See Lucian, Demon. 17: 'Enet 
Se irore Kal xpvaovv SaKrvKiov 65<2 
ßaZifav eupe, ypayLfxaTiov iu ayopa 
Trporidels n^iov rbv airoXeaaura, 
8<ttis efy tov 8aKTv\iou Se<rir6r7]s, 
?jK€iv Kal elnSvTa o\kt)u avrov Kal 
XiQov Kal tvwov airoka(j.ßdv€iv. Lu- 
cian also travesties the form of pro- 
claiming a fugitive slave. Fugit. 26 : 
et Tis avSpaTToSov Tla<p\ayoviKbv, 
ruv airb ~2,ii/d)irr)s ßapßdpwv, ouofia 
TOLOvrov, olou airb KTrj/xdrwu, viroo- 
Xpov, ev XPV xovpiau, eV yeveicp ßa- 
0e?, iri]pav i^rjfxfj.iuov Kai rpißwviov 
afxiz^x^P-^vov, bpyihov, 6.jxov<rov, rpa- 
Xv<puvov, Aoldopou, \xT\vvtiv iirl pvrw 
avTov6/j.ü). In most cases a fixed re- 
ward, ixT)vvrpa, or (Twcrrpa, was pro- 
mised in the advertisement. So in 



Xenoph. Memor. ii. 10, 1. Cf. Dio 
Chrysost. Orot. vii. p. 264. The state 
also offered large rewards for the dis- 
covery of the perpetrators of great 
crimes. Thus on the occasion of the 
mutilation of the Hermse, -fiaav yap 
Kara rb KAeowv jxov \pr](picrjj.a x' L ^- LaL 
dpaxpal, Kara 8e rb IlziaavSpov /nv- 
piai. Andoc. de My st. p. 14. Cf. Plu- 
tarch, Alcib. 20; Böcktis Public Eco?i. 
of Athens, p. 248. For the corre- 
sponding Roman custom, consult Gal- 
lus, Note 8 to Scene rv. p. 44. The 
usage of proclaiming commodities for 
sale some days beforehand is men- 
tioned in the Excursus on The Mar- 
kets and Commerce. In some states 
this was compulsory injudicial sales. 
See Theophrast, ap. Stob. Tit. xliv. 
22: Ol fjiku ovv vnb KypvKos KeXevovai 
■KocXiiv Kal TrpoKrjpvTTeiv e'/c irAeio- 
vivv T)/j.€po)v. Cf. Deniosth. i Ars- 
tocr. p. 687: oi rä jxiKpa Kal ko/xlSt} 
(pavXa airoicripi/TTOUTes. 



103 



CHARICLES. 



[Scent: XI. 



this ring ; for, as my mother said, it possesses a secret, the 
explanation of which is lost for ever along with it. But 
what's the matter ? You tremble ; and besides, what brings 
you here at this early hour ?' ' Let us go where we are by 
ourselves,' 5 replied the crone ; 6 for I must speak with you.' 
4 Not now, my good Manto ; I must go back to the bath, 
whither I have already dispatched Manes. Eest awhile 
here, and await my return.' 



The city had gradually awakened to its wonted every- 
day activity. The market-place was beginning to fill ; and 
though many were missing, who had not yet got over the 
unpleasant consequences of yesterday's carouse, the soberer 
section of the community adhered to the usual custom, and 
met at the regular hour in this focus of city life. Ctesiphon, 
having found the Gymnasium very thin to-day, was here in 
hopes of meeting some friends. A number of people were 
standing before a pillar in the arcade of the Trapezitse, 
reading a notice. e Gro and see what it is,' said he to his 
attendant. The slave ran off, and soon returned quite out 
of breath. 4 Master,' he exclaimed, 4 what a lucky fellow 
our Satyros is ! Charicles has lost a ring, and promises two 
niinse to the person that restores it to him. Satyros is the 
finder ; I saw him yesterday with just such an one, which 
he had picked up in the street.' 4 Or stolen,' replied 
Ctesiphon ; 4 for that's just like the fellow. Was not he 
with me and Charicles at the bath yesterday ? To be sure ! 
and Charicles wore two rings. 6 The knave has purloined 
it. Follow me.' 



5 Greece avroi ecrfiev. Plato, Leg. 
viii. p. 836. So Plaut. Cos. ii. 2, 25 : 
Nos sumus. 

6 The free Greek, if not of the very 
poorest class, wore a ring, not only as 
an ornament, but as a signet, to attest 
his signature, or fox making secure 
his property. See Excursus on The 



Grecian House ; and Notes 6, 7, and 
8 to Scene ix. The antiquity of this 
usage cannot be certainly determined. 
No trace of it, however, is to be found 
in Homer. And Pliny, Nat. Hist. 
xxxiii. 1, 4, rightly concludes from 
Horn. Od. viii. 443, that the use of the 
signet-ring was at that time unknown. 
Odysseus merely ties the xv^s, con- 



SCEPTE XL] 



THE RING. 



199 



After a vain hunt, Charicles had returned home, and 
was pacing, out of humour, up and down the peristyle of 



taining the presents, "with a knot 
taught him by Circe. The legends of a 
later time will not of course prove any- 
thing about the customs of the heroic 
age. Hence the ccppayis of Theseus, 
%v avrbs (pepuv ervx^v, mentioned by 
Pausan. i. 17, 3, or the sealed letters 
of Agamemnon and Phaedra, alluded 
to by Euripides, Iphig. in Aul. 154; 
Hippol. 859, cannot here be adduced 
in evidence. It is highly probable that 
the use of the ring, and the custom of 
sealing, came from the East, where it 
was common; e.g. at Babylon, as is 
affirmed by Herodotus, i. 195, and 
abundantly attested by the hundreds 
of rings and signet cylinders now in 
the British Museum and elsewhere. 
See Layard, Discoveries at Nineveh 
and Babylon, pp. 156, 608. One of 
the oldest accounts is that of the ring 
of Polycrates, though it is uncertain 
■whether this stone was cut, and 
served as a signet, ccppayls. But 
in Solon's time this use of the ring 
was common, as is clear from the law 
he enacted, (see Note 6 to Scene ix.) 
though, from the existence of genuine 
signet rings, we cannot infer that they 
necessarily contained cut stones. In 
la:er times rings served also as orna- 
ments, and hence several were often 
worn, and in the degenerate period 
the hands were literally covered with 
them. Hippias wore two. Plato, 
Hipp. Min. p. 368. But people soon 
went beyond this. So Aristoph. Ec- \ 
cles. 632, we read c<ppayldas ^x oVTes > 
and again, Nub. 332, we have ceppa- 
yiSovuxapyoKonriTai, though the Scho- 
liast's explanation is absurd. De- 
mosthenes too adorned his hands with 
rings in so conspicuous amanner that, 
at a time of public disasters, it was 
stigmatised as unbecoming vanity. 



Dinarch. in Dcmosth. p. 29: Kal Kar- 
aicrxvvav r)]v rrjs ttoXccos So'lcw 
Xpvabv Ik tuv daKrvXwv ava^ajxevos 
TTepieiropevero, rpvcpau eV reus tt\s 
iroXews kclkoIs. And Diog. Laert. v. 
1, says of Aristotle, icd^ri tc (t|i>) 
hcurhfup xP&P-zvus Kai daKrvXlois, 
Kal Kovpa. Of the cost of these 
articles we have frequent mention. 
Thus iElian, Var. Hist. xii. 30, says 
of the Tarentines, 'OpoXoyel Se Kal 
EviroXis eV t<£ MapLKa, ocris avrwv 
evTeXearaTos, ccppaylSas el^e Se'/ca 
ixvwv. Hence the luxury of the later 
ages need not excite our surprise. So 
Lucian, Icaromen. 18: elriva tSoi/xi 
67ri XP V(T <$ p.eya (ppovovvra, ort Sok- 
rvXiovs re el^ey oktw, k.t.X. Id. 
Somn. seu Gall. 12: iyw Se t,-> iadrj- 
ra tt]v eKelvou %x uv /ecu SaKrvXtovs 
ßzptls ocov e/c/cct/Se/ca i^rifXjxeuovs 
twv SaKTvXwv, k.t.X. The value of 
the ring depended in the first instance 
on the stone, and more still on the 
skili of the engraver. The onyx, 2ap- 
5<2os, capBopv}-, was well adapted for 
the display of art, and was therefore 
very highly esteemed. See Lucian, de 
Syria dea, 32 ; and Dial. Meretr. ix.: 
e7%e Se Kal avrbs Tlapfievwu daKrv- 
Xiov eV t<2 [xiKptp ZaKTvXca ^yiCTOV, 
■KoXvyuvov, Kal ^Tjcpos ipeßeßX^ro 
tuu rpLXpoößcov, ipvöpd re fjv eVt- 
iroXrjs. The golden sling-formed ring 
a(pei hopTi, (Plato, de Eepub. ii. p. 359 ; 
Eurip. Hippel. 857,) in which the 
I stone, tyytyos, creppayh, was set, was 
also highly finished and facetted. 
Some rings had no stone, but were 
merely of metal, tyycpoi. Artemidor. 
Oneiroc. ii. 5: 'Ayadol Se Kal ol XP V " 
col {ßaKTvXioi) o'l y€ ^rjcpovs %X 0VT * S ' 
e7rei o'l ye &\pri<poi aKepSels ras e'YX e{ - 
prjceis crrii±aivovci b~ib rb i.^n)<pop. 
^Tjcpov yao KaXov/xev, ticnep XiQov 



200 



CHARICLES. 



[Scene XI. 



the court, when Ctesiphon appeared with a face of joy. 
6 Cheer up,' cried he, 4 your ring is found, and won't cost 
you two minae. The knave that stole it is already fast in 
the pillory.' He then recounted briefly how it had been 
recovered, and expressed surprise that a cracked ring like 
this could be worth so large a reward. Charicles was 
about to explain the reason of his setting so high a value 



rhu «V SaKTvX'iw, ovrw Kai rhu tu>u 
XprifJ-aruv apiBp.6v. As with us, they 
were sometimes solid, sometimes only 
plated, but passed off as solid. Ar- 
tem. lb. : 'Ae: 8e afieivoues oi 6x6- 
(T<pvpoi' 01 yap Ksvol Kai Qeiov evSov 
exovT€S SoXovs Kai iveSpas o-r\[iai- 
vovai diet to ifxirepiexeiv to iyite- 
Kpv/j./xevov, ^ fxel^ouas Tas irpoafionlas 
tS)v wepeXeiwv Siä to jxei^ova tov 
oynov tov ßdpovs %X elv - That women 
also wore rings cannot be doubted, 
though the allusions to the fact are 
very scanty. It would seem that these 
were not the same as those of the 
men, but were of amber, and so forth. 
Artemidor. lb. A snake-shaped ring 
was discovered in a tomb along with 
sundry female ornaments. SeeStack- 
elberg, Gräber d. Hell. pi. 73. The 
ring was worn on the fourth finger, 
Trapdfieo-os. The heading of the lost 
8th chapter of Plutarch, Sympos. iv., 
runs, Aia. t'i to>v SanTvXwv fxaXicrra 
T$ Trapaf/.eo~(t) aeppaylZas (popovaiv ; 
they were therefore so worn usually, 
fidXio-Ta, but not invariably. Men 
did not wear any other gold ornament, 
at least it was much reprobated if they 
did. See a fragment of Anacreon, ap. 
Athen, xii. p. 534 : 

vvv 5' enißalvei craTiveav, xpv<rea <}>opeiov 
Ktx9ep(xa.7a. 

Trais Kv/ctjs, /cat enciaStcr/CTji' l\e^>avTivr,v 

<2>ope'et 
yvvai^lv avrws. 

Whether this word KaOepfxara means 
earrings or bp/xoi is dubious. It was 
considered a dishonour, and a token 



of foreign manners, for men to have 
their ears bored. Xenoph. Anab. iii. 
1, 31 : itXXa tovtco ye ouSe t9\s Boi- 

WTiaS TrpO(T7)K€l Ovdhv, OVT€ T7?S 'EX- 

XaSos TravTairaaiv iirel eyw avrbv 
eldov, ucirep AvSbv, afx<p6repa. tci 
3>Ta T€Tpvinr)nhov. Cf. Diog. Laert. 
ii. 50 ; Aristot. Probl. xxxii. 7. "Wo- 
men and girls, however, not only used 
earrings, iv&Tia, iXX6ßia, eXiKTrj- 
pes, which are seen perpetually on 
vases, but they also wore numerous 
articles of jewellery about the neck, 
(vepiSepaia oppioi,) the arms, (iJ/eA- 
Xia, oepeis,) and on the leg above the 
ankle, {iriZai xP vcra h irepiffKeXiSes, 
Trepi<r<pvpia). Poll. v. 99. Cf. Ari- 
stoph. Acharn. 258 ; Lysistr. 408 ; 
Aves, 669 ; Lysias, in Eratosth. p. 
395. How valuable these ornaments 
sometimes were, appears from Plato, 
Alcib. i. p. 123, where we learn that 
Deinomache, the mother of Alcibia- 
des, wore a k6<t/j,os, Xo'ecs &£ios fxvS>v 
TrevT-hicovTa. Cf, Demosth. in Aphob. 
i. p. 81 7. Concerning a later period, 
see Lucian, Amor. 41 : \l6ovs 'Epv- 
Opaiovs Kara, twv Xoßcov, iroXvTa- 
XavTov TjpT-nfievas ßp?Qos, 3) robs 
irep\ Kapwols Kai ßpax\offi Zpanov- 
Tas, ws äxpeXov ovtws olvt\ xpvaiov 
SpdicovTes elvai. not CTecpdvT) fikv eV 
kvkXw T7]v KecpaX^v irepide?, Xi9ois 
'lvdiKa?s SidffTepos • ■TroXvTeXus Se 
tcou avxeuccv Hpy.oi KaQzivTai na\ 
&XP L TroSajv iaxdrwv tearaße- 

ß-/)Ktv 6 &6Xlos xP vcr ^ s , airav, si tl 
tov vepvpov yvfivovTai, irepicrepiy- 
yav. 



Scexe XL] 



THE KING. 



201 



on it, when a violent knocking was heard at the house- 
door, and Sophilos hurried through the entrance-hall with 
hasty steps. Everything about him evinced an anxious 
state of suspense, so much so that he even forgot the salu- 
tation. 4 I have just come from the market-place,' said he, 
turning to Charicles, £ where the crier was proclaiming that 
you had lost a ring. Tell me, who gave you that ring ? ' 
4 It's found,' answered the other ; 4 for which I have to 
thank my friend Ctesiphon here. Look, here it is.' So- 
philos snatched the ring. 4 The very same !' he exclaimed 
vehemently. 4 Tell me, how came you by it ? ' 4 An odd 
sort of question ! ' replied Charicles. 4 My mother gave it 
me on her death-bed. 44 Keep it safe," said she, 44 per- 
adventure it is the best part of thine inheritance. It can 
lead you to fortune, if it should be found by him who 
understands its speech." ' 4 By Olympian Zeus ! ' shouted 
Sophilos, 4 that man has found it, and I am he. With 
this very ring I had my third child exposed, because, fool 
that I was, two male heirs seemed quite enough to me at 
that time. 7 One-and-twenty years have rolled by since 
then ; that is thine age, and thou art my son ! ' 

The vehemence with which he spoke, and the rejoicing 
consequent on the discovery, had brought to the spot every 
creature in the house, and among others, Manto, who had 
vainly waited to have an interview with Charicles. She 
now seized his knees, and said, 4 It was I that raised thee 
up from the altar of Pity, and brought thee to thy childless 
mother, who had long made preparations for passing the 
cheat upon her husband ; and it was no sin to do so, for 
Charinos was now content, and you found in them two fond 
parents and careful guardians of your infancy.' 4 Manto ! ' 
exclaimed Sophilos, astonished ; 4 you are the woman that 
artfully dodged my faithful Carion yesterday ? But stay ! 
The ring was not the only thing exposed with the child ; 
where are the rest ? Manto was for a moment perplexed, 



7 See Longus, Pastor, iv. p. 126. 



202 



CHAKICLES. 



[Scene XL 



and answered nothing. At last she said, 'There was a 
collar too, with trinkets, hung round the babe's neck, I 
confess. I have kept it back, but still have it all safe.' 
6 So every thing tallies exactly,' exclaimed Sophilos ; 4 but 
why refuse my slave an explanation yesterday ? ' 6 How 
should I know that it was your slave ?' said she. 'I feared 
some unwelcome father might turn up and oppose the 
match that I'm longing for.' 4 In sooth, that was cunning,' 
replied Sophilos ; 6 and it is well that you remind me. 
Charicles, you are my son, and my first paternal command 
is, that you marry Cleobule. How ? still refuse ? ' 4 Father,' 
said the overjoyed young man, 'I desire no greater happi- 
ness.' 6 And you will resign Pasias' daughter to me now, 
won't you ?' interposed Ctesiphon. 4 To you ?' asked Cha- 
ricles, amazed. 6 Ha ! I see now the cause of your strange 
manner : and would you really have made that sacrifice 
too for me ?' 4 Willingly,' returned his friend, 4 if it would 
have made you happier.' 4 Excellent young man,' said 
Sophilos ; 4 1 will myself woo her for you, if you like. But 
now to Cleobule. We must first send word to her, but 
not by you, Manto, for you'll blurt everything out all at 
once. Go,' said he to his slave, 4 and merely say that I am 
coming to her with an agreeable attendant. Not a syllable 
more ; do you hear ? And you, Charicles, attire yourself 
as becomes a bridegroom.' 

4 One word more,' said Charicles to Ctesiphon, as they 
parted ; 4 forgive Satyros the punishment ; for if he had 
not filched the ring, I should not now be the lucky man I 
am.' 8 4 The knave does not deserve it,' replied Ctesiphon ; 
4 but for your sake be it so.' 

Little did Cleobule dream of the happy turn of events, 
which was, on a sudden, about to realise all her fondest 



fl In the comedy, slaves who have 
grievoiisly transgressed are par- 
doned if the confusion they have 
caused is satisfactorily cleared up. 



See the Andria and Heautontimoru- 
menos of Terence ; and the Epidicus 
and Mostellaria of Plautus. 



Scene XL] 



THE EING. 



203 



wishes. Giving way to her meditations, she had gone with 
Chloris into the garden adjoining the house, and whilst the 
maid gathered into her lap a heap of odorous violets, 9 
Cleobule stood in tranquil reverie before a tree, and with 



9 Little is known of the state of 
the art of gardening among the 
Greeks, except that it must have been 
at a very low ebb, at least as regards 
the ornamental part. Böttiger ground- 
lessly blames antiquarians and writ- 
ers on the subject for making a jump 
from the gardens of Alcinoos and the 
Paradises of the Persian Satraps to 
the box-hedges of Pliny, without re- 
garding the art of gardening among 
the Greeks. What can be said on the 
subject when the ancients have left 
us almost entirely in the dark ? The 
whole series of writers, down to the 
very latest Roman period, contain 
hardly a mention of gardens or gar- 
dening. Böttiger' s treatise on the 
subject does not contain one word 
about real Greek gardening; he stops 
where he ought to begin to instruct. 
The reason for the neglect of this 
pleasing art by the Greeks is pretty 
apparent. Their flora was insignifi- 
cant, and apart from the improve- 
ments of art it was not showy enough 
to stimulate the industry of the Greek, 
and who, moreover, evidently had but 
little sympathy for beauty of land- 
scape. See Note 1 1 to Scene in. The 
groves of the gods were the only 
things of the kind, and these were 
composed in a great measure of fruit- 
trees. See Xenoph. Andb. v. 3, 12; 
Sophocl. (Edip. Colon. 16, sqq. Pau- 
sanias, however, (i. 21, 9,) speaking 
of a grove of Apollo at Athens, says : 
evda 'Air6\Xoovos KaWiarou d\<ros 
5eV8pcoj/ Kal Tjfxipwv Kal oaa rwv 
andpircov y](r\xr\v -n-ape^erat riva ir) 6eas 
ydovtiu. Plato even speaks, though 
rather problematically, of works on 
horticulture, Min. p. 316: Tlvwv oZv 



eVn rix irepl kt]itwv ipyaaias o~vy- 
ypdixfxara Kal vofxijxa ; If such existed, 
we may be sure that they treated 
rather of the operations of agriculture 
or the kitchen-garden, than of flori- 
culture. The flowers most cultivated 
were those adapted for chaplets, as 
violets, roses, parsley, and so on ; and 
in these perhaps there was a regular 
trade. Thus in Demosth. in Nicostr. 
p. 1251, a rose-plantation, poScaviav 
ßXacrrdvovaau, is keptbya man whom 
we should hardly suspect of doing 
so for pleasure only. Excepting the 
KTjirovs evc&deis, Aristoph. Aves, 1066. 
there appears to be no other mention 
made of Greek flower-gardens during 
the better period. At a later time, 
under the Ptolemies, and especially 
at Alexandria, great progress appears 
to have been made ; and the gardeners 
there studied particularly to have 
roses and other flowers all the year 
round, an object which the climate 
rendered easy of attainment. Cal- 
lixen. ap. Athen, v. p. 196: t) yap 
Puyvirros r^v tov irepn : x 0VT0S aepos 
evKpaaiav Kal 8ia robs Kfjirevovras to, 
(TTzaviws Kal Ka& upau ive<TT7]Ku?av iu 
erepuis <pv6/j.eua tSttois a<pdova yevva 
Kal 5iä iraurbs, Kal ovre poSov, ovre 
XevKo'iov, ovre &Wo paS'tcas avQos 
iKXnrew ovdhu ovdeTTOT eiooQev. But 
whether the art advanced in Greece 
itself cannot be determined ; for the 
parks described by Longus, Past. iv. 
p. 108, and by Achill. Tat.i. 15, are 
onlyAsiatic7rapaSeicroi. See Plutarch, 
Alcib. 24 ; Xenoph. (Econ. 4, 21. The 
Grecian gardens were much simpler 
affairs ,at least so they are represented 
by Longus, Past. ii. p. 36 : KriirSs 
i(TTi ixoi tcüu i/xSov xe l P<*>v, • • • ocra &pai 



204 



CHAR1CLES. 



[SCEJTE XI. 



the clasp of her chiton scratched letters in the young 
bark. 10 Suddenly she stopped : 6 What was it you said 
yesterday, Chloris,' enquired she, 4 that when our ears tingle 
somebody is thinking about us?' 11 4 Most certainly!' 
cried the maiden, starting up. 4 But what are you about ? 
Well I never, — if you aren't cutting your thoughts on 
the tree. 44 Handsome," stands here 12 — shall I go on ? 44 is 
Charicles ; " and below, 44 Handsome is Cleobule." Hold ! ' 
cried the sportive damsel, 4 there is something toward. A 



(pepovai, iravra %x<»v iv aliTCf na& 
upav €Ka<TTriv. 7 Hpos ^6da, Kpiva 
Kal vaKivdos, Kal fa a/j.(p6rfpa' 0e- 
povs firjKwves Kal d^paSes, Kal fir)\a 
■xdvra ' vvv d/rjreAoi Kal avKa?, Kal 
poial, Kai fxvpra x^P"" And Plu- 
tarch, de cap. ex inim. util. 10, says : 
fatTirep ot x a p' ieVT * s 7""P7ol to p65a 
Kal tk id ße\riw iroielv vifxi^ouai, 
CK6poZa Kal KpöfAfAva irapa<pvrevovTes : 
which shows that the flowers were 
more grown for cutting than to 
ornament the garden ; for the leeks 
and onions growing among roses and 
violets are scarcely compatible with 
aesthetical gardening. On this sub- 
ject see Gallus, p. 362. 

10 The sentimental lovers' amuse- 
ment of cutting each other's names in 
the bark of trees is mentioned at a 
period a little later than that here in 
question. See a fragment of Calli- 
machus, preserved in the Schol. to 
Aristoph. Acharn. 144 : 

'AAA' eye 5tj 4>\olol<ti neKOßixeva. roacra <|>o- 
pelre 

•ypaju.ju.ara, Kv8lmrr)v '6<ra epeovari Ka.\rjv. 

Theocr. xviii. 47: 

TpajujuaTa 8' ev <£Aoia> yeypa\}/€Tai, ws 
irapitöv Tt? 

iyyvoifi, AcdptcrTt* Se'/Sou ju,', 'EAeVas (frvTOV 
elfti. 

So Lucian, Arno r. 16, says of the youth 
who fell in love with the Venus of 
Praxiteles : iras [xaAaKov hzvZpov 



<p\oibs 'AtypoS'n-qv /caAV iKr)pvo~o~€v. 
Cf. Anthol. Pal. ix. 341 ; Aristsen. 
Epist. i. 10 ; Eustath. ad 11. vi. 169. 

11 Lucian, Dial. Mer. ix. : ? ttov, 
3> Tlapjxivoov, ißSfxßei rd SLra vjjAV ; 
del yap i/j.€fj.vr)To i) K^KTt]jxiv7] /.lcto. 
daKpvoop. 

12 It was very common to express 
the emotions of the heart by a Ka\bs 
or KaKrj, written with the surname 
upon a wall or pi liar. Schol. on Aris- 
toph. Vespce, 98 : iireypa<pov Se oi 
'A8rjpa7oi rd t£ov KaXasv ovofiara 
ovtws' 6 deTva Ka\6s. eypacpov Se 
Kal iv Tolxois Kal iv dvpais Kal (Sttov 
rv XV- See Suidas, s. v. 6 8e7va KaA6s. 
Cf. also Plut. Eryll. 7 ; Böttiger, Va- 
sengemälde, iii. p. 64 ; Amalthea, iii. 
p. 344. These irpoypdixjxaTa were 
very numerous, and the walls and 
pillars of the market and Cerameicos 
served the purpose, to same extent, 
of a daily journal. And as in these, 
false announcements and accounts of 
marriages are inserted, so at Athens 
similar malicious reports were also 
promulgated. Lucian, Dial. Mer. 
iv. : 67re^^a odv 'Afa'Sa KaraffKetyo- 
ix£vi)v' i) 5' dAAo fj.ev ovb~ev eupe, 
Tovro Se \x6vov i-my^ypajxjxivov io~i- 
6vtcov «rl to. 5e|t'a npbs tw AnrvXa, 
MeAiTTa <pi\e7 'Ep/xSri/JLOv, Kal 
fiiKpbv avdts imoKaTCt}, 'O vavK\r)pos 
'Epfj.oTiy.os <pi\(7 MeAiTTCw. 



Scene XI.] 



THE RING. 



205 



lucky omen ! See how my right eye twitches.' 13 She 
turned to the sun, and sneezed : ' Zeus our preserver ! ' 14 
said she, ' or Aphrodite ! But where can that Manto be V 
she added impatiently. 6 1 haven't seen her the whole 
morning,' said Cleobule ; ' where is she ? ' 6 She has gone 
with the clothes to the wash,' 15 was the ready subterfuge 
of the maid. 

At this moment a slave hastened in with the message 
from Sophilos. Cleobule crimsoned. 'And who is the 
attendant?' queried Chloris hastily. 'The servant who 
came with the message assured me that he knew no more,' 
was the slave's answer. 'Suppose it were a stranger,' 
suggested Cleobule : ' Chloris, to-day you again gave me 
the chiton without sleeves and lappet. I can't possibly 



18 The involuntary twitching of 
the eyelids was held a favourable 
presage. Theocr. iii. 37 : 

aAAercu £><£0aA/uös juev 6 Se£iös" apdy' iS-qarS} 
avrdv ; 

Cf. Plaut. Pseud, i. 1, 105. 

14 From Horn. Odyss. xvii. 545, and 
numerous other passages, it is plain 
that an augury was taken from invo- 
luntary sneezing. Absurdly enough, 
it has even been supposed that the 
8aifx6i/iov of Socrates consisted in this. 
Plutarch, de Gen. Socr. 1 1 : Meyapi- 
kov twos ¥)Kov(Ta, Teptyiwvos 5e €- 
Kzivos, '6ti t6 'S.oiKparovs Saifxöviov 
irTapiJ.bs -fjv 8 re irap ovtov ku\ ö 
trap' &XXuv. The superstition was 
widely spread, and undoubtingly be- 
lieved in. Thus Aristoph. Aves, 719 : 
vTa.piJ.bv opviQa KaXeiTe. Aristot. 
Prob, xxxiii. 7: AiA ri rbv fxev 
■KTapfj-bv Oeby rjyovfxeda elvai; So 
also, prob. 9, and prob. 11. Cf. Anthol. 
Pol. xi. 375 ; also Suid. and He- 
sych. s. v. t,vfxß6\ovs. The import- 
ance attached to the omen is clearly 
seen from Xenoph. Anab. iii. 2, 9, 
where Xenophon asserts in the coun- 



cil: <rvv tols Qeols iroXXaX tuxiv Kai 
KaXaX iXiriSes eiCt auTrjpias. Tovro 
Se XeyovTos avrov irrapwral ris. 
aKovaavres Se ol ffTpariwTai, irdv- 
res fitq, 6pfj.fj irpocreKvvrjo-ai/ rbv 6«6v. 
Kai "Eevocpobv elire ' Ao/cel fxoi, 3> 
e7ret Trepl arwrrjpias rjfxwv Xey6vTwv 
olwvbs rod Aibs rod 2cott)/>os icpavir), 
ev^aarQai rep 0e<j3 k.t.X. The usual 
form of address in such cases was, 
Zeu ausaov. 

15 Concerning the washing or 
scouring of clothes, see Gallus, p. 449. 
Among the Greeks as well as among 
the Eomans it was done entirely away 
from home, and by people who made 
it their exclusive occupation. See 
Theophr. Char. 10 ; Machon, ap. 
Athen, xiii. p. 582. TlXvveiv waa 
said of linen clothes, Kvatysfeiv or 
yvacpevetvof woollen ones. Eustath. 
ad Od. xxiv. 148 : rb 8e irXvueiu, t 
vvv iir\ Xtveov (pdpovs ippiQt], yvacpeitiv 
$1 Kvacpeveiv iirl twv tpiwSuiv Xeyerai. 
See Moer. Attic, p. 242; cf. Aristoph. 
Lysistr. 470 : Plutarch, de San. Tu- 
end. 20. 



203 CHAEICLES. [Scene Si. 

receive them as I am. Come, dress me directly.' Chloris 
followed her mistress to her chamber, and opened the 
capacious chest containing her richest clothes, from which 
arose the sweet odour of the Median apples placed be- 
tween the dresses. 16 'What shall it be?' she enquired. 
' A yellow byssos-chiton, or this one embroidered with 
flowers ? ' 4 By no means,' said Cleobule ; ' something 
simpler than those. Grive me the new white diplois, with 
the purple stripe down the sides, and the open sleeves. 
So : now, fasten the sleeves, and give me the girdle. Mind 
that the border of the lappet is level with the colpos.' 
The attendant had now finished dressing her mistress. 
'We've no time for braiding your hair,' said she, 'and 
that coloured kerchief wrapped round it suits you ex- 
quisitely.' Cleobule took the mirror, and surveyed her- 
self. ' Well, it will do,' was her decision ; ' but put me 
on some other sandals. No, not those purple ones embroi- 
dered in gold ; bring the white pair with the red strings.' 

Scarcely had Chloris finished her labours, when Sophi- 
los and a young gentleman were announced. ' Oh ! if it 
were Charicles ! ' whispered the abigail into the ear of her 
blushing mistress. And he it was ; and a scene followed, 
such as neither the chisel of the sculptor, nor the limner's 
pencil, no, nor the style of the poet, would be able to de- 
lineate. 17 'Well I thought,' said Sophilos smiling, to 
Cleobule, ' that you liked him better than me ; but don't 
let us tarry. The betrothing shall take place to-day, and 
in three days we'll celebrate the wedding.' 18 



16 Citrons or oranges, Ylepo-ina % 
Mrj5i«a /xT]\a, were placed among the 
clothes.partlyon account of the agree- 
able smell, partly for a protection 
against the moths. Theophr. Hist. 
PI. iv. 3 : ichu els ifxaria redf} rb 
fxrjXov, &Koira diarrjpei. 

17 Charit, iii. 8: teal &(p6r) 8eafia 
KaWicrrov, oTov aire faypdcpos e- 
")oai\iev, ovre TrAacrrTjs enAaaey, ovre 



ironjr^s \aropr\ife jxexp 1 vvv. Cf. 
Plaut. Asia. i. 3, 22. 

18 In the comedies the marriage 
often follows immediately after the 
betrothal. Plaut. Trin. v. 2, 64 : 
Numquid causae est, quin uxorem cra3 
domum ducam ? 

and in the Auhdaria and Ourculio 
the marriage takes place on the same 
day. 



209 



SCENE THE TWELFTH. 

THE WEDDING-DAY. 

AND now for one glance at the occurrences of that day 
whereon Charicles was united to Cleobule. The pro- 
posal of Sophilos to hasten the marriage was not at all 
likely to embarrass a Grecian bride ; on the contrary, a 
courtship lasting several months was a thing quite out of 
the usual way. All the requisite preparations had been 
long since made. In like manner as the royal damsel 
Nausicaa, at the warning of Athena, provided the bridal 
clothes for herself and her attendants before a husband 
had been chosen for her ; 1 so every Grecian house had 
always a superfluity of such bravery ; and how much more 
therefore one in which plenty and abundance reigned ? As 
it was, however, what with the ceremony of the affiancing 
as appointed by law, and the customary sacrifices, both 
parties found enough to occupy them during the few in- 
tervening days. Charicles, in compliance with his fathers 
invitation, had for the present taken up his quarters at 
his house, in which the women's apartments had been 
hastily cleaned up, and furnished with everything necessary 
for the proper reception and convenience of the bride. The 
wreaths of fresh spring-flowers, ornamenting the door in 
rich festoons, proclaimed to the passer-by the festal day : 
while inside the mansion, cooks and slaves were busily 
making ready for the marriage-feast, which was to be cele- 
brated by a numerous assemblage of the relations and 
trends of either party. Even Phorion himself, departing 
from his usual custom, had agreed to be present ; and 
Pasias too, who had already promised Ctesiphon his 
daughter in marriage, was among those invited. 

' Odyss. vi. 27 : 

crol Se ya/mo? cr\ , eSoi' Icrriv, 'iva XPV Ka\a. nev avryju 
evvvo~0at., tol 6e rotcri napao-xeii', o'i ks a 1 aytoviai. 

P 



210 



CHAKICLES. 



[SCENE XII. 



In the chamber of Charicles, Manes had arranged the 
festal garments designed for the occasion. These consisted 
of a soft chiton of fine Milesian wool, with a himation of 
dazzling whiteness, which had been purposely chosen with- 
out the usual purple border. Beside it stood the elegant 
half-shoes, their crimson thongs fastened with clasps of 
gold. Chaplets of myrtle-twigs, with violets interwoven, 
lay also ready ; and Sophilos had added two silver alab as- 
tro, filled with costly unguents, in case Charicles might like 
to make use of them on so special an occasion. The 
bridegroom himself was still at the bath, with Ctesiphon, 
previous to going with his friend to fetch away the bride : 
for who else could he have preferred for bridegroom's 
man ? 2 

The household of Cleobule was not a whit less busy. 
The sun had sunk half-way from the meridian, yet the 
bridal array was still unfinished. Cleobule sat upon a 
settle in her apartment, which was filled with perfume, 
and held the silver disc of the mirror in her hand ; while 
Chloris sedulously arranged her hair, and the mother 
inserted the pearl-drops in the ears of her daughter. ' Do 
make haste,' she cried impatiently to the maid ; s how in- 
tolerably slow you are to-day, and it will be evening anon. 



2 The TrapdvvfjKpos, or irdpoxos, 
was certainly a youthful friend of the 
wfMpios. The passages cited in the 
Excursus on The Women, though 
tney do not distinctly say so, still im- 
ply it; moreover, Hesychius explains 
trcupos and Trapdvv[x<pos as synony- 
mous. 

3 The various methods of measuring 
the day employed by the ancients have 
been very fully discussed in Gallus, 
pp. 315-321 ; but the Greek method 
was not precisely the same as that 
employed at Rome; at least the former 
nation retained a very ancient method 



which never perhaps obtained footing 
amongtheEomans. According to He- 
rod, ii. 109, (on the meaning of the 
words tt6\os and yvwfxwv see Bähr's 
note,) the Greeks themselves did not 
invent the gnomon, having derived it 
from Babylon : tt6\ov fxkv yap Kal 
yuw/xova, /col ra, SvcaSeKa fxepea tt)s 
7]p.ipr]S irapa, BaßvXuviwv e/xadov ol 
"E\Kr]ves. But, according to other 
accounts, Anaximander was the in- 
ventor. See Suidas, s. v. yvwii&v. 
Also Diog. Laert. ii. 1 : evpe Se Kal 
yvwfxova irpwros Kal eo~rrjo~€v eirt 
ra>v arKioÖTipoov iv AaKedal/j.ovi. The 
yvwp.<av, or aroix^ov, as it was also 



Scene XU.] THE WEDDING-DAY. 



211 



Gro, Menodora,' she said to another slave, ' go and 
measure the shadow on the sun-dial 3 in the garden.' 6 We 



called, -was, unquestionably, the most 
ancient means of measuring the day. 
It consisted of a perpendicular staff 
or pillar, the length of whose shadow- 
was measured in feet. An untenable 
hypothesis was started by Salmasius, 
that the observer measured his own 
shadow with his feet, and this has 
been recently revived by Ideler. The 
whole is a mi stake, arising from a mis- 
conception of Hesychius, s. v. kirra- 
ttous gkiol; and of Phot. Lex. p. 539. 
The gnomon is seldom mentioned 
except in reference to the hour of 
supper or of the bath : for the first, 
a shadow ten or twelve feet long is 
assigned, Aristoph. Eceles. 652: 

(rot Se (j.e\rj<rei 
OTavfi SeKriTTovvrb OTOi-xeloi' Kt-napof x^pelv 

£771 SeiTTfOV ' 

on which the Scholiast remarks : ?; rod \ 
r\Xiov (TKia '6tov rj Sena irt}X&v. 64- 
Ae: oiv eiveiv, '6t€ yiverai c\|/e. 
Menanderap. Athen, vi. p. 243 ; Poll, 
vi. 44. See also Suidas, and Hesych : 
AwSeKCLTToSos " ovtws eXeyov iXXenr- 
tikus, aroixtiov 7] (TKLus. ovtu) yap 
crvveTidevTO eirl Ztiirvov r)%siv tov 
crroixtiov ovtos Sw8eKa7roSos, us vvv 
trpbs upas (pao-l. It seems probable 
th eref ore that the gnomonwas usually 
so constructed as to throw a shadow 
of about twelve feet shortly before 
sunset, for this was the time at which 
the b~fnrvov usually took place. A 
fragment of Eubulos ap. Athen i. 
p. 8, throws some light on this ques- 
tion : 

ov <t>a.ourapaK\r)6dvT' erri Selnvov npbs <f>ikov 
twos, 

elnovTOS axmZ tov (/h'Aov, otttjviV av 
{Ikoctl ttoSüjv ixerpovvTi to oroi^etoi/ fj, 
rjKfLU, e<o0ev avrbv ei>9vs q\tov 
lieTpelv äfexocTOS* ixatcpoTepas 6" ovcrr)? en 
yXilv rj dvolu noSolv napflvai. r/?s atcias' 



eVeira (fraivai uikoo v bxf/LaiTepov 

Si ä(rx°Atai/ r\<tiv napovO' äfj.' rnxepq. 

Here the gnomon evidently throws a 
shadow of twice the length, i.e. of 
twenty-four feet, and the supper hour 
corresponds to a twenty-foot, instead 
of a ten-foot shadow, as before. An ac- 
curate division of the day into twelve 
equal hours would of course be unat- 
tainable by a method of measurement 
such as that just described; noregard 
being paid to the varying declination 
of the sun throughout the year. The 
di ff erences owing to this source would , 
however, be of less magnitude in the 
latitude of Greece than in that of Eng- 
land, and were probably disregarded, 
dinner being served, orav y Bexdnrow 
to cttoix^ov. For the hour of bath- 
ing, a six-foot shadow is spoken of, at 
least in the later period. Lucian, Cro- 
nos. 17 : Aoveadai /xev, ottStciv to 
aToix^ou k^airovv y. Cf. Somti. seit 
Gallus, 9. We must remark, that 
the word yvu\xuv was afterwards ap- 
plied to every upoXoyt.oi>, and even to 
the KX^vbpa. See Athen, ii. p. 42. 
The ttSXos, or proper sun-dial, also 
called aKiadrjpas or T]XioTp6iriov, is 
not often alluded to ; though, setting 
aside the allusion of Herodotus, it 
appears from Poll. iv. 46, that in the 
time of Aristophanes it was used, and 
not the mere gnomon only, as Ideler, 
Lehrb. d. Chronol. i. p. 98, would per- 
suade us. Pollux says, to 5e koXov- 
fievov wpoXoyiov fjirov ttoXov &v Tis 
eiVrot, (pr)crauTos 'ApiCTocpdvovs Iv 
TripvTaSr] ' ttoXos tovt' %o~tiv ' e/ca- 

0-T0.-KOGT7\V T)XlOS TtTpLXTTTai J ' The 

tt6\os was like a basin, Xenavls, in the 
centre of which stood the vertical staff 
{yvufxuv), and on it the SwSe/ca /xepri 
of the day were marked with lines. 
I Poll. vi. 110; and Alciphr. Epist. iii. 
2 



212 



CHARICLES. 



rscENE xn. 



have the clepsydra 4 here,' interposed Chloris ; 6 see how 
much water there is left in it ; it will run off ouce more 
before sunset.' 4 1 am sure she's wrong,' said Cleobule ; 



4 : 'O yvwfxow ovirca c/aa^ei ttjv €k- 
tt)V . . . ei yap Kal oXtjv KaraßaXou- 
fjiev tV kIovsl tV rb mKpbv rovro 
wpoXdyiov avixovvav, rbv yvw- 
fiova rptyofitv e/ceTcre vtvetv, ou ra- 
X>-ov Swrjaerai ras &pas airoo~7)fxai- 
veiu, ecrTOt rb ßovXsvfxa HaXa/xir)- 
dziov. Suid.: yvwfxwv rb ivro7si]Xio- 
rpoirLOis irriyvvfxevov, oirep icpeupev 
'Aua^lfxaudpos Kal ecrrrjaev eVl rwv 
aKiodripwu. Cf. Lucian, Lcxiph. 4. 

4 The nXttyvdpa as ltitle deserves 
the appellation of clock as the gno- 
mon does. The use of the clepsydra 
in courts of law is mentioned by Ari- 
stophanes, (Acham. 692 ; Vesp. 93, 
857,) as such a matter of course, that 
we conclude that in his time it was no 
novelty. We have the fullest infor- 
mation as to its form and structure 
from Aristot. Probl. xvi. 8, though 
there is still some doubt as to its size 
and time of running out. It was a 
hollow ball, perhaps flattened a little 
at the top, whence from its likeness to 
a poppy-head the ball was called kw- 
5eta, or KwUa. For the introduction 
of the water, there was at the top an 
opening which was extended into a 
short neck, avXos, which might be 
closed by a stopper, (irwiia, irwp.a- 
(etv,) to stop the water from flowing 
out, iiriXaßelu rb v5wp. On the 
nether side, opposite to this neck, were 
several small orifices, rpviriifiara, 
forming a kind of colander or filter, 
through which the water slowly trick- 
led out. Aristotle is describing various 
hydrostatic and pneumatic experi- 
ments which may be tried with the 
clepsydra, and his description is such 
as to leave no doubt as to its construc- 



tion. It is plain, however, that he had 
not a transparent ball in view ; and 
we have no authority for supposing 
that at that period glass vessels could 
be constructed of the size which the 
clepsydrae ordinarily were. Indeed, 
a fragment of Bato, ap. Athen, iv. 
p. 163, precludes the notion of the 
clepsydra being transparent : 

IrretÖ' eu>9ev irepidyeis t^jc krjKvdov 
KaTafxavOavtav TOvXaiov, iocrre nepi<j>epeiv 
wpoAdytoi/ So£ei rts, ov^i kr)<vBov. 

Smaller ones of glass there majr have 
been, and, at a later period, were 
common. Experience however taught 
that this instrument could not be 
relied on, the rapidity with which the 
water flowed out being influenced by 
the temperature. Athen, ii. p. 42: 
(Tva-reWei 8e avrb (rb vSap) Ka\ irvKvoi 
fxaXXov rb -tyvxos, 8t2> Kal iv ro?s 
yv(t3fxo(Ti peov ovk avaS'iSwcri ras &pas 
iv t$ xeijuwrj, aXXa irepirrevei, ßpa- 
Svrepas ovo-rjs rrjs eKporjs Sta. rb 7rd- 
Xos. According to iEneas Tact. 22, 
this inequality could be remedied by 
partially stopping with wax. The 
Greeks were acquainted with the 
division of the twelve natural hours of 
the day, but no hint is ever given of 
reckoning by hours ; so that in Scene r. 
p. 4, instead of the fourth hour, it 
would be better perhaps to say, the 
time of full market. 

Whether the clepsydra was often 
used in private life, as well as in 
courts of justice, is doubtful; itwouli 
seem probable that it was. A clep- 
sydra belonging to Plato, which served 
for the whole night, is described by 
Aristocles, ap. Athen, iv. p. 174 : Ae- 
| ytrai Se TlXarwva [xiKpdv riva iv- 
\ voiav dovvat rod Karao~Kevdo~ixaios 



Scent: XTL] 



THE WEDDING-DAY. 



213 



6 it must be later.' Menodora, however, returned with 
the assurance that the shadow was only eight feet long, 
and it therefore wanted some time yet to evening. 

At last Chloris had drawn the bandeau through Cleo- 
bule's luxuriant locks, and had fastened the bridal veil 5 on 
her head with a golden tiring-pin ; and Menodora twined 
the white thongs of the embroidered sandals round the feet 
of her mistress. Her mother then opened an ivory casket, 
and took out of it a broad necklace of gold, richly set with 
precious stones, and the serpent-shaped armlets, which com- 
pleted her attire. Cleobule took the mirror once again, and 
surveyed herself in it : the clothes-chests were then locked, 
and she awaited with maidenly timidity the arrival of the 
escort that was to conduct her away, though her sensations 
were far from those of her former wedding-day. 

The water-clock had emptied itself a second time, the 
sun had completed his course, and the rooms of the house 
grew duskier apace, when the carriage destined to carry 
home the bride, drawn by stately mules and surrounded 
by a numerous band of attendants, drove up to the door, 
which was profusely hung with garlands. 

The bridegroom and his man, accompanied by the 
happy father of the former, now entered and received the 
bride from the hands of her mother, in order to escort her 
to the carriage, in which Charicles and Ctesiphon took 
their seats, one on each side of the veiled fair. The 
mother kindled the marriage-torch, the attendants follow- 



vvKTepivbv TTOi-ficravTa wpoXoyiov ioi- 
tcbs rw v$pav\iK(3, olov KXstyvZpav 
fieyaKriv \iav. See also Athen, xiii. 
p. 567, where another instance of 
its domestic use occurs. 

5 Numerous as are the extant ac- 
counts of marriage solemnities, still 
they do not suffice for the con- 
struction of a connected and detailed 
description of the ceremony. It is 
not known whether, when a widow 



was re-married, the same formalities 
were observed as at the first mar- 
riage ; for instance, the festive es- 
cort to her abode, the veiling, the 
procession with torches, the Ana- 
calypteria, and so on. Some of 
these ceremonies were probably 
omitted ; but the excuse for their 
introduction in this place must be, 
that the first marriage might be 
considered to have hardly taken 
place at all. 



214 



CHAEICLES. 



[Scene XII. 



ing her example, and thus the procession moved off amid 
the music of the flutes and the merry song of Hymenaeos 
to the house of Sophilos, where the pair were received on 
entering, according to an ancient custom, with a symbo- 
lical rain of sweetmeats and small coins. They then 
proceeded at once to the hall, which was brilliantly 
lighted up for the festival ; the couches of the males being 
arranged on one side of it, and on the other the seats of 
the females. 

After the bride-cakes had been partaken of, as mid- 
night began to approach, Cleobule's mother accompanied 
the pair to the quiet thalamos : again the loud burden 
of Hymenaeos re-echoed before its closed doors, and never 
perhaps had the god hovered more delightedly over a 
bridal-chamber 



APPENDIX. 



EXCURSUS TO SCENE I. 



EDUCATION. 

IN attempting to combine a multitude of scattered allusions 
into a connected account of education among the Greeks, 
it "will be desirable to investigate not only their system of in- 
tellectual culture and training in the higher sense of the word, 
but also to consider the corporeal nurture, the first occupations of 
the children, their general habits and behaviour, their toys, the 
ballads and fairy tales of the nurses and attendants, with all the 
minutiae of the nursery. Such petty domestic traits are quite as 
deserving of attention as the instruction conveyed in the public 
gymnasia, and the schools of the Grammarians. 

In this sense the 7raiceia commences with the hour of birth ; 
it is the training and bringing up till the moment when the youth 
became an independent burgher, and under the immediate control 
of the law. Plato, Leg. ii. p. 659. Cf. Heliod. sEthiojj. i. 13. 

Throughout Greece, except in Sparta (Plutarch, Lycurg. 16), 
the new-born babe was wrapped in anra.pya.va, immediately after 
the first bath. So Plato, Leg. vii. p. 789 : jJ.i\P L Zvoiv krdlv to 
yevö\xevov a-irapyaväv. Whether these airapyava were mere swad- 
dling-clothes is not quite clear. See Aristot. de Republ. vii. 17 : 
irpbg le to fi)) £taoTpe0£<70cu ra- fxe\r] (tG>v TraiZiiov) a7ra\o- 
r/jra yp&vrai kcu vvv kiua tQjv iQvCov dpyavoig Tiart fj.r]^avLKolg, 
a to awfia 7roiel twv toiovtojv ao-Tpaßeg. On the fifth day, ac- 
cording to Suidas, the first festival in honour of the family- event 
was held, the antyilpcfxia, or Ipojiiajx^Lov i)fj.ap, as it is called by 
Hesychius, who places it on the seventh day : earn he rifiepojv 
£7rra and tj]q yevv))aeojg, ev tj to ßpefyog ßaara^ovTEQ irepi rrjv 
EffTiav yv/jLvol Tpe\ovai. The midwife, or some of the women 
present at the birth, carried the babe round the hearth of the 
house; hence the name. Plato, Thecet. p. 160: /xera le tov to- 
kov ret cifx(pi^p6[jiia avrov uig äXjjdojg ev kvkXu) wepidpe^Teov tu> 
Xoyw. The house-door was ©rnamented with garlands, and a 
feast was given, at which cabbage, pa<pavog, was a standing 



218 



EDUCATION. 



[EXCTTRSTJS. 



dish, as appears from a fragment of Ephippus preserved by 
AthenEeus, ix. p. 370 : 

eneira irais 
ov <TT4(pavo<i ovSe'is eVn irpdaOe rwv 6upwv } 
ov Kvlaa Kpovei piubs vnepoxas ÖKpas, 
5 'A/JKpidpo/j.iai' ovtwv • 4v ols vo/xl^eTat 
birrav re Tvpov XefifiovrjaiTOV to/jlovs, 
tyeiv t' i\ai(j> f>d<pavov riyXa'io fxevrjv. 

The account of Suidas is as follows: 'A/t^tfyouta* fjv TreprrTjv 
ayovaiv ktvi toiq ßpecpecriv. kv 77 cnroKadaipovTat rag j^elpag at 
(Tvya\pafj.eyat Tfjg fiatojffeojg. to ßpe(j)og irepityepovo-L tyiv earlav 
rpe)(OVTeg teat Büpct irijnrovaLV 01 7rpocrriKovreg wg ini to irXeicrTOV 
TroXvTrohag kcli ariTciag. It would almost appear from Plato that 
the father did not declare, until this ceremony, Avhether he would 
rear the child ; for on him it depended whether the infant should 
be brought up or exposed ; a barbarity which was actually autho- 
rised by law. See Petit. Leg. Att. p. 144. Thebes, however, 
was an honourable exception to this rule. iElian, Var. Hist. ii. 7 : 
(i'ojjiog) ort ovk t&GTiv aidpl Qrißaiu) kkideivai Traifiiov, oi/S' elg 
iprjfxiav aWo pl^at, Quvcltov avTOv Ka.Ta\l/r}(j)i(rctiJL£i>og. The off- 
spring of paupers, elg ecrx ara veviirtav, were brought up at the 
public expense ; which was a more humane regulation than the 
proposition of Aristotle, who repudiates airodetrig, but recommends 
üidßXioatg as a check to overpopulation ! De Republ. vii. 16, 
p. 1335 : Trpiv aicrdrj&iv iyyevetrdai /cat £W/v efnroieladat del rrjv 
ufißXwaiv. Still, exposure was not so frequent in regular mar- 
riage as has been usually supposed ; at least this unhappy fate 
fell mostly upon female children, who could even be condemned 
outright to death at the father's pleasure. So says Chremes, 
Terent. Heaut. iv. 1, 21 : 

si meum 

Imperium exsequi voluisses, interemptam oportuit. 

Children were generally exposed, to escape the trouble of rear- 
ing them, or to avoid too great a subdivision of the inheritance. 
Longus, Pastor, iv. p. 126 : "AXX01 Traripeg ileQ^av tovto to 
7rai£tov, 'io-ivg 7raifUW Trpeaßvripcoy ciXtg tyoiTEg. Cf. Terent. 
Adelph. v. 3, 23. Illegitimate children were most frequently 
exposed : and many a childless wife would profit by this oppor- 
tunity to obtain an infant, and pass it off as her own. Dio 



SCEXE I.] 



EDUCATION. 



219 



Chrysost. Orat. xv. p. 447 : eTriffTa/iai yap, on at fiei> eXevdepai 
yvviiiKEQ viroßaKkovrai iroXXatag %i aTraiZiav, orav jj.r) Svvwvrai 
avrai Kvfjcrai. This is well illustrated by the words of Demosth. 
in Mid. p. 563 : f] fiEV yap cnriSoro evdvg yEvojxEvov, ?/ tT i£ov 
avrrj ßeXrio) 7rpiacrdat Trjg 'ivrjg rtfxfjg, tovtov rjyopaae. Cf. JEschin. 
in Timarch. p. 160 : Krjtyurodwpov rov tov MoXwvog tcaXovfXEvov : 
such children were called <ric6rioi. Eustath. ad II. vii. 24. So 
Eurip. Troad. 256 : XsKTpcjv anona rv/j-tyevrripia. Thus (Edipus 
is called xXaarig by Sophocles, (Ed. Tyr. 780. 

The grand festival was the ^ekcltt], celebrated on the tenth 
day, when the relations and friends were invited to a sacrifice and 
banquet (huarriv dvew, and eariäv) ; and this ceremony was held 
as a legal proof that the child was recognised as yrrjcrLog by its 
father. Isaeus, de Pyrrhi Hered. p. 60 : etl Ik Kai iv rrj denary 
Tavrrjg KXrjdevreg crvvEariätrdai {(paaKOvreg). See Demosth. adv. 
Boeot. ovof*. p. 1001 ; also Aristoph. Aves, 493 ; Plato, Leg. vi. 
p. 784. On this occasion presents were made to the child by 
the father and mother, the relatives, and even by the slaves, and 
then also the infant received its name. Aristoph. Aves, 922. 
But according to Aristotle, Hist. An. viii. 11, this took place also 
on the seventh day : ra TcXeTara 3' ävaipe'irai irpb Trjg eß^ö/jaig, 
(5i6 Kai ra oi ofxara tote TtOsvTai : and sometimes perhaps even 
at the Amphidromia, if we are to believe Hesychius, and the 
Scholiast on the Theaitetus of Plato ; Suidas, however, expressly 
fixes it on the tenth day : ry lEKary Ie Tovvofxa r/ötrrai. The 
father mostly chose the name, though it could not have been 
unusual for the mother to do so, as we see from Eurip. Phamiss. 
57, where Jocasta says: 

avSfxaae. rfyv Se irpoadev 'AvTiyövrjv iyca. 

Sometimes the parents fell out on this point ; see the complaint 
of Strepsiades, the Aristophanic George Dandin ; Nub. 60 : 

Meto ravd , Üttws v$v iyeved' vlbs ovroal, 
efxoi T€ 8$7 Kai tt} yvvaiKl, tjj 'yaörj, 
7repi Tobuo/xaros S)j toCt* iAoiSopov/xeda. 

Strepsiades wished to name the boy <I>et<Wtc)/7£, after his grand- 
father, as was most usual. Cf. Eustath. ad II. v. 546 : 'IorfW 
ce icai OTi iraXaiTaTOv kdog fjv, Tovg iyyovovg KaXsladaL roig tCjv 
7ra7T7iw oroLiacnv. This was particularly the case with the eldest 



220 



EDUCATION". 



[Excursus. 



son, as appears from Demosth. adv. Bceot. ovoli. p. 1002 : a£io7 
t)' avroc, wq c>>) irpeaßvTepoe, tov, tovvoli tx eLV T ° T °v npvQ irarpog 
Trcimrov. See also Plutarch, Cimon. 4. But the son was often 
called after his father; as were Demosthenes and Demades ; or. 
the name was slightly changed ; thus we have Na v<r/'0tXoc 
Nav&ivtKov, and KaXXlcrrparog KaXXiKpnrovg. So also brothers' 
names sometimes varied but slightly, as Diodotos and Diogeiton ; 
Lysias, in Diogit. Lastly, we meet with regular patronymics, as 

<S>(OKl(OV 0>O)KOV. 

We will now digress for a moment to the surnames. The 
Greeks had no family or clan names, as is well known ; a single 
appellation serving for an individual. But as many persons 
might bear this name, to avoid confusion, the father's name was 
appended, and this was called irarpödtv oroiia^eadat. Xenoph. 
CEcon. 7, 3. Cf. Pausan. vii. 7, 4 : £7rtt KaXovvTcd ye oh izarpö- 
dev ol 'Vu)Lia~iOL Kara Tavra "EXXr/o-tr, aXXä teal rpta, ottoie if 
oXtyiartaj feat etl irXeiova ovofiara aaoru Ttdevrai. Attic wit 
had also abundant recourse to nicknames, derived either from 
some personal peculiarity, or owing to accidental circumstances. 
Thus Demosthenes was called BnraXog, even from childhood. 
iEschin. in Timarch. p. 139 ; cf. Demosth. de Cor. p. 288. So, 
the poet and orator Dionysios was called XoXkovq. Eustath. ad 
II. xxi. 393 : oq xaXkovg ejcXr/flj? dia to avLifiovXevaat 'Aö^iWoic 
XaX/v-w voiiiGiMXTi X|0//craer9ai. Aristophanes mentions a number 
of names of birds used as nicknames ; Aves, 1291 : 

riep5t£ fxkv els KairriAos avo/xd£eTö 
X^A6s. Mej/'nnrcp 5' XeAibiav Tovvofxa' 
'Ottovvt'lü) 8' 6<pda\(J.bv ovk %x uv K<5pa£ * 
Kopvdos $tAoK\eei ' Xr)vaAwin]^ Qeayevei ' 
^Ißis AvKovpya' XaipetpwvTi NvKTepis, k.t.A. 

So the frosty tragic poet Theognis was yclept XtW : Acharn. 
138 ; Thesmoph. 170 ; and how universal the habit was among 
the Athenians appears from a fragment of Anaxandrides, ap. 
Athen, vi. p. 242 : 

'T,ue?s yap a\\ii\ovs ael x^ €V ^C eT \ anpißSos. 
av /ueV yap 77 Tis evirptn^s, 'lepbv yd/xov /ca\e?Te, 
iau 8e fimphv iravTeAws äpdpdoiriov, 2,TaAay/x6v, k.t.\. 

See also the Excursus on The Hetcerce. But to return to the 
nursery, and the first treatment of children. 



Scene I.] 



EDUCATION. 



221 



As regards the rpop), Plutarch says, de Educ. Puer. 5, that 
mothers should suckle their own children : hi %e auras rag fxr]- 
repag ra rtKva rpetyeiv Kal rovroig vtte")(£iv rove fjaarovg. This 
rule, however, was seldom observed by the wealthy classes, and 
wet-nurses were in general requisition. But the rlrOrj or tltQy) 
(Eustath. ad Iliad, vii. 329 — nQipr] means the attendant merely,) 
was frequently not a slave, but one of the poor aorat, who gave 
her services for hire. Demosth. adv. Eubulid. p. 1309 : /cat yap 
vvv darag yvva~iKag 7roXXdg evpi'icrere rtrdevovaag. Spartan nurses, 
who were in great repute for their skill in managing children, 
were sometimes bought, as for Alcibiades. Plutarch, Lyc. 16 : 
»)»' £e Tvepi rag rpocpovg eiri/JitXeia rig fxera ri\rrjc, &ar avev 
airapydnov kurpttyovaag ra ßpi<J>r} . . . cko Kal riov iiiodev tvioi 
rolg reKi'Oig AaKWviKog etovovvro rirddg. Kal rrjv ye rbv 'Adr}- 
vaiov 'AXKißidSrjv rirdevaacrav 'ApvuXav l(rropov(ri yeyovivai Aa- 
Kawav. Plutarch ( e Educ. 5,) requires for the purpose, rolg 
ijdscriv 'EXXrjvl^ag. Besides being suckled, the children were also 
fed with honey. See Böckh, ad Pind. Olymp, vi. When they 
could take more substantial nourishment, the rlrdrj first chewed 
the food, and then gave it to the infant, fiaato/ievr} eairi^er. 
Theophr. Char. 20 : rb naifi'iov rfjg rirdi]g dfeXofxevog fiaato/jiEvog 
airi(tiv avrog. See Aristoph. Equites, 717. This was also called 
•^(o^'i'CeLv. Lysistr. 19. An absurd story of some one who re- 
tained this habit during his whole life for convenience sake is 
related by Athenasus, xii. p. 530: ^dyapiv rbv Mapiavlvvbv biro 
rpv(pr\g (rireiadai /uev yue^jot yhp^g Ik rod rf\g rirdrjg (Trofxarog, 'Iva 
/j.rj uaorwusvog Trovriveiev. 

Cradles are first mentioned by Plutarch, Fragm. in Hesiod. 41 : 
'O c)£ HXovrap\6g (f>r)(riv 7 on firi he! ra veoyvd aKtrrjra lav Kal 
cnro-ideo-dai it ciKivqroig . . . old naiv evKiv-qra KXivßia fxefxri^dvrf- 
rai 7rpbg rrjv riov 7ratdiu)v evvyjv. Plato knew nothing of them, 
or he would certainly have mentioned them, Leg. vii. p. 789. 
The o-/,-ct0?7 is often mentioned, it is true; cf. Aristot. Poet. 16; 
but though used for a similar purpose, we can in no passage sup- 
pose a regular cradle to be meant. See Theocr. Id. xxiv. 10. 
Doubtless mothers and nurses went about dandling the baby in 
their arms, and singing the while. See Plato, Leg. vii. p. 790 : 
ffPiKa yäp dv ttov ßovXrjdwcri KaraKOt^u^eiv ra ZvavTrvovvra rwv 
7raici(ov ai fxrjrepeg, ov% favyiav avrolg Trpoatytpovatv, dXXd rob- 



222 



EDUCATION. 



[EXCUESTJS. 



vavTiov KivrjffiVy ev rcug äyKctXaig ael aelovtrai' Kai ov aiyriv, uWa 
rtva fie\o)diav. See Aristot. Probl. xix. 38. These lullabies were 
called ßavKaXrjfxara, or KaTaßavtcaXrjVF.ig. Athen, xiv. p. 618 : 
al de tCjv Ttrdevov(T(ov <odal KaraßavKaXijcreig ovo^ia^ovrai. See 
also Theocr. Id. xxiv. 6, where Alcmene is hushing her twins to 
sleep : 

'AiTT0fx4va 8e yvva Kt<pa\äs /j.v6-f}aaro iraidav 
eiSe-r' i/j.ä ßpecpea yAvnepbv Kai iycpcrifxov vttvov * 
euSe-r' i/jca \pvxa, St'»' a.8e\(pe$, evcroa TCKva* 
okßioi svva^oioQs, Kai okßioi aw 'lnoiade. 

Cf. Aristoph. Nubes, 1383; Lysistr. 1410; Lysias, de ccede 
Eratosth. pp. 10-15. 

Children were not encouraged to walk very early. The dis- 
tinction drawn by Eustathius, ad II. ix. 518 : 7raihov to rpe<p6- 
pevov V7r6 TtiBrjg, naihäpiov to TrepnraTovv Kai 7/oj/ XtEeojg ClITt- 
Xaf.ißav(')jj.et'ov, is doubtful, though Pollux, ii. 9, says that 7rcuoa- 
ptov was the after-appellation of the two. According to Plato, 
Leg. vii. p. 794, the boys remained under the hands of the mother 
and the nurses till their sixth year, and up to that time were 
educated along with the girls. 

The baubles, crepundia, given to children, have been dis- 
cussed in Gallus, p. 183. Sometimes these were suspended from 
the neck, and are so represented in antiques, hence they were 
called depata or irepihepaia. Eurip. Ion, 1430; Aristot. Poet. 16. 
Children who were to be exposed were provided with them, by 
way of yv(t)pi<TjxaTa. Dio Chrys. Or. iv. p. 150 : KaQairep tci 
cipata toUq tKTiQtjXEvoig naidioig, 'Iva fxfi ayror/rat. Also Alciphr. 
Epist. iii. 63 : tovto (ro 7ratdlov^ jutra ro>i> tnrapyaviov, depaiu. 
Tiva /cat yvwplafxaTa 7repidel<rai, 'idwicav. Other things were also 
given to them. See Longus, Past. i. pp. 6, 8 ; Heliod. JEtliiop. 
ii. 31 ; Aristsenet. Epist. i. 1. Such playthings were mostly of 
metal, hence the Eoman name, crepundia. The Greeks had also 
regular child's-rattles, 7r\arayat, of which Archytas is named as 
the inventor, Aristot. de Republ. viii. 6 ; and a go-cart, a/ia£tc, is 
mentioned, Aristoph. Nubes, 861 : 

Kay<t> TOI 7T0T6 

t>v TTpccTOV oßohbv %Xaßov 'HAiaorncbv, 
'6t iirpidfiriv trot Aiaaiois afxa^'iSa. 

Cf. Poll. x. 168. Pausanias, v. 20, 1, mentions among the curio- 
sities in the temple of Juno at Olympia, a small bed ornamented 



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EDUCATION. 



223 



with ivory, said to have been a plaything, Tratyviov, of Hippo- 
damia's. Children would sometimes try their hands at construct- 
ing similar nick-nacks; Aristoph. Nubes, 878 : 

evQvs ye rot iraiSdpiov tav rvvvovrovl 
eirXanev evfiov olitias, vavs S' ey\v<pev, 
ä/na^iSas re (TKVTlvas eipyd£ero, 
kolk rwv aiSiwv ßarpdxovs enoiei. 

See also Lucian's account of himself, Somn. 2 : cnro^ecov av tov 
K))pbv rj ßoag, H) 'ltcttovc, f/ /cat vr) At avdpojirovg ä}>e7r\aTTOV. 
Cf. Suidas, s. v. (popple. Dolls, xopai, were usual playthings, and 
the KopoirXctOoi, or KopoTrXacrrcu, had always a supply on sale in 
the market ; they were however different from those in use now, 
being made of clay and painted. Cf. Plato, Thecet. p. 146 : rcr\- 
Xbg 6 twv Kopo-rrXadiov. Demosth. Phil. i. p. 47 : Üfcnrep yap ol 
7rXarT0vreg Tovg irnXivovg, elg ttjv ayopav yeipoToreire tovq ra£t- 
apyovg /cat tovq tyvXap'yovg, ovk Itti tov TvoXefiov. Lucian. Prom, 
in Verb. 2 : /cat to jxev b'Xov iv irnXw >; TzXaariKrf Kara Tavra 
ro~ig KopoirXaQoiQ. Lexiphan. 22 : wg vvv ye eXeXrjdeig aavrbv ro~tg 
vxo tG>v KopoirXaQ(i)v elg ttjv ayopav 7rXaTTOfxevoig eoitccog, Kt- 
■)(pwa/j.evog fiev rrj jiiXt^ /cat rw /cvai'w, to ()' evdodev ttiiXlvoq re 
/cat evdpv7TTog &v. Böttiger, in his Sabina, confounds KoporcXa- 
arai with K^po-KXaarat ; having followed Ruhnken without in- 
dependent investigation. Wax, it is true, is mentioned, but only 
by late writers ; Timasus and Suidas say, /cr/pw j) yv-^o), and Har- 
pocration has : KopoirXaQovg Xeyovcri rovg t/c Trr}Xov Tivog, v/ Kvpov, 
t) Toiavrrjg vXrjg irXctTTovrag Kopag yj Kovpovg ; but these are the 
only writers who say a word about wax in the manufacture of 
these dolls ; all speaking only of nriXog. The very passage in 
Pollux (x. 189) descriptive of this art, has been wrongly inter- 
preted by Böttiger ; the irXaaQevra Krjptva there mentioned are 
merely the cores for the moulds, over which the Trr]Xbg w T as laid, 
and this wax was afterwards melted out, in order to preserve the 
hollow form, Xiycog, or rjjjilXiySog. From the above passages we 
learn that these clay-figures were not merely children's dolls (also 
called vvfupai), but images of all sorts ; and indeed the words of 
Demosthenes will be devoid of sense unless we understand figures 
of warriors, generals, and the like. Mythological subjects were 
also common, such as Marsyas bound to the tree; Achill. Tat. 
iii. 15 : olov tzoiovgiv ol KoponXadoL tov Mapavav 1/c tov (J)vtov 



224 



EDUCATION. 



[EXCTJESTJS. 



^Ehfiivou. There were other amusements, as the hoop, Tpoyßg, 
the top, po/xßog, crrpoßiXog, not to mention the cockchafer fastened 
by a thread. Aristoph. Nuhes, 763 : 

\Lv6SeTOU Zcairzp fi7]Ao\6v6r)V rod iro86s. 
Cf. Schol. on Vesp. 1341 : -^pvaofxi^XoXoydiov £(ov(f)i6v ri e<jti 
Kara KavQapov, Zavdov, o cat KariypvTEQ ot 7ra~i<jeg cea/jievovaiv 
ek tov ttoZoq Kal ä(piä(Ti npbg Toy aepa. Among a number of 
other games mentioned by Pollux, ix. 122, is the ^aXKrj fxvla, a 
sort of blind-man's-buff : 'H %aXKfj fivla, raivia t<o d00aX^tü> 
TTEpi<T(piyL,avT£g h'bg 7rcu^O£, 6 jjlev TTEpiarpE^ETai Krjpvrrcov %aX- 
Krjv fjtviav 6rjpd(TU)' oi c)e cnroKpivafXEi'Oi, dripdasig dXX' ov X^gt, 
atcvTEai ßvßXtvotg 7rawv(Ttv avrov, Eojg rivog avTwv Xi^ETai. 
Amid the rough manners of Sparta it is interesting to find Age- 
silaos riding about among his children astride of a cane : fiucpoig 
Tolg 7raick'otf ovoi KaXafiov 7r£pißEßr]Ku>g, (ornrEp tTnroy, o'ikol gvve- 
irai^Ev. Plutarch, Ages. 25 ; cf. iElian, Var. Hist. xii. 15. 

Generally, however, great caution was exercised in the keep- 
ing up one's dignity before children, as is evident from Theocr. 
Id. xv. 11, where Praxinoe having called her husband a (pQovEpbv 
kclkov, Gorgo bids her not to abuse him, rw hikkQ TrapEoyrog, 
and then follows that lady's characteristic fib to her child, ov 
Xeyw (nr(pvv. Plato, Leg. v. p. 729, above all, recommends vov- 
öeteIv, as well as good example, in the correction of children, 
though castigation was far from uncommon in practice, and was 
usually administered with the slippers or sandals. Lucian, Phi- 
lops. 28 : E7TEI aav^aXu» ys "^pvcriä lg rag Trvyag, üairEp ra irai- 
Sla, TraiEadai a£ioi ay eiev ot airurTOvvTEg. This served in the 
Grecian schools instead of the ferule used at Rome. Cf. Plutarch, 
de sera Num. Vind. 16. Divers bugbears were also used to frighten 
children into good behaviour : such were the 'Akkw and 'AX0trw, 
a sort of bogies. They are alluded to by Chrysippos, apud Plu- 
tarch, de Stoic. Repugn. 15 : wg ovSev dia^Epovra ryjg 'ÄKKOvg rat 
rrjg 'AXfirovg, £i' u)V ra 7raiddpia tov KaKoa-^oXElv at "yvvaiKEg 
cnrttpyovfTLv. So also Strabo, i. 2, 6 : Tolg te yap izainl Trpoatyi- 
pofiEv Tovg f](!)Elg fxvdovg Elg irpoTpoirr]v* Eig aTroTpOTvrjv est Tovg 
(poßepovg. r} te yap Adfxia fxvdog evti, Kal rj Topyw, teat 6 'E0t- 
aArrjc, Kal f] MopjjLoXvKr}. We read also of "'Efi-rrovcra, a name 
which is interchanged with Act7rict, or, as a general expression, 
comprehends the latter. What sort of a notion was attached 



Scent: I.] 



EDUCATION". 



225 



to these beings we learn from the story in Philostratus, Vit. 
Apoll. Tyan. iv. 25 : ?/ xprjcm) vvfifrj filet twv 'E^ttoi/ow earir, 
ag Aafxiag re Kai Mop/j.oXvKiag ol 7roXXoi ijyovvrai. tpwori cT ab- 
rät ovk cuppodicriujv pev, <rapKu>v $e, Kat paXurra avdpioiretojv späten, 
Kai 7raXXovcri rolg cKppodtcrioig, ovg av ediXioai ZataacQai. See 
also what Libanius, in the life of iEschines, says about that per- 
son's mother. The general term for all these creatures was pop- 
poXvKsla, also ßpkeXot. Eustath. ad Od. i. 101. An instance of 
the way children were thus terrified occurs in Theocritus, xv. 40, 
where Praxinoe says to the child, who runs after her crying, 
when she wants to go out : 

ovk ä|o> tu, renuov ' Mopfxco, Sdnvei 'fairos. 
Sa/cpve, otraa öeAets' x^Xbv 8' ou Set ce yev4o~6ai. 

Naturally enough, superstitious terrors were much increased by 
such nonsense. 

The nurses and attendants had a store of tales (pvdot) for 
the amusement of the children, and ypaüv or tltOojv pvdot have 
grown into a proverb. Plato, Gorg. p. 527 ; Hipp. Maj. p. 286 ; 
Lucian, Philops. 9. As these legends narrated, for the most 
part, the actions of the gods and demigods of the popular su- 
perstition, — the ancient mythology embracing the entire domain 
of the marvellous — the telling of them might have the greatest 
influence on the moral education of the children ; and hence 
Plato (Leg. x. p. 887,) enlarges much on the care to be used in 
their selection, and repudiates even Hesiod and Homer, de Republ. 
ii. p. 377 : ovtoi yap tvov pvdovg rolg avQpto-KOtg \pevde~Lg crvvrtdei- 
reg eXeyov re Kai Xzyovcn. Plutarch, de Educ. Puer. 5, thinks 
the nurses should be restrained, pi) rovg rv^ovrag pvdovg rolg 
■rraidioig Xeyetv, 'Iva prj rag tovtuv i^vyag t£ ap^yjg ctvotag Kat 
ha(pdopäg ctvaTrtpTrXaaQat avpßaivr] : and Aristotle wishes to place 
these matters under the supervision of the Psedonomoi ; de Republ. 
vii. 17 : Kat irepi Xoytov re Kai pvdojv iroiovg rtvag clkoveiv Zet rovg 
7i]XiK0VT0ug iKtpeXig kerru) ro~ig äp-^ovatv, ovg KaXovat Tratdoi'6- 
povg. With regard to the character of these fables, see Aristoph. 
Vesp. 1182 : <l)g ovrto xor' i]v pvg Kai yaXij. See also Philostr. 
Vit. Apoll. Tyan. v. 14 ; whence we conclude that the fables of 
iEsop were among those most in vogue. Frequently such legends 
were handed down in the shape of ballads ; see Aristoph. Lysistr. 
781, where the chorus sings two such songs, after saying, 

Q 



226 



EDUCATION. 



[Excursus. 



/JLVOOV 

ßovXojxai Ae'|ai tiv iifxlv, '6v 7tot' tf/covcr* 
avrbs en irous &v. 

Adults as well as children took pleasure in them, so that there 
were persons who recited such legends for a livelihood : Philep- 
sios perhaps was such an one, see Aristoph. Plutus, 177, on which 
the Scholiast says : ovrog -KEvr\g Xiywv laropiag ErpityETO. 

In process of time the children were entrusted to the care of 
a pedagogue. Plato, Leg. vii. p. 808. At what age this took 
place is uncertain, though Plato {lb. p. 794,) seems to have 
had in his eye the end of the sixth year, at which period the 
boys were first separated from the girls. Plato, however, only 
gives his own ideas on the subject, so that we must be careful 
not to reason from his words as to the actual practice, though 
in this instance he appears to be supported by other authorities. 
This Traihaywybg was a slave. Intelligent and honest persons, and 
of polished manners, were obtained if possible, though this could 
not always be accomplished. Thus the pedagogues of Menexe- 
nos and Lysis are described (Plato, Lysis, p. 223,) as viroßap- 
ßapt^ovreg. Plutarch, de Educ. Puer. 7, speaks very severely 
of the want of conscientiousness of parents in his day : twv yap 
dovXojv tGjv (nrovdatojv tovq fiiv yEwpyovQ cnrohELicvvovai, rovg $e 
vavxXripovg, rovg $e ifXTVopovg, tovq $e oiKOvofiovg, rovg Se darEi- 
(ttciq' o,ri <T av EvpbMJiv avlpairo^ov olvoXrjTrrov teal Xi^vor, 7rä- 
(jav TrpayfxaTEiav a\pr}OTOv y rovrw (pipovTEg v7roßaXXov<ri rovg 
vlovg. Cf. Lyc. 16. Alcib. 1. These pedagogues accompanied the 
boys to school and the gymnasium, and indeed everywhere. See 
Plato, Lysis, p. 208. There was a law of Solon's, irEpl ivai^a- 
ydyyüüv iTTLjueXeiaQ : iEschin. in Timarch. p. 35. They carried the 
boys' books and other school-requirements, or the cithara, although 
special slaves frequently attended for this purpose. Liban. Or. 
xxiv. p. 81 : ov 7raidayd)y6g, ol ra ßtßXia roig vioig ett &juav 
(pipovTEg. Lucian, Amor. ; Poll. x. 59. Whether they re- 
mained all the while at the school, as they did at the gymna- 
sium, or returned to fetch their charges, does not appear ; for 
even though the school-room was called 7rat?aywy£tov (Demosth. 
de Cor on. p. 313 ; Poll. iv. 19, 41,) this has nothing whatever to 
do with the pedagogue. Older persons, excepting near relations 
of the master, were forbidden to enter the school during school- 



SCEKE I.] 



EDUCATION. 



227 



hours under pain of death. iEschin. in Timarch. p. 38 : kcu jirj 
eL,egtlo to~lq inrep Trjv rwi- iraficov yfkiKiav ovltlv EiaiEvai tCov 7rat- 
Stov evZov ovtcov, eav fxrj vlog dtdacTKaXoVj r) ade\(j)6g, H) dvyarpog 
avrjp. F.civ $e rig napa ravr elaly, davarip ^rfuiovado). At a 
later period this law does not seem to have been strictly ob- 
served ; for in Theophr. Char. 7, one of the traits of a XaXog is 
to enter the paloestrce and schools, and interrupt master and pupils 
by talking. Young persons remained under the surveillance of 
pedagogues till they reached the age of ephebi. Terent. Andr. i. 
1, 24 ; Plut. de Aud. i. p. 141. In Plaut. Bacch. i. 2 ; iii. 1, 3, 
is a specimen of a pedagogue of the old stamp, whom the lad will 
no longer obey. 

After this age the instruction took place entirely away from 
home, namely, at the schools and gymnasia. Plato, Prot. p. 320, 
does not in the slightest allude to private instruction at home, 
as Cramer supposes. It is nowhere definitely stated at what 
year the boy commenced going to school. Plato, Leg. vii. p. 794, 
tovq fxev appEvag £0' 'imnov hiZaKaXovg kcu t6E,iov nat atyev- 
hovr)<TEiog, seems to restrict lads to the bodily exercises of the 
gymnasium merely, until their tenth year, which time he fixes 
for their commencement kv ypduuaffi : but this could scarcely 
have been actually the case ; and boys were doubtless sent early 
to school, as now-a-days, to keep them out of mischief at home. 
Indeed, Lucian says as much, Hermotim. 82 : ettei kcu al rirdai 
tol6.?>e Xiyovai trapl ru>v Tra&iojv, cog clttlteov avTolg ig $ihaGKa- 
\ov. Ka\ yap av urßETrio fiadeiv äyadov ri Svi'tovrai, dW ovv 
tyavXov ovdev iroiriaovGLv licet uivovTEg. Aristotle, de JRepubl. vii. 
17, in the main agrees with Plato in thinking the age ui^pL ttevte 
etcov as unfit either Trpog fxcidrjaiv, or irpog avay Kaiovg irovovg. 
During the next two years he thinks, lei ÖEtopovg r\lri ylyvEcrdai 
~ioi> fxadriaEcof, ag dtrjaei fxavdavEtv avrovc. He also thinks gym- 
nastics ought to precede mental instruction, kcu TZEpl to aCjua 
irpoTEpov ?i Trjv liavoiuv, though he does not explain when the 
beginning ev ypaaaaai should take place. Ib. viii. 3. 

The state had but little concern with the schools. So Socrates 
says : Tfjg (!>£ afjg yEvicrEcog, to 'A\fct/3td^, Kal Tpotyijg, Kai nat- 
cetag, f/ aXXov otovovv Adrjvaitov, <vg ETrog eitteIv, ovdtvl ueXel. 
Plato, Alcib. i. p. 122. There were laws, it is true, respecting 
instruction, r] ov i:aXCjg irpooETaTTOv rjuwv oi tVt Towoig TETay- 

q2 



228 



EDUCATION. 



[EXCUKSTJS, 



fxevoL ^ofj.01, TrapayyiXXovrEg rw irarpl r« trw, ere kv fxovaiKrj Kai 
yv/nvaa-TLKy icaileveLv, (Plato, Crito, p. 50,) but the expression 
-TrapayyeXXeLy, used here, does not enable us to ascertain how far 
they were carried out ; the laws of Solon, mentioned by iEschines, 
were all intended to prevent mora] abuses ; and if there did exist 
an express law at Athens which prescribed rovg 7ra~idag Siccmtke- 
(jdai 7rpa)Tor vtiv re teal ypafxpiara, (Petit. Leg. Att. pp. 12, 239,) 
at least no control was exercised. 

The state never thought of erecting public institutions, to be 
maintained at the general expense. In Demosthenes, in Boeot. 
ovofi. p. 1001, we read, it is true : d\\a koli irplv ij/xirEpog (pacrKEcv 
crvyyepyjg elvai Etg'l7nrodou)i'riZa £0otVa (f>vXrjv Eig7ra~iZag yopEvawv. 
But even if we adopt the inference drawn from this passage by 
Böckh, Public Econ. of Athens, p. 121, that the tribes had partly 
to provide for the instruction of their youth in music and bodily 
exercises, by the appointment of teachers for this purpose, still 
such an association would always bear the character of a private 
undertaking. The whole .passage may, however, with more 
probability be understood of Choregia : see Antiph. de Ckoreut. 
The words of Aristophanes, Nubes, 964, taken in connexion with 
the obscurely -phrased law in iEschines, in Timarch. p. 35, irepl rfjg 
<rv\ityoiTi]GZb)g riov ttclLZwv, are much more applicable to an insti- 
tution of the kind surmised by Böckh, unless, indeed, they refer 
to the yppol kytcvicXioL mentioned just after. What Plato says, 
Leg. vii. p. 804, about appointing teachers to be paid at the 
public cost, kv ce tovtolq wäcri (c)i£aova\etotg rai yvfivaa'ioig) 
CL%a<TKaXovg e^aarwi' r KETZEKj\xirovg /jLivdolg, is purely his own idea, 
which was not realised till afterwards. The law of Charondas, 
mentioned by Diod. Sic. xii. 13, can be hardly genuine : rrjvyap 
ypafx/jLariKrjy wapä rag äXXag fxadqcreig TrpoEKpivEV b vofxodir^g . . . 
odev <hg fisyaXwv tivOjv äyaduiv cnroaTEpovfievovg rovg ay pa jxyLarovg 
Zt(x)pBh)(raTO rrj vofiodeaia ravry /ecu drj/jLoaiag £7rtjue\£/ae 7"f kcu 
Zaivavqg, rjfywaE. Such establishments were not founded till a late 
period. 

The sort of an education the children received depended mainly 
on the parent's own conscientiousness ; some got none at all, the 
sausage- seller for instance ; Aristoph. Equites, 1234. This, how- 
ever, was not usual ; and so necessary a thing did daily school- 
going seem, that when the women and children of Athens fled to 



Scene I.] 



EDUCATION. 



229 



Troezen at the time of the Persian invasion, the inhabitants, besides 
supporting them, paid persons to teach the children. Plutarch, 
Themist. 10 : Kat rpe^Eiv e\pi](j)iaavTO drjfioaiq, £vo oßoXovg ekcicttu) 
StSov-ee, Kal rije oirtopag Xa/ußaveLV Tovg rralhag k^ilvai 7zavra\6Bev, 
en c' virep clvtCjv didaatcaXoie teXeIv fxicrdovg. See also .ZElian, Var. 
Hist. vii. 15, where we read that the Mitylenasans, when masters 
of the sea, punished those allies who revolted, by not allowing 
their children to be taught, deeming this the severest penalty they 
could inflict: ypa.np.ara ju>) jj.avda.vEiv rovg 7ra~i()ag avrtov fxrjle 
/jLovaiKTiv SidcMnceadai, ttcmtwv KoXaaeojv ^yritrafievoi ßapvrdrrjv tivai 
ravrrjv, ev apadia. /cat ajuovcria Karaßiwvat. The selection of a 
teacher rested entirely with the parents, and, as might be expected, 
the choice often fell on incompetent persons. Plutarch, de Educ. 
Puer. 7. 

The tutors were, in some degree, under the surveillance of the 
state, and certain apyai, probably the 7ratdov6[iOL mentioned by 
Aristotle, de Repub. iv. 15, were appointed by Solon to inspect 
them, as we are informed by iEschines, in Timarch. p. 35 ; and 
Plato, Leg. vi. p. 765, requires : apytov 6 Tfjg Tra^Eiag eTTLjje\r)T})c 
7raar)g. But the functions of these persons were confined to the 
administration of certain laws respecting morality, while the state 
exercised but little supervision over the qualifications of the 
tutors or their method of teaching : perhaps the only requirement 
was that they should be above a certain age, and thus also the 
Xopiryol naiZuiv were required to be more than forty. Persons 
therefore taught the elements, not so much from choice and quali- 
fications, as from having no other means of livelihood ; hence the 
amusing reference in Lucian, Necyom. 17, to those who might be 
supposed to be reduced to this condition in Hades : ttoXXu) 8' av 
olpai paXXov iyeXag, el edeaau) rovg irap" rjiiiv ßaeiXiag /cat aarpd- 
itag TTTuy^Evovrag nap avro'ig, Kcii r/rot rapiyo7ru)XovvTag W 
diropiag, ?) ret irpGjTa ZthaaKovrag ypa/jfiara. Others were in the 
service of teachers of repute, as, for instance, was the father of 
iEschines, as appears from Demosth. de Coron. p. 313, a passage 
which affords many curious details as to the arrangements of an 
Athenian school-room : cV fjv {rv\t]v) iralg /jlev wv fxera iroXXrjg 
erheiag erpcKpyjc, 'dpa rü> izarp\ irpog r« CiCaaKctXelu) TrpOfTedpeviov, 
to piXav rpißior, Kai tcl ßadpa (T7royyi£u)V, Kal to 7rait)aywy£<ov 
Kopüv, olketov rdl-iv, ovk iXEvQipov iraicog exwv. Cf. Ib. p. 270. 



230 



EDUCATION. 



[Excursus. 



A somewhat similar tale is told of Epicurus and his father ; Diog. 
Laert. X. 4 : cat <rvv rw Tzarpl ypapuara ZlZcktkelv Xvirpov tlvoq 
fjnadaplov. It appears that the calling of teachers of the rudi- 
ments, twv ra 7rptDra ypafxfxara dilacrKovTiov, stood in no great 
repute, and this will elucidate Plutarch, Alcib. 7. The children 
of wealthy parents of course went to better teachers. Demos- 
thenes relates with honest pride how he went elq ra z-poariKovTa 
SttWicaXeta. De Cor on. p. 312. 

In default of direct evidence as to the fees ordinarily received 
by schoolmasters, we must not be misled by the sums extorted by 
the Rhetoricians and Sophists. The schoolmaster's income would 
depend on the number of his scholars. See iEschin. in Timarch. 

p. 34 : OIQ EGTIV 6 fJLEV ßlOQ CtTTO TOV (TU)(f>pOveil', 7] (lTCOpia £K TWV 

kvavritüv. The customary times of payment are also unknown, 
but they would appear to have been monthly, from Theophr. 
Char. 30: Kai tov 'AvdEcrTrjpiiova tov oXov fxri tze^tveiv avrovg 
(tovq 7ra7£a<,') eIq ra fxaQiijiara lia to diag tlvai noXXag, 'Iva jji) tov 
/diadov ektLvt}. A deduction would seem to have been made, pro- 
portionate to the time of absence, Ib.: Kai twv vlwv Se p) nopEvo/xi- 
riov elq to ()idacrKa\E~iov Sia Trjv appiovTiav cKpaipElv tov fxiadov 
Kara \6yov. Cf. Liban. Or at, xxxii. p. 269. At all events, there 
appears to have been much irregularity in this matter. So 
Demosth. in Aphob. i. p. 828, complains that the school account 
of Aphobos had run on unpaid during the whole time of his 
minority : uhtte /cat tovq SicamcaXovQ toi>£ fiicrdovQ cnrEcrTEprjKE. 

At Athens the number of pupils would seem to have been re- 
stricted by law. See iEschin. in Timarch. p. 34 : irpwrov /j,ev fjv 
wpav TTpotrijiCEL Hvai tov TtaÄZa tov eXevOepov eiq to (Jt^aoxaXeTov * 
ETTEira fxETa Troaiov Trailwv EiuLEvat. We read of a school at Asty- 
palsea numbering about sixty boys : kvravda oaov k^ijKovTa 
apid/xov 7ra~ihr. Pausan. vi. 9, 3. Sometimes the number ran 
very low. In the school of Stratonicos (who, however, taught 
the cithara, and not grammar) were figures of the nine Muses, one 
Apollo, and two pupils, and when asked how many pupils he 
had, his reply was, SiV to~iq QeoIq Iw^EKa. Athen, viii. p. 348. 
See also Diog. Laert. vi. 69. Many schools were elegantly fur- 
nished. The ßadpoL were benches for the pupils, probably rising 
one above another ; whether there were also a dpovoc, like that 
from which the Sophists addressed their audience, is uncertain. 



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231 



Justin, xxi. 5, relates of Dionysius ; 1 novissime ludimagistrum 
professus pueros in trivio docebat ; ' and this has given rise to the 
opinion that teaching in the roads and cross ways was of common 
occurrence ; but the notion will certainly not hold good of Athens, 
notwithstanding that Dio Chrysost. Orat. xx. p. 264, says, ol yap 
tG)v ypa\i\xarb)v cUcSaucaXot fxera rwv iraidiov kv ralg bdolg caör/vrat. 
The proverb, ec rpwdov, e trivio, said of anything very common 
and ordinary, had a different origin, such a spot being avxvwg 
Tze.-KaTX]\iivov. See Lucian, de morte Peregrin. 8. 

Instruction began with the early morning, children as well as 
adults rising at this time. So Plato, Leg. vii. p. 808 : rjfiepag de 
opQpov re eiravLovroJi' 7ra~idag fxev npbg didacrKaXovg 7rov TpeirerrQai 
XP^v- A law of Solon's enacts that the schools should open fir) 
izporepov fjXiov avwvTog, and close again, Trpb ijXiov dvvovTog. 
iEschin. in Timarch. p. 37. We learn from Thucyd. vii. 29, that 
this was the case elsewhere ; for he tells us that the Thracians 
surprised Mycalessos a/j.a rrj Vfxepa, and butchered the children 
assembled in a school, oirep peyiarov avrodi. It appears also 
from the law above cited that the schools were opened again in 
the afternoon, fxera to apiaTov and so also Lucian, de Parasite, 
61, says : cat orot Xonrov, aianrep ol Trdideg, ä(f)i^ojj,aL cat eu>og, Kai 
fxer upiarov, /jLadrj<r6fj.evog rfjv reyvr]v. See Excursus on The 
Gymnasia. 

Instruction was in three branches : ypa^uara, /jlovgikt], yv/j.- 
vacrriKT]. Phyto, Theag. p. 122 : ovk edida^eTO ae 6 Trarijp cat 
kirailevcrev, äwep evBa.de ol aXXoi iraidevovTai ol tCjv koXwp Kciya- 
dwvvlelg', oiov ypa./j,fxard re cat Kidapi£eiv Kal iraXaieiv Kai rfjv 
aXXr]v ayuviav. Plutarch, de Audit. 17 : ev ypafXfiaaL cat Trepi 
Xvpav Kal TraXalcrrpav. Cf. Plato, Clitoph. p. 407. But the chief 
passage is in Aristotle, de Eepubl. viii. 3, who adds a fourth 
branch, drawing or painting : sort de rerrapa cr^edov, a -Kaideveiv 
elujdacTL, ypcifx/xara Kal yv\xvaariKr]V, cat ixovülkyjv, cat reraprov 
h'ioi ypa(piKijv .... doKel de cat ypa(piKrf yjp*l (TL l JL0 Q tivai- npbg to 
Kpiveiv to. tGjv reyvir&v epya koXXwv. We will first consider the 
ypcififiara, as being the most indispensable part of instruction ; 
for, as is evident from the context, we must take in a higher sense 
the words of Isocrates, Panathen. 83, who says, speaking of the 
Spartans, ovde ypcififxara \xav%avovaiv. Cf. Plutarch, Lye. 16. 
In its simplest signification, ypafi/jtara comprehended reading, 



232 



EDUCATION. 



[Excursus. 



writing, and arithmetic. See, however, Plato, Leg. vii. p. 809. 
In learning to read, the method of dividing into syllables, avXXa- 
ßi^Eiv, was used. Dionys. Halic. de admir. vi die. in Demosth. 
52 : ravrrjv yap {ty}v ypa/j/mariK^v) orav £K[iad<i)/j,£V, irp&TOv julep 
to. ovöfxara tiov ittoi^eiiov rrjg (f>wvfjg avaXafxßavojiEV^ a KaXs'iTai 
ypufifxara. tVetra Tvizovg t avTiov Kal ZwajxEig. orav ce ravra 
fj.a6tofiEv, tote Tag irvXXaßäg avTÜ/v Kai to. nspl ravra nadr). After 
mastering this, the pupils were next instructed on the component 
portions of a sentence : KpaTijaavTEg £e tovtiov tcl tov \6yov fxopia' 
ovo/uiaTa Xeyw, Kal p^/zara, Kal avvlicrfxovg ; and then they com- 
menced reading, properly so called : orav tt)v tovtiov cnrdvTiov 
E7T i(TTr}fir]v 7TEpi\aß(i)fA£v f TOT* apyofiEda ypci(p£iv te Kal avayivw- 
(tkeiv, feara trvXXaßrjv ji£v Kai ßpadiiog to irpwTOv. See Athenseus, 
x. p. 453, where we have a metrical alphabet : 

x E(Tt' &\(pa, ßrira, yd/j./j.a, 5e\Ta, 6eov irdp' el, 
CrjT, riTa, BriT y lobra, K&irira, Adfxßda, jxv, 
vv, |0, rb oil, 7ri, pa>, rb crdv,, rav v irapbv, 
(p7, x' T6 rcf \p7 els rb 8>. 

And he then proceeds : 6 %opoc ce yvvaiKiov ek tiov avvdvo TZETzoit]- 

fJLEVOQ aVTW E(TTIV E/jL/JlETpOQ ttUO Kal jJ-EJlEXoTTETTOirifXEVOQ TOvDe TOV 

Tpoirov ßf]Ta aX(j>a ßa, ßfjTa ei ßs, ßrjra rj ßr], ßfjra IwTa ßi, 
ßf]Ta ov ßo, ßrjTa v ßv, ßrjra (5 ßw. Kal ttoXiv ev civTiaTpotyo) tov 
liiXovg Kal tov jjiETpov, ycifXfxa a\0a, yafxjxa £t, ^ajjifxa twra, yäjijia 
ov, yajxjxa v, yafxjia ü). Kal eki TiovXonriov avXXaßiöv 6/jioi(og eku- 
(ttwv. There are some interesting passages relating to writing 
and ciphering. Copies were given by the teachers ; Plato, Prot. 
p. 326 : vTToypa\pavTEQ ypafijxag Trj ypatyßi. Plato, however, re- 
quires but a small degree of facility in reading as well as writing. 
Leg, vii. p. 810 : ypa^fiaTa fXEv to'ivvv j^prj to ( "f'xi° l T °v 7P a ^ aL 
te Kal avayvwvai SvvaTOv Eivai ^lairovEiv. itpog Tayog c)e r) KaXXog 
a.7rriKpißu>(Tdal tictlv, oig firj (jyvaig ettegttevgev ev to~iq TETay/uivotg 
ETEai yaLpEiv lav. Plato, ibid. p. 1819, thinks arithmetic should 
be learnt as an amusement, and that the abstract ideas of num- 
bers should be presented in as concrete a form as possible, by the 
use of apples and the like. Otherwise the fingers were ordinarily 
used, not only at school, but in every-day life, or when more 
accuracy was needed, counters, \pfjdoi. Aristoph. Vesp. 656 : 

/ecu trpwTov jxev \6yiaai (pavKws fir] \l/r}(pois, &AA' anb xeip<ta. 

Of. Theophr. Char. 14; 23; 24. These x^rjipoi varied in value 



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EDUCATION. 



233 



according to their place on the counting-board. Polyb. v. 26 : 
EKEivai te yap Kara. tyjv rov ^-qtyi^ovTog ßovXrjaiv apri yaXKOvv Ka\ 
Trapavr'uca toXclvtov 'layovaiv. See also a bon-mot ascribed to 
Solon by Diog. Laert. i. 59 : eXeye ce tovq napa to~iq Tvpdvvoig 
ZvvcifiivovQ 7rapa7c\r}<jLovQ et rat rdlg ^ri'poig ettI twv Xoyicrfxwv. 
Kai yap ekeivwv EKaarriv ttote [xev 7rXetw arjLiatvEiv, ttote %e i\ttw. 
See also Plutarch, Apoph. reg. p. 691 : Kadd-n-Ep ol twv dptdiirjTL- 
kwv caKTvXoL vvv fXEv /ivpiddac, vvv Zk fiovdda Tidivai ZvvavTai, 
k. r. X. The fingers were also used to express numbers by 
placing them in different positions. Alciph. Epist. 26 : ol TzEp\ 
Tag xpvfovg Kai twv ZüktvXwv rag Kafx^Eig elXlvZov}xevoi. 

When the children could read, and understand what they read, 
the works of the poets were put in requisition, to exercise their 
minds, and awaken their hearts to great and noble deeds. Plato, 
Leg. vii. p. 810, approves of this, and also recommends commit- 
ting whole poems, or select passages, to memory ; and this method 
of instruction appears to have been universal ; see Strabo, i. 2, 3 : 
Xiyovm TrpwTrjv ri)v TroirjTiKrjv . . . /cat rovg TralZag at twv '^XXrjvwv 
iroXEig Trpu)TL(TTa ota rr/g TroirjTiKrjg Trau)EvovGi. See too the dis- 
course of Protagoras, Plato, Prot. p. 326 : ol Zk ZtddvKaXoi tovtwv 
te E-KinEXovvTaty Kai ettelZclv av ypdfifxara fxddwai Kai jxiXXwoi 
tvvr\GEiv ra yEypafifXEva, woiTEp tote tijv (f)wvrjv, TrapaTidiaair 
aiiTO~ig etti twv ßddpwv dvay iyv to a keiv Troirjrwi' ayadwv Troojuara, 
/cat EKfiavQdvEiv avayKa^ovmv. Above all, the poems of Homer 
were thought 'to contain, by precept and example, every thing 
calculated to awaken national spirit, and to instruct a man how 
to be fcaXoe KayaQög. See Isocr. Paneg. 95. So in Xenoph. 
Symp. 3, 5, Niceratos says of himself : 'O Trarrip ett l^ieXovlxevoc 
oirwg dvf/p dyadog yEvoifX^v, rjvdyKacri lie Trdi ra ra 'Oiirfpov etty) 
fjadElv' Kai vvv lvvaiiir}v av 'IXta^a oXrjv /cat 'OZvacrsiav aTro <rro- 
fxaTog eItteIv. For the continuance of the custom in later times, 
see Dio Chrysost. Orat. xi. p. 308 : kuke7vov ixev ( O/x-qpov) viroXaß- 
e~iv 6e~iov dvdpa Kai ao(f)6v, /cat Tovg Tra~idag Evdvg i'i apyjig ra ein) 
oiodaKEiv. 

The study of music began somewhat later; according to 
Plato, with the thirteenth year. Leg. vii. p. 809. Aristotle, de 
Republ. viii. 3, speaks admirably of the study of music, as con- 
sidered from the point of view of his own time ; he says it should 
not merely be pursued rfiovrjg x"P LV i which he confesses mostly 



234 



EDUCATION. 



[Exccnsus. 



to be the case, but npog rijv iv ry ff^oXy diaywyrjv, or in order 
tcaXwg ffxpXatEtv. It was not a necessary portion of the iraifaia, 
ov% <og avuyicalov (ovdev yap e\et tolovtov) ou<T ujq ^pZ/ct/iO)', 
axnrep ra ypafxjj.a-a, but was accounted a noble and worthy 
occupation (iXevdepwv /ecu KaXrjv) for the hours of recreation and 
leisure. The Xvpa or Kidapa, for the distinction is sometimes 
neglected, were the chief, or rather the only, instruments which 
were thought suited for an iXevdepog. At one period, at Athens, 
the flute also was a great favourite, but it soon fell into disuse, 
not only because it distorted the face, but especially because it 
did not allow the accompaniment of the voice. Aristot. de 
Republ. viii. 6. To this victory of the lyra over the flute, the 
myth of Marsyas unquestionably alludes. These observations, 
however, apply chiefly to Athens, for elsewhere, as at Thebes, 
the flute maintained its ground. Maxim. Tyr. Diss, xxiii. 2 : 
QrjßaloL avXrjTLKrjv i-R irrjeevovai, fcai eanv fj hi' ai/Xu>v fxovaa 
kiriyxopioQ tolq BolwtoIq. Cf. Plutarch, Pelop. 19. 

There is no mention of regular vacations at fixed intervals, 
though naturally the numerous public festivals, as for example 
those in the month Anthesterion, would cause holidays at the 
schools. Theophr. Char. 30. There was a law of Solon's which 
is mentioned by iEschines, in Timarch. p. 35, 7rejo< Movaeiuv iv 
tcTiq ^iZcmtkclXeLoiq, kol Kepi ' ~Epfiaib)v iv ralg iraXaloTpaic, which 
Wolf and Eeiske have wrongly interpreted of the sacella Musa- 
rum, whereas Pollux, i. 37, in the section on the festivals, says, 
Movcrutv Movaela, 'Ep/jLOv 'Epjxala (eoprai) : so that most pro- 
bably such festivals are meant as were obligatory by law. Cf. 
Plato, Lysis, p. 206. At all events the Greeks knew nothing 
of a four-months' summer- vacation, which K. F. Hermann has, 
on very doubtful grounds, assumed for the Eoman, or rather the 
Italian youth generally. In particular cases, as when the teacher 
was unwell, a notice, 7Tp6ypa^ifxa : was posted up on the door. 
Lucian, Hermotim. 11 : ttl vaxwv yap ti EKpe/jLaro v-rrep tov 7tv 
Xöjvoq, fxeyaXoig ypafxfjiaffi, Xiyor, r^fxepov oh (jvLityiXovotyEiv. 

Attendance at school was continued till the pupils reached 
riper years in the Greek sense, which would generally be at the 
age of sixteen. Lucian says that he ceased going to school 
T7)v ijXiKiav irpocrrißoQ wv : but of course the time might vary as 
it does among ourselves; the poorer classes putting their children 



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235 



early to some trade, whilst the wealthier kept theirs at school 
longer ; and this is expressly asserted by Plato, Protag. p. 326. 
This more advanced instruction was imparted by teachers of a 
higher order, the Ehetoricians and Sophists, whose charges only 
the rich could defray. Thus Aristippos demanded one thousand 
drachmae (Plutarch, de Educ. Puer. 7 ; Diog. Laert. ii. 72), and 
according to Plutarch, Dec. Orat. vit. 4, Isocrates required a like 
sum ; and when Demosthenes offered him two hundred, k<f u> re 
to TrlfXTTTov /xepog eK/iady, he answered, oh refj.a^t^o/j.er, <3 Arj- 
[xocrdevtc, tyjv irpayfiaTeiav' uxnrep Be Tovg icaXovg i%6vg oXovg 
TrojXovfjLev, ovtio Kayut cot, ei ßovXoio fiadrjrsvstv, oXoicXnpov oltto- 
^(oaofxai rrjv Te\vr)v. The same author tells us: ovk ala^yvovrai 
rerrapag ?/ Trivre p.väg v-rrep rovrwv alrovvreg. See also Böckh's 
Public Econ. of Athens, pp. 121, 122. The Sophists seem to 
have insisted most rigidly on their fees, without abating one jot 
to their poorer pupils. See a lively, though of course highly- 
coloured scene in Lucian, Hermotirn. 9 : zküvov clvtov, eitel tov 
ptcrdov, uifiat, firj aireZiBov /caret aaipov, a.7rr)yaye irapa tov ap- 
yovra evayypg, irepiBeig ye avrw doifiariov irepi tov TpayjiXov, kcu 
eßoüj Kai ojpyi^STO) Kai ei tu/v aavijdu/v riveg ev \ieGio yevo/uevoi 
ci(peiXovTO tov VECtvianov eic TÜtv yeipiöv avTOv, ev ier0t, Trpoatyvg or 
cnreTpaye v civtov tyjv p~iva b yepiov, ovtu) riyavaxrei. But this did 
not prevent the lovers of knowledge from purchasing their in- 
struction even $t the greatest sacrifices. Thus Cleanthes (Diog. 
Laert. vii. 168), and Menedemos and Asclepiades (Athen, iv. 
p. 168), worked by night in gardens and mills, in order to be 
able to attend by day the classes of the philosophers. 

This account of the method of instruction applies chiefly to 
Athens itself, but of course there were schools in the small towns 
and Tillages. Thus Protagoras was said in early life, (HiB.cmtksiv 
iv Ku)p:r] tivl ypct/n^iara. Athen, viii. p. 354. Little is known 
of the schools of other cities, but the 7raihia, except at Sparta, 
was in the main the same. Theophr. Char, proem., kclvtuv twv 
'EXXyvojv opoiioc Trai^evofxeviov. With the Spartans mental cul- 
ture was a secondary consideration, and Aristotle, de Republ. 
viii. 4, justly upbraids them for bringing up their offspring like 
animals, örjpiwBeig airepya£ovTat, though this perhaps applies 
rather to a later period. iElian, Var. Hist. xii. 50, says, cer- 
tainly without ground : AaKedaifjiorwi fxovaiKrjg enreipu/g eT^öv, 



236 



EDUCATION. 



[EXCTJKSUS. 



k. t. X. With regard to Thebes, we have a sad report from 
Aristophanes the Bceotian, apud Plutarch, de Herod. Malig. 31. 
Herodotus wished to open a school there, roTg vioig SiaXiyeadai 
Kai ovayp\u(£Lv, but the magistrates forbade him : vwo tüv ap- 
yövTwv EKwXvdr] di äypouciav avrwv Kai /xirroXoyiay. Dio Chrysost. 
Orat. x. p. 306, makes Diogenes express himself in still severer 
terms : syoj fie ijKOvcra Xeyovroc, on ?; 20ty£ f] ajxadia tori. 
Tavrrjv ovv ical nporepov diacpdelpai rovg 'Boiwtovq, teal vvv, ovlev 
avrovg i&aav eldevai, are avQpwizojv afiadevTa-ovg. Whatever 
measure of truth these accounts may contain, it is at least certain 
that less was done at Thebes for education than at Athens, for 
otherwise the more sensible Theban parents would not have sent 
their sons to school at Athens, as they did. See iEschin. Epist. 
12, p. 699. 

All that has been said hitherto refers to the instruction of the 
boys merely. We nowhere hear anything of educational institu- 
tions for girls ; and, indeed, they would have been incompatible 
with the universal training of the female sex. Plato, it is granted, 
desires to have gymnasia for the boys and girls, separate of course. 
Leg. vi. p. 764 : yvpi'acria (cut diciaoKaXela appevu)v icat Kopwv: and 
so again op^qaTaQ for the boys, and 6pxr)<j-pßaq for the girls ; 
lb. viii. p. 813 ; but this is nothing more than a proposition, 
and was never actually carried out. In Terent. Phorm. i. 2, 36, 
a girl goes, it is true, in ludum ; but she is a Citharistria, the 
property of a leno, and she goes thither to learn to play on the 
cithara. For the free daughter of a burgher to have frequented 
a school out of her father's house would have been repugnant 
to every notion of feminine decorum ; so that the meagre in- 
struction they received was at the hands of the mother or the 
nurses. 

Outward propriety, evtcoapia, was especially attended to. 
Plato, Protag. p. 326 : fxera oe ravra elg SiSaGKaXojv Tripirovreq 
7roXv fxaXXov evTtXXovrai empeXeladai evKOfffxiag töjv Traßwv, rj 
ypafjijxaT(s)v re ical Kidapiaewg. Various minute points of etiquette, 
such as taking the victuals with the right hand, and so forth, 
were rigidly enforced by the pedagogue on his pupil. See Plu- 
tarch, Virt. doceri posse, 2: ical avrol ^icdatcovatv ol nailaytoyol 
Keicv(j)6rag iv ralg odolg 7rept7raTetv, evl SaKTvXh) to rapi\or 
axpaadat, Sval lydvr, alrov, Kpeag, ovtoj Kvävdai., to t/jtdriov 



Scene I.] 



EDUCATION. 



237 



ovTiog avaXaßeiv. Also Id. de Educ. Puer. 7: ry /jlev let,iä 
gvveQL^eiv ra Tratfiia ^e^eadai rar rpcxpae, kciv Trporetveie Tt)v 
apiarEpav, ETriTtfxäv. Cf. Id. de Fort. 5 : tovq rraldag dida- 
CKOjxev rfj £f£ici Xapßavetv tov o\pov, rrj de cipLvrepcf, KpareTu 
tov aprov. This custom of always using the right hand for 
everything is ridiculed by Plato, Leg. vii. p. 794, and to this 
Aristotle alludes, De Republ. ii. 12. When walking in the 
streets, boys were required to look straight before them on the 
ground, with head downcast, Keicv^öreg, as Plutarch says. See 
Diog. Laert. v. 82. Modesty and respect towards their elders 
was one of the first duties inculcated on youth. Plato, Leg. ix. 
p. 879 : iräg i\\iiv aideiadü) tov eavrov TxpEaßvrEpov tpyu te ktcu 
Ittel. He also assumes, as a matter of course, that vEurepoi 
should be silent in the presence of their seniors. De Republ. iv. 
p. 426 : aiyag vEiorepiov irapa tt peaßvTEpoig, ioq TrpEirEi. See a 
pretty fragment of Menander, in Plutarch, de San. Tuend. 18. 
There is no finer instance of this juvenile aldwg than that of 
Autolycos in Xenophon's Symposion, 3, 12. He takes no part 
in the conversation, and the blushing modesty with which he 
replies to a question is very beautifully depicted. That Auto- 
lycos is present at a banquet, away from his father's house, is 
quite an exception to the general custom, the reason being that 
his Epaarijg has given the banquet in honour of his victory, 
riKrjTripta karia. He also leaves earlier than the rest, AvroXvKog 
0£, i]6i] yap topa i\v air«, k^aviaraTO Eig -KEp'maTOv. When the 
father entertained guests at home, the son sometimes appeared 
and sat at table — the adults reclined, AvroXvicog fjtEv ovv irapa tov 
TraTEpa EKadi^ETO, ol cT äXXoi, tooTXEp EiKog, KaTEtcXidrfaav, but even 
this did not usually take place (Theophr. Char. 5) ; and the 
children were often sent away to the women's apartments for 
want of room. Lucian, Somn. seu Gall. 11 : tov viov yap eyto 
keXevctco ev Trj yvvaiKtoviTifit fXETa Tijg fxrjTpog EOTiadrjvai, tog av 
yupav kxyg. 

In more ancient times it was accounted highly improper for 
youths, even long after they had emerged from childhood, to 
take part in public business. This was strictly observed at 
Sparta. Plutarch, Lyc. 25 : Ol /jlev ye vEWTepoi TpiaicovTa etiov 
to Txapä-Kav oh KaTißaivov Eig ayopdv. At Athens this was 
not so rigorously the case, yet the feeling of aldiog acted as a 



238 



EDUCATION. 



[Excursus. 



powerful restraint. See Lysias, in Theomnest. p. 346 ; iEschin. 
in Timarch. p. 178. But matters had somewhat changed in the 
time of iEschines. Isocrates, Areop. 18, p. 202, praises the good 
old ways : ot/rw ci' ttyevyov rr)v äyopav, &gte et Kai ttote SleXOe'iv 
ävayicaadeuy, /xetcl 7ru\Xfjg alSovg Kai Gto^poavvrjg E(f>aivovTO tovto 
ttoiovvteq. So Isseus, de Hered. Cleonym. p. 2 : Kai tote /jev 
ovtwq vir ai>TOv (joi) TrctTodg) G(i)(j)p6vu)g kirai^EvofJiEda, wgt ovZe 
äicpuacro/j-evoL ovce-kote rfXQofiEv eirl Zuzaarripiov. Xenophon, 
Mem. iv. 2, 1, mentions Euthydemos, tuet veoTnra ovirio eIq tjjv 
äyopäv EiaiövTa. The change may in fact be considered to date 
from the Peloponnesian war, and hence the complaint of Ando- 
cides, in Alcib. p. 123 : TOiyapToi tCjv vetov at dictTpißat ovk ev 
toiq yvfivaaioig, aXX 1 ev toIq (HiKacrTrjpioig elglv. Aristophanes is 
very bitter on the alterations in education generally, contrast- 
ing the old habits with the new, in the dialogue between 
the Mkclioq and "AIlkoq Xoyog. Nubes, 960-994. Lastly, we 
may refer to the beautiful portrait of the modest daily life of a 
well-ordered youth, as drawn by Lucian, Amor. 44 : bpdpiog 
avaaTciQ ek Trjg a£vyov KoiTrjg Toy ettl tGjv 6fXfxaT(ov etl Xoltvov 
v7rvov ä-KOVL-^ufxevog vhcLTL Xtrw, Kai yjLTwvLGKOv Kai yXavßa Ta~ig 
ETTiVfxiaig -KEpovaig avppa\Lag airb Trjg TraTpipag EGTiag E^ipyETaL 
kcltu) K£Kv(j)0)g, Kai fxn^Eva tG>v cnravTOJVTOJV i£ ivavTiov irpoaßXE- 
7riov. clkoXovQol de Kai 7ratdayioyoi f yopbg avrw KOGfiLog, eVovrai 
ret ffEfiva Trjg apETrjg ev yEpaiv bpyava KpaTOvvTEg, ov irpiGTOv 
KTEvbg EVTOfxag KOfxrjv KaTa^rj^Eiv ^wa/uivag, ovo EGorrrpa twv 
avTtfx6p(j)(i)V yapaKTr)piov äypacpovg ehovag, äXX 1 rj iroXv-rrTvyoi 
ZeXtol KaTOTTLV (LKoXovdovGLv, rj 7raXaiwv Epyojv äpETag (bvXar- 
Tovaai ßißXot. kclv Eig Movglkov c>£ot (j)oiT^v, £v/j,EXijg Xvpa. 
But this picture could hardly have been applicable to many 
young persons even in earlier times ; while such an example of 
premature debauchery as Alcibiades presented, (Lysias, in Alcib. 
p. 536,) must have doubtless exercised a most baneful influence 
on the Attic youth. At Athens, there was no lack of gamins, 
ready for any piece of mischief that might turn up* See De- 
mosth. adv. Nicostr. p. 1251. 

With his sixteenth year, the Athenian youth entered on a tran- 
sition period, which lasted two years, and during which he had to 
pay particular attention to the exercises of the gymnasium. This 
is the time during which Lucian calls himself irpÖGnßog, though 



Scene L] 



EDUCATION. 



239 



the general expression for this interval was eVt fiiereg yß^aai. 
When these two years had elapsed, the youth was admitted among 
the ephebi, and, with the exception of having to serve the state 
until his twentieth year as TreptTroXog, he now entered at once on 
a freer course of action, and, at least if he belonged to the upper 
classes, he could follow his own inclination in the selection of an 
occupation. Many fathers of substantial means endeavoured to 
bring up their sons to business, as is clear from the comic poets ; 
but those youths who could afford it mostly devoted themselves to 
the pursuit of pleasure; — to the chase, charioteering, and the com- 
pany of heteeraä, — or they became disciples of the philosophers ; 
and no passage is clearer on this head than Terent. Andr. i. 1, 28 : 
Quod plerique omnes faoiunt adolescentuli, 
Ut animum ad aliquod Studium adjungant, aut equos 
Alere, aut canes ad venandum, aut ad philosophos, etc. 

See Plaut, Merc. Prol. 40, 61 ; and Xenoph. Memor. i. 6, 14: wairep 
aXXoc rig ?/ <7r7rw ayaöw, fj kvvi, H) bpvidi rßerat. Nor must we omit 
the passionate fondness for cock and quail-fighting, and on rearing 
these birds immense pains were frequently bestowed. The state 
had no objection to all these amusements ; nay, the Areopagus 
urged the rich to pursue them, quite as much as it did the poor to 
labour, Isocr. Areopag. 17, p. 201 : rovg 3e ßiov lkclvov KeKTrjjxivovg 
irepi re iTnriKrjv Kal ret yvfxvacTLa, Kal Kvvr)yioia Kal ri)v (biXoaoty tav 
rivajKacrav Siarpißeiv. It was regarded with favour, not only 
as a harmless way of diverting the unruly passions of youth, but 
because, if they obtained prizes at the Olympian or other games, 
they opened a source of honour and renown to the state. Isocr. 
de Big. 14, p. 509 : rag TroXeig ovofiavrag yLyvofxivagriov vikwvtiov* 
Lysias, de Bon. Aristoph. p. 661 : clvtLkcl ore 'ittttevev, ob /jlovov 
'i-KTvovQ eKrrjaaro Xa/j-Trpove, aXXä Kal ädXrjrag kv'iKr\<TEv 'laQjidl Kal 
Nf/xe'a. uktte rr\v noXiv Kr)pvyßy]vai Kal avrbv (Tre(j)ap(i)df}yat. 

In Sparta, where every individual pursuit was entirely discou- 
raged, and where all were brought up after one rule, and for the 
state, there was but little scope for indulging these private tastes. 
There, also, the youth became a man of eighteen ; but the name 
now imposed upon him, eiprjv, which means ap^tov generally, 
sufficiently denotes his position among the public. Plutarch, Lyc. 
17 : Etperae Ce KaXovat rovg trog rflr] hevrepov ek naßtov yeyo- 
vorag' fieXXetpevag M t&v iraLcwv rovg Trpea-ßvrcirovg. Ovrog 



240 



EDUCATION. 



[Excursus. 



ovy 6 eiprjy e'ucoaiv err) yeyovwg apx EL re ru>y vtzot et ay fxivuv iv 
rat? f^X 011 -? KCLl KaT ' 0lK0v virnpETaig ^pfjTai Trpdg to heiTryov. 
See Müller's Dorians, ii. p. 309, Note. 

The chief works on Grecian pasdagogy, besides Göss, die 
Erziehungswissenschaft nach den Grundsätzen der Griechen und 
Römer, are Friedr. Cramer, Gesch. der Erziehung und des Un- 
terrichts im Alterth., and the Erziehungslehre of Schwarz. A 
small work by Adolph Cramer, de Educatione Puerorum apud 
Athenienses, is better than either ; but the most ingenious, though 
it occasionally sacrifices reality to an ideal, is die Erziehung der 
Hellenen zur Sittlichkeit, by Fr. Jacobs. 



EXCUESUS TO SCENE II. 



THE KRTMRJE. 

IN a general survey of Greek customs, it will be impossible to 
omit giving an account of a class of the community which the 
moderns have denounced as most abandoned, and have branded 
with the utmost contumely ; this will be apparent to any one who 
has merely gained from the Roman comic poets a faint notion of 
the prominent position which the hetasrse occupied in Grecian life. 
After the excellent treatise on this subject by Jacobs, it might be 
supposed that further elucidation was needless ; but that writer, 
vivid and truthful though his sketch may be, instead of investi- 
gating the matter in all its bearings, has preferred to dwell on the 
brighter side of his subject. The present writer, on the con- 
trary, has determined not to shrink from a further scrutiny ; his 
intention in this work being to paint the individual traits of 
character, and not to omit even the minutest features requisite 
complete the picture. 

In one point he certainly differs from Jacobs, namely, as to 
the expression of public opinion on the intercourse of married 
men with hetserse. Doubtless it was the young unmarried men 
who chiefly indulged in this vice ; but it is also true that men 
frequently resorted to their old practices after marriage, and this 
without losing grade in the popular opinion, unless they threw 
aside all propriety and respect for their wives, as was the case 
with Alcibiades. Andoc. in Alcib. p. 117. In no instance are such 
proceedings reprehended, but, on the contrary, the language held 
everywhere plainly shows that it was considered nothing uncom- 
mon. See Demosth. in Necer. p. 1351. Plato himself, who, in 
his ideal State, wished to see realised much that was impracti- 
cable, nevertheless despaired of the possibility of restricting his 
citizens to the lawful intercourse of marriage. Leg. viii. p. 841. 
The manner in which these vices were regarded by the women 
is seen from Aristoph. Eccles. 720 : 

is 



242 



THE HETJEILE. 



[Excursus. 



IIP. eireira Tß? iröpvas KaTcuravcra.1 ßovKofxai 

aira^avdaas. BA. tVa ri ; IIP. hy]\ov rovroyi- 
%v(i r&v i'dwu %x ü> l xev a-vrai ras aK/j-ds. 
Kal rds ye dovAas ou%i Set koo iJ.ovp.ivas 
r^v T<2v i\eudepwv vcpaprrd^eiv Kuwptv. 

But although the wife could, and often did, reproach her offending 
husband, yet probably she could not institute a KaK&tr&ag StVi? 
against him. The instances adduced by Petit, Leg. Att. p. 543, 
have no reference to hetaerae, and the only passage which is 
clearly in point is Alciph. Epist. i. 6, where the wife says to 
her husband: f/ ovvrreiravGO rijg ayepoj^iac. . . . ?y "urdi jxe Trapa 
rbv Traripa o\yr\aoyLivr\v 1 og ovF efie Trepioxperai, kcil <ri ypccipe- 
rai 7rapa roig hiKaaraiQ KUKojaewg. But here, in addition to the 
other causes of complaint, the husband had entirely neglected 
his family ; and it would be rash to build an hypothesis on a 
single testimony, especially on one of such a date as that just 
referred to. We have moreover the testimony of Plautus, that 
the exact contrary was the case ; Merc. iv. 6, 3 : 

Nam si vir scortum duxit clam uxorem suam, 

Id 6i rescivit uxor, impune est viro. 

Uxor viro si clam domo egressa est foras, 

Viro fit causa : exigitur matrimonio. 

Utinam lex esset eadem, quse uxori est, viro. 

The public opinion with reference to the intercourse of men with 
hetasrae is well illustrated by the decision of the diagtetes in the 
case of Neasra, to whom both Phrynion and Stephanos laid claim ; 
Demosth. in Necer. p. 1360 : avvelvat eKaripip i)\iipav irap i}fj.e- 
pav, lb. p. 1361 : Kara raSe drijWaEav Qpvviiova kol 'Lrityavov, 
y^pijadai etcarepov Neaipq. rag 'iaag ijfxipag rov fxrjvog Trap eavro'tg 
e^ovrag. 

The prevalence of the fear of having a large family, which is 
shown by the frequency of the exposure of infants, as well as an 
addiction to sensual enjoyments, were both prominent features in 
the Greek character, though apt to be discordant in their results ; 
and it must not be denied, that in the period of their greatest 
refinement, sensuality, if not the mother, was, at all events, the 
nurse, of the Greek perception of the beautiful. A curious proof 
of this is afforded by the artifice by which Hyperides procured a 
verdict in Phryne's favour, by suddenly rending her garment, and 
displaying her beautiful bust before the judges. See Plutarch, 
Dec. Orat. Vit. 9 ; Athen, xiii. p. 590 ; Alciph. Epist. 30, 31, 32. 



Scene II.] 



THE HETJSILE. 



243 



It was thus by an Attic euphemism that those females who 
did not belong to the very lowest class were termed hdlpai 
rather than iröpvai. Plutarch, Solon, 15 ; Athen, xiii. p. 571 : 
KaXovai he kcu Tag jjuvdapvovo-ag sralpaQ kcii to ett\ crvvovviaig 
f.ncrda.pv£~iv eraipely, ovtc en 7rpdg to eTv\iov avatyepovTeg, aXXa 

TVpOQ TO EVGyr)jJLOV£(TTEpOV. 

Jacobs is right in his remark that these women, with the 
exception of the Milesian Aspasia, were never respected ; though 
the more decent portion of them were not exactly despised. 
It will be convenient to class them in certain grades and divi- 
sions. The lowest were the common prostitutes kept in the 
public 7ropy£~ia, state-institutions, which were first established by 
Solon. Athen, xiii. p. 569 : kcu QiXtj/jliov cf iv 'Ad£X(f)o~ig irpoa- 
irrropCjv otl 7rpu>T0Q 2dXwv dia ty\v tlov vetov ctKfirjv EUTnciEV ktri 
oiKr)fJ.aTU)v yvvaia. izpia\\xEvog. The passage of Philemon here 
referred to is as follows : 

Kai fxoi Xeyeiv toCt' ecrrlv ap/xotTThv, ScfAwj/, 

tovtovs t' %x oVTas T ^ v avayKaiav (pvcriv 
d/xapTdvovrds t' els t fjd) Trpo<rrjKov 
VTrjaai irpid\xev6v rot yweuteas Kara töttovs 
Koivas, anacri kcu Ka.TearKevacriu.4pas. 

Cf. Dio Chrysost. Orat. vii. p. 271. The state also counte- 
nanced the proceedings of all such females by levying a tax 
upon them, which was annually farmed out. The evidence on 
this point is satisfactory and conclusive; iEschin. in Timarch. 
p. 134 : davfxa^Ei yap el fxr/ xavTeg fiEfxvr}(rd\ otl /caö' ekckttov evl- 
avTOV i] ßovXri tcloXel to TropviKOV teXoq ' kcu TOvg irpiafiivovg to 

TEXog TOVTO OUK ElKGL^ELV, oXX ClKpißlog ELC^EVCLL TOVg TCLVTt] %|Oto- 

fxevovg Tri ipyacLq. See Böckh's Public Econ. of Athens, p. 333. 
In these public xopvela the iropvai were accustomed to stand 
lightly ©lad, yvjivaL So Xenarchos ap. Athen, xiii. p. 568 : 

as e^eaO^ bpav 
elXrjdepovaras GTepv' aTcy}ix<pie<rixevas, 
yvfxvas, etyeffis t' iirl Kepws reray jx'vas' 

or, according to Eubulos, ev XettTo^^voLg ixpeatv ecrTtoaag. The 
admittance fee was but an obole. See Philemon, ap. Athen. Ib. : 
i) Bvpa 'or' avEtoyixevn. e'ig ößoXog' eiair^hnffov. A step removed 
from these were the houses of the TroproßoarKol, lenones and lence, 
who gained a livelihood by keeping a number of girls, and into 

b 2 



244 



THE HETiEKJL 



[Excursus. 



whose hands children, exposed by their parents, often fell. See 
Dernosth. inNeoer. p. 1351, where we read that Nicarete, a freed- 
wornan, haying obtained seven children of this sort in their 
earliest infancy, now supported herself by means of them. Cf. 
Plaut. Cistell. ; and Isasus de Philoctem. Hered. p. 134. These 
wretches, who were more contemned than the hetasras themselves, 
would let out the girls for long periods together, and even to 
several persons at the same time, and this does not seem to 
have excited jealousy. Dernosth. in Near. p. 1353 : pera rav-a 
roivvv iv rrj Kopivdu) avrfjg kirupaviog kpya^Ofievng Kai ovcrrjg 
XafXTrpäg, aWot te kpaarai yiyvovrai, Kai EevoKXetcrig 6 ttolt}- 
n)g Kai ''iTnrap-^og 6 viroKpirije. Kai ei^ov avr))v fxep-Lcrdiofjiivoi. 
But the TzöpvaL were sometimes purchased outright from the 
TropvoßotTKog, either by one or more persons, as was the case 
with Neaara herself. Dernosth. in Near. p. 1354 : /j.era ravra 

toLvvv avrrjg yiyvovrai kpaarai Cvo, KarariQeamv avrT]g 

(Nealpag) rifiriP rpiciKOvra fivag rov (TbjfJLarog rjj 'NiKapery Kai 
wvovvrat avri)v Trap av~T]g J'öfxo) 7r6\eo)c KadcnraE avrwv covXwi' 
el vat. Another case, where there were also two joint purchasers, 
is mentioned by Lysias, de Yuln. Prem. pp. 166, 172. Instances 
of such sales are very common in the comic writers. 

These houses, as well as those before mentioned, are called 
TTopveia, 7rcuc>(cncf ta, (Athen, x. p. 437,) or oto/^ara, whence the 
expressions kvoiKiijxan KadijcrdaL, k£ oid]fxarog yvvata, &c, and they 
are also called kpyaarijpia (Dernosth. in Necer. p. 1367 ; ^Eschin. 
in Timarch. p. 137); which has reference to the expressions 
kpya^ecrdai -w aw/uan, or u<j) üpag kpyci^eadai, Plutarch, Timol. 
14. But we must distinguish between those houses which any- 
body was free to enter, and those inhabited by females who had 
been let for specified periods, as just described, sometimes under 
written contracts ; Kara avyypa(pag /diadwdfirat Kai ypajifxareiov. 
jEschin. in Timarch. p. 160 ; and Plaut. Asin. iv. 1. This will 
explain the words of Ballio in Plaut. Pseud, i. 2, 91. Cf. Antiph. 
de Venef. p. 611. Among these females, as appears abundantly 
from the comic writers, there were many born to better things, 
and with minds far above the vile trade which they were com- 
pelled by circumstances to follow : this may be considered as 
some palliation of the intercourse witfc them. 

Many heteara? lived by themselves, and independently. First 



Scene II.] 



THE RETMRM. 



245 



among these comes the numerous class of freed- wornen, com- 
prehending the flute -players, avXrjrpihg, and the cither-players, 
Kidapiarptai, who were hired to assist at the domestic sacrifices, 
(Plaut. Epid. iii. 4, 64 ; Miliin, Peint. de Vas. Gr. L 8,) and, like 
the opxnvTpilec, or dancing-girls, served to give zest to the plea- 
sures of the symposia. But these girls generally followed the 
profession of hetserae also ; and that this was often the purpose of 
their presence at such drinking-scenes, is manifest from numerous 
antiques. The younger men often assembled at the houses of 
these persons. See Isoer. Areop. 18, p. 202 : Toiyapovv ok iv 

TOtQ (TKipCMpElOlC OL VEüJTEpOL ClETpißoV, OV& (.V TCUQ avkllT p IG LV ^ OUC)' 

iv toiq tolovtoiq avXXoyoig, ev olc vvv Sir) fXEpsvovatv . Others fre- 
quented taverns, as appears from the expression, TrpoGETa.ipL'(Eadai 
kg iravlo-xtiov, used by Lucian, Philopatr. 9. 

Many of those in this class were probably distinguished for 
wit and vivacity ; but those remarkable personages, who by their 
intellect and powers of fascination perhaps, rather than by their 
beauty, exerted such an extensive sway over their age, and who, 
by the position in which they stood to the greatest men of the 
day, have secured an historic celebrity, were sprung from a dif- 
ferent order. For Aspasia and the Corinthian Lais, as well as 
Phryne and Pythionice, were aliens, %iva.i, and Lamia was the 
daughter of a free Athenian citizen. Many penniless and unbe- 
friended maidens who went to Athens, Corinth, and the larger 
cities without any intention of becoming hetaarae, were afterwards, 
by degrees, borne away into the vortex. So the Andrian, Chrysis ; 
Terent, Andr. i. 1, 42. Others, on the contrary, probably repaired 
to the great cities with the express object of making their debut 
in this character. Among such may be reckoned the Thais and 
the two Bacchides of Terence, as well as the Bacchides and 
Phronesium of Plautus, with several mentioned by Athenseus 
and by other writers. The lives and characters of nine of the 
most renowned have been capitally sketched by Jacobs. 

Corinth seems to have surpassed all other cities in the num- 
ber of its hetasrse, to whom the wealth and splendour of the 
place, as well as the crowd of wealthy merchants, who were 
not very scrupulous in their habits of life, held out the prospect 
of a rich harvest. Nor was it in numbers only that this city 
was pre-eminent ; but in magnificence, elegance, and luxurious 



246 THE HET^EILE. [Excursus. 

refinement, if not in genuine cultivation of mind also, its hetaarae 
eclipsed even those of Athens; so that Kopivdia Kop-q became an 
adage expressive of the acme of voluptuousness. So Plato, Re- 
publ. iii. p. 404, after condemning 2vpaKov<ria rpairc£a, 'Attlkcl 
ire/uLfxara, &a, proceeds : \peyetg apa Kal Koptvdiav Koprjv <pLXr]v 
e~ivai avdpaai fieXXovatv ev (roj^xaroc e^eiv. Cf. Aristoph. Pint. 149. 
Strabo, viii. 6, 20, relates that the temple of Aphrodite numbered 
above a thousand hetaeras as hierodulse, whom he describes as 
the ruin of foreigners : to te Tijg 'AtypodiTtjg hpbv ovtco ttXovgiov 
vTiijp'£,EV, wgte irXEiovg ?*/ yiXiag IspodovXovg ekekttjto ETalpag, ag 
ctvETidEaav tt} Beco Kal avdpEg Kal yvvalKEg. Kal c)ia TavTag ovv 
ettoXvoxXeIto i] iroXig Kal etcXovti^eto' ol yap vavKXrjpoL padLug 
E^avrjXiaKorTO Kal diä tovto ?/ Tvapoifiia (frqalp, 

Ov iravrbs avdpbs is YLSptvQov iaQ' 6 irAovs. 

As Kopivdta Koprj was a synonym for an hetaera, so Kopiydta^Etrdat 
stood for ETaipE~iv. Eustath. ad II. ii. 570. Equally significant is 
the term avdpoKopirBog applied to the infamous town Heraclea. 
Athen, viii. p. 351. So Dio Chrysos. Orat. xxxvii. p. 119, says to 
the Corinthians : ttoXiv oIkeIte t&v ovcrüv te Kal yEyEvrjfXEPOJv kira- 
(j)podiTOTCLTr)v. Cf. Plutarch, Prov. Alex. p. 1270. At Sparta, 
on the contrary, particularly in the days of Lycurgic austerity, 
hetasrse found no great encouragement, the sturdy manners of the 
people comporting best with a Venus armata. Plutarch, de Fort. 
Rom. 4 : ädTVEp ol 2i7rapTiCiTai t))v 'A0po^/r^v Xiyovcn Siaßat- 
vovoav tov EujOwrav ra fiEv EGOTtTpa Kal Tovg yXiliovag Kal top 
kegtov cnroBiaBai, dopv Ee Kal ä(nrtda XaßE~iv KOfffiov/xivrjy rw 
AvKovpyco. 

The external life of these females and the intercourse with 
them presents a less offensive aspect, when, as sometimes hap- 
pened, they attracted, not so much by the subtle arts of studied 
coquetry, as by their merry sprightliness, and by the well-timed 
interchange of unreserved freedom with apparent prudery. But. 
on closer examination, we may compare them to baskets of 
noxious weeds and garbage, covered over with roses. Their disso- 
lute habits, their extravagance and debauchery, could not but lead, 
in spite of outward show and glitter, to disorder, filth, and penury. 
Exceptions of course occurred. On the visit of Socrates, the 
house of Theodota, as well as all its inmates, appear, according 



Scexe IL] 



THE HETiEILE. 



247 



to Xenophon's description, to have been perfectly decent and 
proper. Memor. iii. 11, 4 : 'E/c Setovtov 6 ^(VKparrjg bp&v avri'iv 
re TroXvreXwQ KEKoajjirjfxevriv, /cat firjrepa napovaav avrrj iv eadrjrL 
Kai depaireia ob rrj rvypvcrrf, /ecu depairaivaQ rroXXag /ecu evel^elc, 
Kai ov£e ravrag y)^LEXr]fJLEVii)g E-^ovtrag, /ecu TÖlg aXXoig rr\v oiKiav 
acpdovwg KarecrKevao-fiEvrjv, eTtte, k.t.X. But the very surprise of 
Socrates proves that he expected to find the usual absence of 
decency and comfort. So Terence, JEun. v. 4, 12, mentions, 
' Harum inluviem, sordes, inopiam.' If we add to this, that they 
could have seldom felt any genuine affection, and that beneath 
the mask of devotion lurked trickery and avarice, with constant 
scheming to plunder their besotted admirers — there is left only 
a wretched, disconsolate picture of existence, darkened by the 
gloomy perspective of a time when their charms should have 
faded away. And this was, generally, the character of profes- 
sional hetaerse, of whom Thais, as drawn by Menander (Meineke, 
p. 75), may be taken as a representative : 

dpa<reiau, wpaiau Se kcu Tridavrju afxa, 
adiKOucrav, anoicXe'iovcrav, alrovaav ttvkvo., 
/irjdevbs ipwaav, irpoairoiovfAevrji' 8' de/. 

The first rule of life was, £ assimulare amare oportet' (Plaut. Cist. 
i. 1, 98), and this principle is well carried out in the Truculen- 
tus, i. 2 ; and ii. 1. Cf. Isocrat. de Pace, 33, p. 242. So again, 
Dicsearchos says, speaking of Athens, <f>v\aicTEOv <T d)g evl fxaXiara 
rag kraipag, fit) Xadrj rig ijceivg aivoXofXEvog. Stat. Gr. p. 10. 
What credit their admirers attached to the sincerity of their 
professions may be gathered from the quaint words of Aristippos, 
as reported by Plutarch, Amat. 4 : wg kfiapTvpr)<j£v' Apiarnnrog tü 
KarrjyopovvTL Aaifiog wpbg avrbv } wg ov <piXovar)g, aTroKpiva.fu.Evog, 
"On Ka\ rbv olvov oUrat /ecu rbv l^ßvv fxrj tyiXeiv avrbv, aXX 
ycecog EKarepo) yj)T]Tai. Cf. Athen, xiii. p. 588. 

Alexis, apud Athen, xiii. p. 568, recounts the expedients of the 
hetserse for heightening their charms, or replacing those which they 
had lost. See Note 42 to Scene ix. Many, however, increased 
their attractiveness by wit and humour, as well as by intellectual 
acquirements. Though not perhaps possessed of very profound 
scientific attainments, yet at all events they displayed a degree of 
learning much above that of the ordinary run of Greek women, 



248 



THE HETJ3ILE. 



[EXCURSUS. 



and on this some prided themselves not a little. Athen, xiii. p. 583 ; 
/ecu aXXat 0£ krolpai fieya itypovovv e<f avrdig, iraiSeiag avrtyo- 
fXEvaL rat to~iq fiad{]}xa(TL yjpovov ciTro/depi^ovaai. Thus the Ar- 
cadian Lastheneia was a pupil of Plato (Athen, xii. p. 546), and 
Leontion a hearer of Epicurus (ib. xiii. p. 588). Still the witti- 
cisms of a Lamia, a Mania, or a Gnathama, of which Athenseus 
has preserved so many specimens, are coarse, though pointed, 
and would argue that they often descended into real grossness 
and immodesty in their conversation. 

The price paid by Hipparchos and Xenocleides for Neaera 
was thirty rninse, or three thousand drachm.se. Gnathsena, on 
the other hand, demanded one thousand drachma? as the price 
of her daughter's society for a single night ; but these jxeyaXo- 
/xiadoL kraipai had to stoop to lower prices when their beauty 
was on the wane. See the fragment of Epicrates respecting 
Lais, which has been preserved by Athenseus, xiii. p. 570 : 

ISeiv /xhv (xvt^v paov htti kcu irrvaai. 
i^epx^TUL Se -navrax^ ^877 irto/j.4vr), 
Se'xerat Se kcu (rrarripa ko.1 rpi&ßoXov, 
■npoaierai 5e nal yipovra kcu viov. 

Phryne, on one occasion, demands a mina (Athen, xiii. p. 583), 
and in other instances the price descends to five (Lucian, Dial. 
Mer. xi.), two (Athen, xiii. p. 596), and even the single drachma 
which is paid by the Scythian in Aristoph. Thesmoph. 1195. 
In cases of longer intimacy presents of clothes,- trinkets, and 
slaves, were made ; and if the lady did not live with her erastes, 
as was usually the case, he bore the expense of the symposia they 
had together, and often the entire charges of her housekeeping. 

In the circle of their suitors, these beauties were feted, loved, 
and idolized ; but their position with regard to the community 
at large was unenviable enough ; for though they were far from 
being so despicable in the eyes of their contemporaries as the 
same class of persons is at the present day, still they were 
always looked on as legitimate objects for wanton mischief and 
jokes of all descriptions ; as we see from the contemptuous ap- 
pellations applied to them, 7ravcWt'cu, Xewfyopoi, crjjj,Lovpyol yvval- 
/cec, %aX/a£/rat, a7rodr](ri\avpai, and so on. But more biting nick- 
names were often given them ; thus two Athenian hetserse, and 
they tCjv ovk aarifxojv, in addition to their own names of Melissa 



SCEXE n.] 



THE HET^EK^E. 



249 



and Nicion, bear the sobriquets of QearporopvvT) and Kwa/jivta. 
Athen. iv c p. 157. So Nico was yclept Ai£, Callisto T Yc, (Athen, 
xiii. p. 582), Lais A.&V7? (iElian, Var. Hist. xii. 5), andPhanos- 
trata <&deipo7rv\r}, for the amusing reason, eirsidriTrep Ittl rrjg dvpag 
karwaa i^deipi^ero. Athen, xiii. p. 586. They were beyond 
the pale of the ordinary law in all cases of poi^eia, ßta, and 
TTpoayioyeia ; cf. Demosth. Mid. p. 525; Lysias in Theomn. p. 
361 ; and Plutarch, Sol. 23. See Excursus on The Markets and 
Commerce, where these passages are all discussed at length. 

It has been asserted that they were compelled to wear a 
peculiar dress, and were specially distinguished by garments of 
divers colours. See Petit, Leg. Att. p. 576. Suidas, it is true, 
says, vojiOQ 'Adr/vyjai rag eraipag avdiva (popelv : but the word 
vdjjLog here decidedly means nothing more than custom, or habit ; 
and there certainly never was any law of Solon's to this effect, 
nor does a single author of the better period hint at any such 
distinctive attire. The very passages quoted by Petit from Arte- 
midorus and Clemens Alexandrinus. contain no proof. The words 
of the latter {Pozdag. iii. 2), ovrco n)v fJiOLyakila ceacvvovcri ra 
(ivO/ay/a-a, mean nothing more than his previous assertion, oh 
yap yvvaiKog, akX kraipag to (piKÖKOafjiOv : and the laws of 
Zaleucos (Diod. Sic. xii. 21), as well as the Syracusan ordinance 
(Phylarch. apud Athen, xii. p. 521), contained sumptuary restric- 
tions for free women merely, and were not designed for the regu- 
lation of the dress of the hetserse. And Clemens Alex. P&dag. 
ii. 10, plainly alludes to something of the same kind when he 
says: ' Aya^icu rwv Aatcecaifiovlojv ti]v woXlv ri)v TraXatav, >} {xovaig 
ralg eraipaig uvdivag ecrdrjTag Kai yjivaovv Koar/uiov ETrirpexpe (bopelv, 
u.<baipov\xivr\ rwv Coki/j.(ov yvvaaciov ty\v (piXoKoajuiai^ raj fxovaic 
eöeivaL tcaXXo-rrL^eadaL ralg eratpovaatg. The courtesan, desirous 
of looking as attractive as possible, would naturally adopt a 
gayer and more pretentious dress than the sober habiliments of 
the Grecian dame, just as she bestowed more pains on the dress- 
ing of her hair, though this was certainly not done after any 
particular fashion prescribed by law. Lucian, Bis Accus. 31 : 
Koa\iov[xivr\v kcii rag rpiyag evderi^ovaav elg to eratpiKOV. So 
also Id. Ver. Hist. ii. 46: yvvalKsg ttclvv eraipLKwg KEKocrfXTjfiEvcii. 
If the hetsera^ had been really forced by law to wear a party- 
coloured dress, the wonder would be why this was never adduced 



250 



THE HET7EKJ3. 



[Excursus. 



to decide the point, when the question was raised as to whether 
a woman was an hetsera or not ; and in that case it would have 
been impossible that such an error or dispute could have arisen 
as that between Stephanos and Epaenetos. Demosth. in Near. 
Hence it is evident that the mistake has been made of supposing 
this sort of dress to have been compulsory by law, while, in fact, 
it was only voluntarily adopted by the hetaerse. Eespecting the 
party-coloured garments, see Excursus on The Dress. 



EXCUESUS I. TO SCENE III. 



THE GKEECIAN HOUSE. 

IN the total absence of any remains of a Grecian house, in 
the scarcity of trustworthy descriptions, and the great con- 
fusion of the terms used for its various parts, to re-construct it 
in a satisfactory manner is- no easy task. That the house had 
its Thyroreion, Peristyle, Gynaeconitis and Andronitis, its Thala- 
mos and Amphithalamos, we know, but their relative positions 
are not so clear. Many writers have blindly followed Vitruvius' 
hasty account of a Grecian house of his own day, though the con- 
struction he describes was certainly not, even then, in universal 
use, and they utterly disregard the contradictions he meets with 
from other and more trustworthy authorities ; while others throw 
him overboard, and insist, in direct opposition to his state- 
ments, that the front of the house was the avSpiovlrtg, the back 
the yvvaiKOJVLTiQ. 

The translators of Vitruvius, — Perrault, Galiani, Ortiz y 
Sanz, Newton, and Eode, — do little or nothing towards solving 
the difficulties which present themselves. There are also recent 
English translations by Wilkins and Gwilt. Of the editors, 
Stratico and Marini are commonplace and incompetent, but 
Schneider's is a truly valuable critical edition. But neither in 
this, nor in his other work, Epimetrum ad Xenoph. Mem. iii. 
8,9, does he give any plan, or attempt to explain the construc- 
tion of the whole house, dispositio singularum partium, as Vi- 
truvius expresses it, p. 485. The other works on this subject 
are Scamozzi, Architettura, uncritical in the extreme ; Stieglitz, 
Archäol. d. Baukunst, in which Vitruvius is blindly followed ; 
Hirts, Gesch. d. Bauk., a poor affair; Barthelemy, Anachars. 
vol. ii. ; and lastly, Böttiger, Prol. i. de Medea Eurip., which 
contains some good remarks interspersed with a few errors. Such 
being the state of the subject, we can hardly hope to present a 
complete and satisfactory restoration of the Grecian house; it 
will not be difficult, however, to rectify many of the absurdities 
and errors which have been again and again repeated by suc- 
cessive writers. 



252 



THE GRECIAN HOUSE. 



[Excursus I. 



The Grecian house at the time of our story was entirely dif- 
ferent from the palaces of the Homeric chiefs, in which the female 
apartments were invariably in the upper story, vwepwov, a con- 
struction which was the exception, and not the rule, in after- 
times. Hence Voss' plan of the house of Odysseus requires no 
comment here. Of the changes which took place in the period 
between Homer and the Peloponnesian war, we know next to 
nothing ; but there is no reason to suppose that the houses at 
this latter period differed materially from those in the time of 
Solon and the Pisistratidas. So that the hundred years from the 
beginning of the war to the time of Alexander will be the 
period now under investigation. After this latter date great 
changes probably took place. 

Of course the writers who flourished during this epoch are 
our best authorities ; yet the information which we derive from 
them is so detached and disconnected, that it will be better to 
attempt, in the first place, to re-construct the house from the 
description of Vitruvius (vi. 7), which these scattered notices 
will serve to elucidate or correct. The passage in Vitruvius is 
as follows : 1 Atriis Graeci quia non utuntur, neque sedificant, sed 
ab janua introeuntibus itinera faciunt latitudinibus non spatiosis, 
et ex una parte equilia, ex altera ostiariis cellas, statimque januae 
interiores finiuntur. Hie autem locus inter duas januas grsece 
Qvpupeiov appellatur. Deinde est introitusin peristylion : id pe- 
ristylion in tribus partibus habet porticus; in ea parte, qua? 
spectat ad meridiem, duas antas inter se spatio amplo distantes, 
in quibus trabes invehuntur, et quantum inter antas distat ex eo 
tertia demta spatium datur introrsus. Hie locus apud nonnullos 
tcpoGTciQ) apud alios TvapaaraQ nominatur. In his locis introrsus 
constituuntur oeci magni, in quibus matres familiarum cum lani- 
ficis habent sessionem. In prostadii autem dextra ac sinistra 
cubicula sunt collocata, quorum unus thalamus, alterum amphi- 
thalamus dicitur. Circum autem in porticibus triclinia quotidi- 
an a, cubicula etiam et cellae familiaricas constituuntur. Haec 
pars Gynasconitis appellatur. Conjunguntur autem his domus 
ampliores habentes latiora peristylia, etc.' Also in the descrip- 
tion of the Andronitis, which comes next, we read : 1 Habent 
autem eas domus vestibula egregia et januas proprias cum digni- 
tate, etc' 



SCEiYE III.] 



THE GRECIAN HOUSE. 



253 



According to this account, the house-door opened into an 
entrance-hall, on either side of which were the porter's lodge 
and the stables. Except with respect to the stables, this agrees 
with Poll. i. 77 : riaiovTuyv de rrpöBvpa, /cat 7rpo7rvXaia icai tov 
fjev rrvXwva xai dvpwva KaXovm. This ttvXujv or dvpojy is the 
Ovpupelov of Vitruvius. According to him, the entrance-hall was 
again provided with a door towards the interior, ' locus inter 
duas januas.' There must have been, from the nature of the case, 
an opening from it into the peristyle, but whether this was 
usually closed by an inner door, as Vitruvius asserts, is doubtful. 
The house-door itself was called avXewg, or avXia dvpa. See a 
fragment of Menander (Meineke, p. 87) : 

robs TTjs yauGTrjs opovs vTrepßatveis, yvvai, 
t)]v avXiav ' 7ripas yap avAios 6vpa 
i\ev6epa yvvaiKl pevö^KTT olnias. 

Cf. Pind. JSfem. i. 19 ; Eustath. ad Iliad, xxii. 69 : npuTctg Qvpag 
Xiyei Tag avXeiovg. Now a second door, before the avXrj, is nowhere 
mentioned ; but directly the avXeiog is opened, you always entered 
at once into the peristyle. Nay, from Plutarch, de Genio Soer. 
17, it is clear that the house-door was visible from the peristyle. 
Caphisias, standing in a corner of the peristyle, riva ytoviav tov 
7T£piarvXoVj exclaims : Ka< rig oiirog, 6 npog rdlg avXeioig dvpaig 
E(f)£(TTujg 7ra\cu Kai irpotrßXETnov ij/juv ; So that at all events such 
an inner door must not be considered indispensable. Vitruvius 
makes the passage lead immediately to the peristyle; Pollux, 
however, says: slra TrpodofuoQ, icai 7rpoavXtov, kcii avXr) to ev$ov 
ffv alQov(rav H Ofxr}pog KaXel. From this it would appear that the 
peristyle was not separated from the entrance-lodge, dvpwpe'tor, 
by a mere wall, but that there were rooms on that side of the 
peristyle with doors opening into it. Suidas, Hesychius, and 
Photius, moreover, say: Tipodopiog' fj tov o'ikov iraoTac, or Trpo- 
(TTcig. This, compared with what Vitruvius says on the irpooTag 
in the peristyle, may throw some light upon the subject. 

In Pollux avXri means the same as TrepirrTvXiov, and it corre- 
sponds to the cavum ozdium of the Roman house, comprehending 
the open court in the middle, viratdpov, and the surrounding 
arcades : and from it access was gained to the other parts of the 
house. See Plato, Symp. p. 212 ; Plutarch, de Gen. Socr. 32 : 
'£lg ?e airayytiXag Kal KeXevcrdeig avol^at tov fj.oyX.bv atyeiXe teal 

}XLKpOV £V£()(i)K£ Tl]V dvpCLV, £fXTT£(r6vT£g CldpOOl KCLl (tVCLTpi^aVTEg TOV 



254 



THE GRECIAN HOUSE. 



[Excursus I. 



avdpwTTov levro ^>p6fi(o Zia Trjg avXfjg iirt rbv daXafioy. That it 
served as a promenade appears from Plato, Protag. p. 311 : 
uXXa cevpo e£aj>a(TTu>iJ£v elg tt\v avXrji', Kai 7repii6vreg avrov cia- 
Tpi^wfj-ev eojg av <bu>g yEinjrat. Meals were also taken there, as 
we see from Demosth. in Euerg. p. 1115 : t-vyzv ?/ yvvij fxov /jletci 
tG)v Tratctov apiGTwaa er rrj avXrj. Here, too, the altar for do- 
mestic sacrifice was usually placed. Plato, de Republ. i. p. 328 : 
redvKojg yap krvyyavev iv avXrj. Böckh assumes from Cic. 
Verr. iv. 2, that there were special sacraria in Greek private 
houses ; but the instance adduced in that passage being from 
Sicily, and at a comparatively late period, affords by no means 
such a conclusive proof as to early Greek customs as is derived 
from Lycurg. in Leocr. p. 155: ov yap e^iipKetre to aiöjia to 
eavTOv Kal ret ^prj^aTa fidvov vTTEKÖecrdai, äXXä Kai to. lepa to. 
Tra-püa, a TO~ig v/u.erepoig Kal TraTpwoig edeaiv ol Trpoyovot Tzape- 
eoaav aWco llpvaafdevoi, TavTa /j,eT£7refu\baT0 elg Miyapa teal 
kl-qyayev ek Tfjg \wpag. As D'Orville, ad Charit, iii. 2, has 
observed, portable altars were employed for the purpose of 
sacrifice. 

According to Vitruvius, this peristyle, which formed a square 
or oblong, had arcades on three sides only, namely, on that ad- 
joining the entrance, and on those running parallel to each other 
on the right and left. On the side opposite the entrance, and in 
a line with the columns at the sides, were two pillars, antce, be- 
tween which lay a space, open toward the avXi), but enclosed on 
the other three sides, thus forming a kind of vestibule, whose 
depth was one third less than its breadth, i. e. the interval be- 
tween the two pillars. Eight and left of this 7rpoaTag, TapaaTag, 
or 7raorac, as it was called, were the daXa/ixog and d^^tOctXa^oc ; 
and behind these (introrsus), the large saloons for the wool- 
working : while around the aiiXi] were the eating and sitting rooms / 
and cells for the slaves. 

This description of Vitruvius would be perfectly intelligible, 
were it not that he has all along been talking of the gynaeconitis, 
which he thus assumes to lie next the street ; and he presently 
begins to talk of the andronitis in the words, ' Conjunguntur 
autem his domus ampliores.' This, however, is entirely at variance 
with all the information as to the women's apartments which we 
derive from the Greeks themselves. But before proceeding to 
discuss these Greek accounts, we must advert to two erroneous 



Scene III.] THE GRECIAN HOUSE. 255 



suppositions that have been often made. First, all the houses 
have been universally assumed to have been free and isolated, 
and in no way connected with other buildings. Those in the 
suburbs and kv äypolg, nay, many in the town, may have been 
so, but the majority of houses must have been built close toge- 
ther, and even with party- walls. So Thucydides, ii. 3, speaking 
of Plataga, says : /cat IvveXeyovro diopvaaovreg tovq Koivovg to'l- 
\ovq Trap' dXXr]Xovg, owojg ju>) $ia tCjv odwv (pa.rs.pol waiv lovreg. 
Also Isasus, de Philoctem. Hered. p. 143 : rä le ^p^ara erloQev 
eE,e<popr]<ravro fiera rfjg avdpwTcov elg rijv opLoroiypv olxtav, j)v u>kei 
fjefuiado/xevog elg tovtojv. Plaut. Mil. Glor. ii. 1, 62; Demosth. 
in Androt. p. 609 : reyog wg rovg yeirovag V7repßaiveiv. None of 
the restorations yet proposed will apply to houses such as these. 

Secondly, it is frequently assumed that Vitruvius' description 
applies not to the ancient houses, but merely to those of later 
date ; and that in earlier times the houses consisted of two stories, 
the andronitis being on the ground-floor, and the upper floor, 
virepüov, being appropriated to the gynseconitis. Now as regards 
the period from Homer to the time of the Persian invasion there 
is absolute lack of all evidence on the one side or the other, and 
the scanty notices extant which refer to the time of the Pelopon- 
nesian war, sufficiently prove that at that epoch the apartments 
of the women were not generally above stairs. The often-quoted 
passage in Lysias, de Cade Eratosth. p. 12, runs: olddiov earl 
jjiui diirXovv, tora eyov tci aviv rdlg /cartu, /caret ri)v yvvatKtovlnv 
/cat Kara rrjv avdpmnriv. ETCELhrf de to ira&'iov eyevero rffxlv, rj fJ-^ri^p 
avro edrjXa^ev. 'Iva de fxrj, onore Xovecrdai Seot, Kivdvvevot Kara, rfjg 
K\i/j.aKog Kara ßaivov era, eyco fxev avu) ^t^rwjUTyv, al ()e yvvaliceg kcltio. 
To this we may add Aristoph. Eccles. 961 : Karadpa/jovaa rrfv 
dvpav avoi^ov. These passages no doubt refer to an upper story ; 
but this does not necessarily show that such was of usual occur- 
rence. What Plutarch relates, ad Princ. Iner. 4 ; Arat. 26 ; and 
Pelop. 35, has reference to the two tyrants, Aristippos and Alex- 
ander of Pherse, who take special precautions for their personal 
safety ; and from this therefore we cannot infer the general prac- 
tice. Achilles Tatius, ii. 26, says: /cat oKXeiviag, kv virepüio yap 
rbv BaXafiov el")(e- But this cannot be quoted as an authority, on 
account of the late time at which the author wrote. Now the 
house mentioned by Lysias, supra, was a small one, and therefore 



256 



THE GRECIAN HOUSE. 



[Excursus I. 



its confined plan might have made it necessary for the gynse- 
conitis to be constructed on the upper floor, which would then be 
a very suitable position. Moreover, Euphiletos need not have 
explained to the judges, oltidiov karl \xoi SnrXovv, if houses were 
commonly so constructed. In another passage Lysias mentions a 
gynseconitis which is certainly not in a virep^ov ; adv. Simon. 
p. 139 : kXOiov £7ri rr\v oikLclv rr\v i\xy\v vvuriop /.tedvojv, EKKo\pag 
~ag dvpag elarjXdev elg Tr)v yvvaiKwvl-iv. Again, in the house of 
Ischomachos, the andronitis and gynseconitis adjoin each other ; 
Xenoph. CEcon. 9, 5. So in Demosth. in Euerg. p. 1155, Mne- 
sibulos and Euergos, passing through the back-door, arrive at the 
gynseconitis, and find the women in the avXij. Cf. Antipho, de 
Venef. p. 611. Nay, even the tragic poets seem sometimes to 
have had in view not the houses of the heroic age, but those of 
their own; see CEdip. Tyr, 1241-1262, where the Ae'x?? vv^iKa, 
and therefore also the chambers of Jocasta, can only be supposed 
to be on the ground-floor. 

All these citations go to prove that, in the historic period, the 
women's apartments were not in the vitepwov, except under pecu- 
liar circumstances ; but the passages referring to the doors which 
connected the gynseconitis with the rest of the house, afford still 
more conclusive evidence. Xenoph. CEcon. 9, 5 : "E?£i£a £e kol 
ry)v yvvaiKu)V~iTLV avrrj Qvpav ßaXavEtü) (sic) wpMTfJEvqv curb rrjg 
avcpwvLTidoe, 'Iva jtt^Vc eictpepwrai ev()oQev o,tl firj 3f7, ^xrjTE tekvo- 

TTOlCjVTCll Ol OlKETCtl CLVEV rfjg IfjJLETEpaq yVii)\XY]q. The WOl'ds OvpClP 

ßaXaveiip ujpLcrjjLEvrjv a. r. a. are devoid of meaning, as all the 
editors agree : the most probable emendation appears to be that 
suggested by Professor Hermann, who would read dvpa ßaXavwrü, 
and this conjecture is confirmed by the phrase o^s-vg ßaXavwrog, 
which occurs in a fragment of Parmenides, ap. Sext. Empir. 
p. 393. Two reasons are assigned by Xenophon for the andronitis 
and gynseconitis being separated by a door that could be kept 
locked; first, 'Iva fjirj EKtyEpnrat. evSoOev o,tl fir) SeI, for the valu- 
ables and household stores were kept in the women's apartments, 
those of the men being devoted more to convivial purposes : 
secondly, fitjTE TEKvoTroiCovTai ol oiKETai avEv rrjg ij/jLEripag yvw/jLvg, 
for the slaves also w T ere separated according to their sex, the males 
being confined to the andronitis, the females to the gynseconitis. 
We learn then from this passage, that the gynseconitis lay beyond 



Scene III.] 



THE GRECIAN HOUSE. 



257 



the andronitis, and was separated from it by a single door, else- 
where called fiiravXoQ, jjteaavXog, or pEvavXiog. The introduction 
of this door is the crucial test of all correct restorations of the 
Grecian house ; and it must carefully be remembered, that one 
and the same door are denoted by fXEravXog and juecravXoe, but 
that the latter, in its strict meaning, could not be used in every 
house instead of the more general word fxhayXog : for Schneider 
is quite wrong (Epim. p. 279), in stating that fierayXog was only 
the commoner Attic form of fxicravXog. Without forgetting the 
connexion between /jlegoq and fiera, there appears to be a distinct 
reason why /jletclvXoq is preferred by earlier writers. The best- 
known passage in which fieravXog occurs is in Lysias, de Ccede 
Eratdsth. p. 20 : dyafxi/jLvtifTKO/nEvog, on iv EKEivrj tt\ vvkti l\p6(pei 
rj fieravXog Svpa Kai rj avXeiog. All however that we learn from 
this is, that in order to arrive at the gynasconitis it was neces- 
sary to pass through an interior door : but the point here to be 
noticed is, that though this door does not, in this case, connect the 
andronitis and gynseconitis (for the latter is in the inrepüiov), yet 
it is still called fiiravXog. Whereas Mcer. Att. p. 264, says : 
fjteravXoc, 7} fxearf rrjg äv^ptoviridog Kal yvvaiKOviridog dvpa, 'Arri- 
Kwg. nitjavXog, 'EXXrjviKÖjg. See Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod. iii. 335 : 
rj fj.eaa.vXog f] (pepovaa e'ig re rrjv avfipcovlriv teal yvvaiKuvJriv. Cf. 
Plutarch. Symp. vii. 1 : r/ e)t fieravXog avrr] (?/ ETriyXwrrlg) kXiglv 
ett d/jupOTEpa XafJißavovffa (pd£yyo/j,Evu)v jjlev etuttitttei rw OTOfJiayu) 
airovfiEviov %e Kal TTivopnov rrj dprrjpia.. But the greatest weight 
is to be attached to a quotation from JElius Dionysius in Eustath. 
ad Iliad, xi. 547 : ol ()e iraXaiol arj^iEiovvrai, (bg 'Attikoi fxkv ty\v 
piEvrjvdvpav fj,E(ravX6v<J>a(Ti, fxaXtarra fiEv ovv ri]v jiiarjv ^vdlv avXa~u>, 
wg frjaii' A'iXiog Atovvaiog, i)v Kal fjLEravXov avrog Xeyei irpbg ojxolo- 
rrjra rov fießopLOi' Kai fAETa'i\fiiov. This explanation, taken in 
connexion with the passage in Lysias, enables us to determine the 
real meaning of jueravXoe, and its relation to /jEaavXog. In early 
times, when a private citizen passed most of his time amid the 
grandeur of the public edifices, his own abode was simple enough, 
and certainly did not possess two peristyles. Through the avXs tag 
dvpa was the entrance into the avXrj, which was in the front of the 
house, and which was in fact the peristyle, and was surrounded 
by the apartments appertaining to the andronitis. Beyond the 
peristyle, and separated from it by a door, was the gynseconitis. 

' s 



258 



THE GRECIAN HOUSE. 



[EXCTJRSUS I. 



This door was called /jteravXoc, not because it connected the two 
departments of the house, but because it lay opposite to the 
avXeiog, across or behind the avXij. But when houses were built 
on a more extensive plan, with a separate peristyle for both andro- 
nitis and gyngeconitis, the door that joined them both still con- 
tinued to be fxiravXog in reference to the avXetog ; but in so far as 
it formed the passage from one avXri into the other, it was also at 
the same time /metravXog, and hence the words of iElius Dionysius 
just quoted from Eustathius : fjidXiara t))v fjiearjv cvoiv avXaiv. 
Houses in which there was but a single avXr) appear to be alluded 
to by Plutarch, de Curios. 3 : aXXa vvv fiev elai dvpiopol, TraXaice 
powrpa xpovo/Jieva irpbg raig dvpaig aiadrjcriv Trapei-^ev, 'Iva fxr) ri]v 
oiKoliairoLvav kv fxia-o) KaraXdßrj o ctXXorpiog, i) rr\v irapdevov, i) 
KoXa£6fxevov OLKerrju ?/ Ktupayviag rag Qepairaiv'ihag. 

From all this it is clear that in the best period the women as 
well as the men lived on the ground-floor, and the latter always 
in the front of the house. But we must not suppose that the 
lady of the house was excluded entirely from the men's apart- 
ments ; on the contrary, it was only on the arrival of strangers 
that she retired to the gynasconitis ; though the virgins remained 
there in all cases. Philo, de Special, leg. ii. p. 327 : TrapQevoLg 
jxiv eiaio KXiciahwy r>)j' /xecravXiov öpov Tre7roir]fievaig, reXttatg ce 
ijdrj yvvadX ti)v avXwv. See also Plutarch, Arat. 26. 

This construction of a Grecian house, as gathered from the 
most trustworthy Greek authors, seems to be in direct contradic- 
tion to the description of Vitruvius. The commentators attempt 
to reconcile the discrepancy by the most oj>posite hypotheses. 
Perrault, Marini, and Weiske, utterly regardless of Grecian habits, 
place the gynaeconitis next the entrance, thus making it serve as 
a passage to the andronitis. With far greater'probability Galiani, 
Ortiz, and Rode, suppose that the andronitis and gynaeconitis, 
instead of being one behind the other, were side by side, and that 
the words of Vitruvius, ' Habent autem eae domus vestibula egre- 
dia et januas proprias,' show that each had a separate entrance to 
the street. The principal difficulty of this hypothesis is that no 
other author gives any hint of such an arrangement. Still in towns 
of lax morality, such as Alexandria, it may have been found in- 
convenient to have to pass through the andronitis to get into the 
gynaeconitis, and so each may have had its own separate entrance. 



Scene III.] 



THE GRECIAN HOUSE. 



259 



Still, even in the time of Vitruvius, such a disposition cannot be 
supposed the ordinary one ; and, moreover, the description of this 
author appears to belong more to the mansions of the opulent than 
to the residences of ordinary citizens. 

It still remains to inquire why Vitruvius treats first of the 
gynasconitis as if it were the principal part of the house, when 
the andronitis would seem naturally to claim an earlier notice, as 
well from its greater size and more pretentious appearance, as from 
being the part that was probably first entered. The reason may 
perhaps have been because the former still retained the original 
form of the house, while the latter had the appearance of a 
modern adjunct. Indeed the women's apartments were in reality 
the most important part of the edifice, containing, as they did, 
the OaXa/jog, and the household stores and other valuables. With 
regard to the gynseconitis, we may rest assured that the descrip- 
tion in Vitruvius will also very well suit the period here in ques- 
tion, except that in his account the /jiiaavXog is not opposite to the 
avXetog, but on the side against which the andronitis was built. 
The remainder of the Roman architect's description contains 
nothing of moment, and will therefore only supply an occasional 
hint as we proceed. 

In building a house a great point was to have as much sun as 
possible in winter, and in summer very little. Hence the main 
front mostly faced the south, or at least the porticoes on this side 
were built higher. Xenoph. CEcon. 9, 4 : fcai ovfiiraaav le ri)v 
oiKiav kiviZti^a avrrj, ort Tcpbg ^.ecrrjfißpiav avaTriirrara^ ware 
evdrjXov dvai, ort ^Et^xiovog fxkv evrjXwg ecrn, tov tie dipovg tv- 
omog. Memo?', iii. 8, 9 : OLKo^o^xelv £t t vxprfXorepa p,ev ra Trpog 
f.itar)fißptav, 'Iva 6 ytifxepivbg fjXtog fjii} cnroxXeirjTat. ^dafxaXurspu 
rii npog txpKTOV, 'Ira ol xpv^pol ejXTreTTiiXTiv avtjioi. Cf. 
Aristot. CEcon. i. 6 ; so also Vitruvius : ' una (portions) qua? ad 
meridiem spectat excelsioribus columnis constituitur.' A peristyle 
of this sort was called lihodiacum. 

The Athenian residences at the time of the Peloponnesian war 
were certainly neither large nor stately structures. According to 
Thucydides, ii. 14, the Athenians preferred living on their estates 
in the country to residing in the city, and hence the country- 
houses were even superior to those in the town. Isocr. Areop. 20, 
p. 203 : wore KaXXiovg elvai Kal TroXvreXearepag rag olia'iaeig kui 

s 2 



260 



THE GKECIAtf HOUSE. [Excuesus I. 



TCLQ ETTHTKEVag TCIQ E7TI TWV Ciypwv, tj TCIQ EVTOQ TtL^OVQ. Cf. 

Thucyd. ii. 65 : ol cvvarol (eXvttovvto} KaXa KTrj/jiara cara 
ri]v oiKoSo/itaig re Kal 7toXvteXe(ti KaraarKEva'ig cittoXwXe- 

Koreg. That the houses in the town were not remarkably com- 
modious or handsome appears from Dicasarch. Stat. Graze, p. 8 : 
ul fxkv iroXXai twv oIkiwv evreXelc, oXiyai yjp^Gijiai. It was 
not till the Macedonian era, when public spirit had gradually de- 
cayed, and private persons, not satisfied with participating in the 
grandeur of the state, became desirous of emulating it at home, 
that the private buildings became more spacious and magnificent, 
while public structures were proportionably neglected. Demosth. 
Olynth, iii. p. 36 : evlol he Tag idlag ohiag twv Srjfxoatwv ohoco- 
jjrf^arwv aEfivoTEpag elai kcltevkevckj jjlevoi. oaw £e rag Trjg ttoXeojc 
eXcittw yiyovE, toctovtw ret tovtwv ^ui^rat. Id. in Aristocr. p. 

689 : VVV tT Ilia fJlEV, EXCMJTU) TWV TCI tCOlVO. TTpCtTTOVTWV TOCrciVTT) 

wEptovata egtiv, wgte TLvkg fxkv ayrwv ttoXXwv h-qfioaiwv ol^odofxr]- 
fxaTwv (TEfivoTEQag Tag lliag KaTECTKEvaxaffiv otiäag. 

The Grecian house had not, as the Eoman had, a vestibulum, 
or vacant space before the house-door. This is clear from the 
fact of a tax being imposed by Hippias on such doors as opened 
outwards, on account of their encroaching on the space that was 
public property. Aristot. CEcon. ii. p. 1347: 'lirirtag 6 'Adrivalog 
to. vTTEpiyovTO. twv virEpwwv EiQ Tag cw/J-ocrtag oCovc teal Tovg dva- 
pudfiovg t:a\ to 7rpo^>pay/xara, /cat rdc dvpag Tag avoiyofjiEvag £t,w 
ETzioX-qcTEv. The 7rß6dvpa mentioned by Herodotus, vi. 35, MtXrta- 
crjc i;aTr}[j.EVog ev to~mti 7rpodvpotai toTctl ewvtov, is merely the 
ground generally in front of the door. But many houses must 
have had an enclosure about them, as appears from the passage 
just cited from Aristotle. Similar to these must have been the 
cpvtyaKToi, whose further extension was forbidden by Themistocles 
and Aristides. See Heracl. Pont. Polit. i: kqI twv blwv eite^xe- 
Xovvto OTrwg fjrjTtvEg aroiKOCO/jLwaw avTCic, rj cpv(pa.KTOvg virEpTti- 
rwaiv. Before each house stood, usually, its own peculiar altar 
of Apollo Agyieus, or an obelisk rudely representing the god 
himself, a relic of the ancient re-pay wvog epyacta, hence termed 
'AyvLEvg. It is called klwv Eig o£v Xi'jywv we oßiXLVKog, sometimes 
Kwvo£ih)g Ktwvj or ßwfxog (TTpoyyvXog, also 'AttoXXwv TETpdywvog. 
Cf . Schol. ad Vesp. 875 ; Thesmoph 489 ; Hellad. ap. Phot. bibl. 
279 ; Harpocration and Suidas,..s. v. 'Ayvtäg ; Plaut. Merc. iv. 1, 



Scene HI.] THE GRECIAN" HOUSE. 



2(31 



10. Sometimes a laurel was planted beside it. Cf. Thucyd. vi. 
27 ; Aristoph. Plut. 1153. Perhaps some steps led to the house- 
door, over which, boni ominis causa, or as a sort of ßaoKtti iov, -an 
inscription was often placed. Plutarch, Fragm. Vit. Crat. v. 
p. 874 : eV! tovtov (petal rovg ' EXXrjvag iiriypcupEiv rolg Iclvtwv 
oikolq ettl tG)V -KpoTtvXaiwv ' E'ivolog KparrjTi Aya0w AaifiOVt.' 
Cf. Diog. Laert. vi. 50: Neoya/iou kirLypa^av-og eVt ti)v olk'lciv 
' O tov Aiog ttcüq 'HpaicXrig KaXXiviKog evda^e <carot/0£t, fjrjcev 
elairu) /ca/coV,' kiteypa'^E 1 Mtra ttoXe/jlop rj <7u/ijuaY/a.' 

In all houses of consequence there was a porter, dvpwpog : and 
though Plutarch, de Curios. 3, denies that this was the case in 
ancient times, still at the period of the Peloponnesian war the 
custom had become very general. The duty of the Ovpwpog was 
not only to let people in, and announce them to his master, but 
also to see that nothing was secretly or irregularly carried out 
of the mansion. Aristot. (Econ. i. 6, p. 1345 : doxeT. de /ecu k v 
raiq /jeyaXaig ohovofxiaig j^ptjaLfiog elvai dvpojpog, bg av rj ay^pr)- 
errog rwv aXXiov kpyiov, wpog Trjv (Tejrrjplav tCjv d(T<pepo/j.Evo)v Kill 
kixpepofAEvtuv. The behaviour of this personage is capitally por- 
trayed by Plato, when describing the reception Socrates met with 
at the door of Callias ; Prot. p. 314 : Ao/ett ovv p:oi, 6 dvpwpog, 
Evvovyog Ttg, KarljKOvev ijjiwv. kiv^wevei Ie htd to 7rXy~]dog tlov 
aotyKTTWv a^deadai roig (poirwaiv slg t))v oticiav. tVetcV/ yovv 
iKpovvcijuiEv tt)v dvpav, cu>ol$ag /eat ifiwi' rjfxäg, "Ea, E(pr}, ao(ptcrTai 
TLVEg. ov a^oXy) avrüi. /eat ajia a/j.(po~iv raiv yepoTv rr)v Qvpav 
iravv xpodv fj.ii) g dg oiöv r y)v EK^pa'ie. /cat yj/iElg iraXiv EKpovopeV 
/eat bg EyKEKXEta/jLErrjg -rjg dvpag (nroKpivofXEvog el-kev, '£2 avQpwTroi, 
E(pr), ovk d/CTy/voare, ort ov a^oXi) avruj ; AW, (5 'yaöe, efrjv kyw, 
ovte irapa 'KaXXLav tfieofiev, ovte aotyiarai kajj.Ev y aXXa OappEi. 
Mpoj-ayopav yap rot ^eo/jlevol tcVty ijXdojjiEVj EtaayyEiXov ovv. fx6- 
ytc ovv ttote yjfxiv 6 ärdpb)7rog Ilvese t))v övpav. A dog also 
was often placed at the door, who kept watch when the porter 
was away. Apollod. ap. Athen, i. p. 3 ; cf. Theocr. xv. 43 : 

rav kvv ecrw K&Xtcrov, rau avAe'iav airoKXatyv. 

See also Aristoph. Thesm. 416; Equit. 1025 ; Lysistr. 1215: 
ev\aßeia&ai rr)v kvvu, a warning which was often written up like 
the cave canem ! of the Romans. 

In the accompanying plan, which is intended to represent a 



Ground-plan of a large Greek Diuelling-house, wit7i double Peristyle for 
Andronitis and Gynceconitis. 

a. avXeios Qvpa. 

8vp. dvpwpsiov or dvpwv. 

A. auA$? of the Andronitis. 

0. The various saloons and chambers of the Andronitis. 

ix. /xeravXas, here a regular ß4aav\os, forming the only communication between 
the Andronitis and Gynaeconitis. 
T. Court of the Gynaeconitis. 

7. The various divisions of the Gynseconitis with the ordinary eating and 
store-rooms, kitchen, &c. 

t. irapacrras, iraaTas, or irpocrrds. 
6. ddXauos and afxtyiddAa/nos. 

1. tcrrwves, or rooms for the looms, and woollen manufactures. 
k. Krj-rrata Qvpa, whose precise position is, however, immaterial. 

Of course the arrangement of the various chambers, with their doors, windows, 
and stairs, &c, is arbitrary. 

The Mesaulos of Vitruvius is most likely the long uninterrupted passage 
between the Andronitis and Gynaaconitis. Inasmuch as it is divided by the door 
Vitruvius might speak of two passages (jnesaulce). 



Scene HL] 



THE GRECIAN HOUSE. 



265 



large dwelling-house with a double peristyle, such as might have 
been in vogue at the date of our story, everything not essential 
has been omitted ; while at the same time the particular arrange- 
ment of the various rooms and chambers must of course be entirely 
hypothetical. Passing through the entrance-hall, or thyroreion, 
you first enter the front avXr), or peristyle of the andronitis, on 
all four sides of which are arcades, trtaai. See Poll. i. 78. That 
nearest the entrance, and perhaps also that opposite to it, was 
called -rrpooToov. Plato, Prot. p. 314: ^irzih) Ik EiaijXdopEv 
KareXaßofxev Hpiorayopav iv rü> Trpoarou) TrepLTrarovvTa. Ib. p. 
315 : Toy Ie }xet EiaEv6r\aa, kcprj "Ofi^pog, TTnriav rbv 'HXe'lov 

KCldllflEVOV EV TÜj KCLTCtVTLKpV TTpOGTOO) EV dpOVU). ArOUnd the 

peristyle were situated the larger saloons, oIkol, designed for the 
symposia of the men (rpiicXivoi, EirTatcXtvoi, TpiaKovTaxXivoi, Plu- 
tarch, Symp. v. 5, 2), and hence they were also called dvZpojvEQ. 
In Plutarch, Sept. Sap. Conv. 2, we also meet with a toriaropiov, 
though this appears to have been a building specially designed for 
such convivial meetings. In the best period, avlpojv is the usual 
expression See Xenoph. Symp. i. 4, 13 ; Aristoph. Eccles. 676 : 

rb §e Selirvov ttov irapad-rjcreis ; 
rd diKa(TT7)pia teal ras (Ttolcls avdpauas ir&VTa Troirjau. 

Besides these there was a room with seats for the reception of visi- 
tors, £&cpa, and there were also smaller chambers, Sw^cfria (Lysias, 
de Cced. Erat. p. 28; Aristoph. Eccles. 8), called also koltmveq 
(Poll. i. 79), and frequently ohij/nara (Plato, Prot. p. 316 ; Achill. 
Tat. ii. 19). Here also there may have been store-rooms, as was 
the case at Callias's father's. Plato, Protag. p. 315. Cf. Aristoph. 
Eccl. 14 : 

(TTods re Kapnov ßaKx'iov Te va^aros 
ir\4)peis. 

In the centre of the arcade which faced the entrance, called by 
Plato to KaravTLKpv npooToov, may be placed with the greatest 
probability the fiirayXog dvpa ; which may here be taken in its 
proper meaning of pivavXoc, as already explained. Besides this 
there was a third principal door, usually called icrj-rraia dvpa 
(Poll. i. 76), because there was a plot of garden adjoining most 
houses. See Demosth. in Euerg. p. 1155 : KaraßaXövTEg t^v 
dvpav tt)v eIq top Krjirov tyipovcrav. Cf. Plaut. Most. v. 1, 4; so 
also Lysias, in Eratosih. p. 393 : Efx-KEipog yap wv krvyyavov rrjg 



266 



THE GRECIAN HOUSE. [Exctjkstjs I. 



olriac, Kai rfltiv, on aficptdvpog eirj. Lysias also mentions a third, 
or rather a fourth door, rpuov dvpwv ovgwp, ag 'id et pe cWXÖeti', 
a7raarcu aveuyfievat tTvyov. The context plainly shows that the 
avXeiog cannot have been one of the three doors here mentioned ; 
the one in question may possibly have been one leading out of 
the garden into the street. 

In the time of Vitruvius, and probably also at an earlier 
period, the gynasconitis was so built that the peristyle had por- 
ticoes on three sides only. On the fourth side was the ttqo- 
araQy formed by the two antce (see Plan) : behind this were the 
rooms for female industry, which terminated the mansion ; but 
on the right and left of the ^poorae, and opening into it, were 
the BcikafioQ and afMptQaXafiog, and on the three remaining sides 
of the peristyle the daily eating-rooms, .and all the offices re- 
quired for household purposes. This tallies very well with the 
account of Pollux : 6 de yvvaiK(i)viTrjg, dciXa/xog, \otw>v. raXa- 
crtovpyog oltcog, aLTOiroÜKbg, 'Iva jir\ fivXwva, wg ovk eixprjfxor^ ovojia- 
£(i)fjiEv. eira oirravzlov, to fiayeiptlov, epelg, wg a.7rodf}icat, rafiela, 
Orjaavpot, <f>vXa Krepta. 

The daXa/xog is the matrimonial bed-chamber. Schneider erro- 
neously supposes that at Athens daXa/iog was used to denote a 
store-room, as it does in Homer. This conclusion is based on 
Xenoph. CEcon. 9, 3: 6 fiev yap dciXajxog ev oyypü wv ret ttXe'i- 
arov ct£ia Kai arp^fiara Kai GKtvr) TzapeKaXei. It was quite 
natural however to keep the plate and other valuables in a chest 
in the bed-chamber. It would almost seem from Lysias, de Ccede 
Eratosth. p. 13, that the QciXapog was in the men's apartments ; 
but the reason of this is because Euphiletos has exchanged lodg- 
ings with his wife, while the BaXa/jtog remained unchanged. The 
daXafxog was at a later period usually called Tracrrag ; and though 
there is some doubt about the signification of this word and of 
7rapa<TTag } it would seem that the similar appellation of the 
antechamber (7rpo<rrag) caused the bed-chamber to be called so 
also. The use of the amphithalamos is not clear, unless it be the 
sitting-room of the wife and the rest of the family. 

When there was an upper story, virepüov, dujpeg, it certainly 
did not usually cover the whole space occupied by the ground- 
floor : in it the slaves mostly lodged. Thus in Bemosth. in 
Euerg. p. 1156, the female slaves are shut up kv rw irvpyu. 



SCEKE m.] 



THE GRECIAN HOUSE. 



267 



This v7TF.p0>ov may have been sometimes approached by a flight 
of stairs leading from the street (see Gallus, p. 4), and these 
perhaps are the äpaßad/iol taxed by Hippias. Aristot. CEcon. 
ii. p. 1347. If the upper story was used for strangers, a separate 
access of this kind must have been very commodious. Frequently 
these upper stories may have projected over the area of the ground- 
floor, like balconies or oriels; these also, ra v-rrepexovra rüv 
vwepyiov, were taxed by Hippias. See Poll. i. 81 : tira virepwa 
oiic>]f.iara. ra 3' avrd Kal dirjpr}. at TrpoßoXai twv vTrepwwr 
oiKrjfiariov, at virep rovg ko.t(o roiyovg Trpovyovaaiy yei(wroc)i<7- 
fxaTa ' Kal ra (pipovTa avrag i;v\a yeiatTro^ag. The vir epüoi' 
was sometimes assigned or let to strangers, as appears from 
Antipho, de Venef. p. 611 : 'Ywep^ov ri l]v rrjg fj^eripag ohlag 
o elxe $>iXovewg, ottot iv aorei diarpißoi. Vitruvius, however, 
speaks of special apartments for guests, adjoining the main build- 
ing, which was doubtless occasionally the case in large houses : 
' Praeterea dextra ac sinistra domunculag constituuntur habentes 
proprias januas,. triclinia et cubicula commoda, uti hospites ad- 
venientes non in peristylia, sed in ea hospitalia recipiantur.' Cf. 
Eurip. Alcest. 564 : Hu-kioi ^evwvec. But this cannot have been 
the rule, for no such hospitalia are to be found in the house of Cal- 
lias, in which the guests all lodge under their host's roof. Plato, 
Protag. p. 315. Vitruvius also speaks of hospitalia separated 
from the main building by passages, fxiaavXoi, but the text is 
evidently corrupt, and has been satisfactorily emended by Schnei- 
der. Most likely the /.dffavXog to which Vitruvius alludes is 
only the passage leading from the andronitis to the gynaeconitis, 
in which was the fxevavXog Bvpa ; and the dubious expression 
itinera must be taken to mean only a single passage, as Schneider 
has remarked. 

The roofs were usually flat, so as to afford a place for walking 
on. Lysias, adv. Simon, p. 142 ; Plaut. Mil. ii. 2, 3. But there 
were also pitched roofs, and though gables are restricted to 
temples (Aves, 1108), still this is only to be understood of pedi- 
ments fronting the street, as appears from Galen. So Pollux, i. 
81, speaking exclusively of private houses, says: a^ißovTtg Ik 
elat, Ev\a it, eKaripiov t(vv roiywv aXXi)\oig avrepeL^ofxeva, irpbg 
TO rovg [xiaovg v\pnXovg opofyovg ariytiv Ivvaaflai. 

The exterior of dwelling-houses, as seen from the street, could 



268 



THE GRECIAN HOUSE. [Excursus I. 



not have been very imposing. Not faced with marble, as among 
the Komans, the usual material was common stone, brick, or 
wood. Xenoph. Mem. iii. 1, 7 : XlQol mi Kepafiog kcltu) koi im- 
7ro\fjg, iv fxeao) c>£ at re ttXIvQol kol rd £vXa. Over this there 
was a coating of plaster, «oWa/ia, in the preparation of which 
the Greeks were certainly adepts. Demosth. de Ord. Rep. p. 
175 ; Plutarch, Comp. Arist. et Cat. 4. In Plutarch, Phoc. 18, 
we read: rj ohia rov fbwxiwvog en rvv iv MeXhrj heitcvvrai, 
-^aXkalg Xenial KeKoa/jirjfxevr}, ra 2' aXXa Xin) Kat atyehiig. 

The remaining arrangements, and the decoration of the in- 
terior, were also characterised by great simplicity, although even 
in Xenophon's and Plato's time more care was expended on 
these particulars. The floor was decidedly mere plaster ; flags 
were not used till late, and the first mention of mosaic occurs 
under the kings of Pergamus. Nevertheless, in elegant houses 
this plaster-floor was sometimes executed tastefully in divers 
colours. Cf. Plin. Nat. Hist, xxxvi. 25, 60 : ' Pavimenta ori- 
ginem apud Grsecos habent elaborata arte, picturge ratione, donee 
lithostrota expulere earn.' 

The walls, until the fourth century b.c., seem to have been 
whitewashed only. The house of Alcibiades is the first instance 
of their being painted. Andocid. in Alcib. p. 119 ; Plutarch, Alcib. 
16. It is immaterial whether the paint was laid on lime or panels, 
though the first is* the more probable. This innovation, however, 
met with opposition. Thus Xenophon, who was very utilitarian 
in his principles, decides : ypatyai /ecu irotKiXiai irXetovag ev(ppo- 
(rvvag cnroaTEpovaiv fj Trapiyovai. Memor. iii. 8, 10; see also 
(Econ. 9, 2. Plato, on the other hand, considers £wypa0ta and 
7ruiKiXia as signs of a Tpvfyioaa noXig ; though this, he says, would 
be a more agreeable residence than a vüiv ttöXic. De Republ. iii. 
p. 372. Hence we gather that painting the interior walls was 
not uncommon at that period. We also read of woiiciXtai or ttoi- 
KiXfiara, which are stucco-ornaments on the cornices and ceilings ; 
thus we have iv opofy TroLKiXfiara. Plato, de Republ. vii. p. 
529. At a later time, wall-painting, or at all events coloured 
ornament, was quite as common as at Pompeii. So Lucian, Amor. 
34 : cirri fie EvreXtöv Zo)jxaTiii)v vxprjXa repe/iva /ecu Xidtov ttoXvte- 
Xeiav E/irj-^avrjaavTO, /ecu yv\ivy\v Toiyuv ajxopcpLav evavdeai ßatycilg 
Xpoofxa-wv fcareypa\l/av. 



Scene JH.] 



THE GRECIAN HOUSE. 



269 



There were certainly more doors in a Grecian house than has 
been generally supposed. All the store-rooms, the thalamos, and 
the various sitting-rooms, had them of course, and perhaps they 
were only wanting in the saloons and the apartments which all 
might enter ; these were provided with hangings, Trapa-nETa.Gjj.a-a. 
Poll. x. 32 : Upo fj.ev ovv koltCjvoc ett\ TOÄQ dvpaiQ TrapaTTSTaajiarwy 
gol cei, Eire ä-\ovv e'lv to -Kapa~EraG\ia Xevkov odovvg, e'ite 
xa\ rpiyxiTTTov ri ßairrcv, e\te TroXvyjpovv . The avkala ey^ovtra 
UioGac Evv<paGfXEvove, mentioned by Theophrastus, § 5, meant 
perhaps the same thing. Cf. Poll. iv. 122. 

It has been already stated that the house-door sometimes 
opened outwards; but it was far more usual for it to open in- 
wards, as is apparent from the term kvcovvat, used of opening, and 
ETTiGTraGaGdat, or kcptXicvGaGQat., of shutting. Plutarch, Pelop. 
11 : afia tu) TrptÖTOv kvcovvat kcu Y/i\acai ~<*£ dvpac etzckegovtec 
ädpooi. Id. de Gen. Socr. 32 : tov fioyXbv ä(pE~i\e Kai jiucpov eve- 
cuuiE T7jv dvpav. He says elsewhere, however, ol [xev k'^w rac dvpag 
E7T LGTaGajiEvoi Ka7E~iyov, (Dio, 57,) and hence the rings or handles 
on the doors were called ETTtGiraG-iipEQ. Cf. Note 32, p. 54. 
That the door usually opened inwards in the time of the Peisis- 
tratidas is clear from the tax already mentioned, though the pas- 
sages quoted do not, it is true, refer to Athens. Neither is it 
probable that any change was made afterwards, for, from the 
time of Themistocles, everything tending to narrow the street 
was prohibited. It has usually been supposed, however, that 
the door opened outwards, though there are only two passages 
that can support this notion : first, the explanation given by 
Helladius of the words ko-telv and -<bo(pE~iv, discussed in Note 
32, p. 54 ; and, secondly, Vitruv. iv. 6, 6, ' et aperturas habent 
in exteriores partes,' but he is here speaking of temple doors 
only, ' de ostiorum sacrarum aedium rationibus.' 

There are no passages which satisfactorily decide whether the 
outer-door was locked in the day-time, or merely shut, though the 
latter would seem more probable. It is certainly an exceptive 
case when Socrates finds Agathon's door open ; Plato, Symp. p. 
174 : a\ E(j)y\xEV7)v ^araXa/xpai'ea' rijv dvpav. This may have been 
to save the guests the trouble of knocking. The eunuch in Cal- 
lias' house seems not to have locked the door till he saw Socrates ; 
Plato, Prot.o.g. p. 314; and Praxinoe does so because she is going 



270 



THE GRECIAN HOUSE. [Excursus I. 



out ; Theocr. xv. 43. In another instance, Demosth. in Euerg. 
p. 1150, the door stands open, ervye yap V Qvpa avecoyfiei't], which 
is strange enough. On the other hand, we may conclude from Plu- 
tarch, Pelop. 11, that it was not customary to lock up the door 
before night: rat kekXektixevtiv r))v oikLclv Evpor 77^77 xadEvSoyrog. 

The methods of fastening the doors have been discussed in 
Gallus, pp. 281-284. The few remaining notices which exist are 
hardly explicit enough to reward any further investigation. Yet 
we may remark the curious fact that doors had sometimes two 
locks, one in and the other outside. Achill. Tat. ii. 19 : Kara- 
Koi/j.{£ov(Ta $e ael ri]v AevkItttttiv ij fit]Tr)p ekXeiev evIoOev rrjv eti! 

70V CrTEVU)7TOV QvpCLV. E^wOeV $£ TIQ ETEpOQ ETZEkXeLE KCU TCLQ kXÜQ 

kßaXXE 3ta ri]g 6tt7]q. >/ Sc Xaßovaa E^vXaTTE Kcu TTEpi ti)v eoj, 
fcaAcVatra rov eIq tovto ETziTETiiy^xk vo r, diißaXXE ttclXlv rag kXeic, 
oVwe clvoiIeie. It is moreover manifest from Lysias, de Ccede 
Erat. p. 14, that a door that had been locked outside could only 
be unlocked again outside. Store- chambers were often sealed, for 
the sake of greater security. Plato, Leg. xii. p. 954; cf. Aristoph. 
Thesmopli. 414-428; Lysistr. 1199. When sealed the doors do 
not appear to have been locked as well. Diog. Laert. iv. 59. 

The assertion that the Grecian houses possessed no windows, 
or at least none which looked toward the street, is quite unten- 
able, though we must not expect to find the rows of broad and 
staring apertures which characterise our own street architecture. 
The Greeks lighted their rooms partly from above, and partly by 
means of the doors which opened into the porticoes: yet windows, 
dvpidsg, were certainly not uncommon, and they even looked into 
the street. See Aristoph. Thesmopli. 797, where the women say : 

khv e/c dvpiZos TrapaKVTrrwfxev, ^jre? rb KCMbv TtQeacrdai. 
Kau alaxwOela' b.vax^P'h^ ', tto\v juaAAov iras &mQvfj.si 
av&ts "irapaicvtyav I5t?v rb ko.k6v. 

Cf. Plutarch, de Curios. 13 : yjp.E~ig }>e roTg (jSopEtoig rwv yvvai- 

KÜ)V VTtoßaXXoVTEQ TCI OfA/ldTd, KCtl T&V dvp'lhu)V EKKpEflCLVVVVTEQ 

ovcev äfiaprdvELv Sokov^ev. So also in Aristoph. Eccles. 961, a 
window is. probably alluded to ; and further, Plutarch, Dio, 56, 
says: ol fxEv e£io rrjv oiKiav 7r£piE<T~r)aav, olds 7rp6g raig dvpaig 
rov oi/cou mi raig dvpl&iv i\a*iv\ and then adds, Avkwv "ZvpaKov- 
criog opiyEi riv\ ZaKvvdiu>v Sta rfjg Qvpilog EyyEip&iov. But the 
most decisive evidence on this point is the account given by Vitru- 



Scene III.] 



THE GRECIAN HOUSE. 



271 



viu,Sj v. 6, 9, of the house brought on the stage in comedy : 1 comicee 
autem (scenas) eedificiorum privatorum et menianorum habent 
speciem, prospectusque fenestris dispositos imitatione communium 
aedificiorum rationibus.' Cf. Appul. Met. i. p. 67. 

The method of warming was by fire-places, though it is sup- 
posed that there were no proper chimneys, the smoke escaping 
through a hole in the ceiling. The Ka-rrvoloKn, Herodot. viii. 137, 
through which the sun shone, was certainly not a regular chim- 
ney ; though it is difficult to understand what became of the 
smoke, especially when there was an vtzzpüov ; and the joke in 
the Vespce, 143, loses its point if we suppose a mere hole in the 
roof to exist. Consult Gallus, p. 279, on this subject. No 
mention is made of heating the rooms by means of pipes ; though 
small portable braziers, eaxapai, ea^apßeQ, were often used. 
Plutarch, Apophth. Reg. i. p. 717 : 'Ev Ik yeifiiovL kcli $v\ £l ™ v 
(j>L\u)i> tlvoq earuoi'Tog avrov, iayäpav 11 fiiKpav Kai irvp SXiyov 
elaeveyKorrog, *H £vXa, ?/ Xißavo)rbv elcreveyKelv tKeXevev. Cf. 
Aristoph. Vespce, 811. In most cases these were mere coal-tubs, 
uvdpaKta. Poll. vi. 89 : ayyela olc rovg efnTvpovs avdpaKaQ 
KOfxi^ovaw ka^apilag . . . KaXovaiv. Cf. Id. x. 101. 

Bockh in his Public Economy of Athens, p. 141, has given 
such a complete and" satisfactory account of the price of the 
houses, and the rent of the awoidai, which however hardly cor- 
respond to the Roman insulce, that nothing need here be added 
on the subject. 



EXCURSUS II. TO SCENE III. 



BOOKSELLING- AND LIBRARIES. 

AS the account of Roman libraries and books in Gallus, pp. 
322-337, is in a great measure applicable to those of the 
Greeks, a few supplementary observations only would have been 
made in this place, had not doubts been raised as to the fact 
of bookselling being practised as a trade, and even as to the ex- 
istence of private libraries, before the time of Aristotle. Böckh, 
in his Public Econ. of Athens, p. 47, has denied the existence of 
any such trade before the time of Plato, and his opinion has been 
that ordinarily adopted. But as the generally diffused taste of the 
Greeks for literary productions, and their speculative propensities, 
which would not readily neglect any opportunity of commercial 
advantage, raise a strong presumption against the above assump- 
tion, it will be worth while to investigate the facts. 

The main argument against any trade in books being usual in 
Plato's time, is an adage quoted by Suidas after Zenobius : Xoyoi- 
(tlv '^pfxodwpog e/nropeverai, with the explanation, that Hermo- 
doros being a hearer of Plato, conveyed his discourses to Sicily 
and sold them : 6 'JLpfxodwpog ätcpoarrig yevo/jevog HXdrojvog rovg 
vtt avrov crvvredeifievovg Xoyovg Ko/uit£u.v eig TZticeXiav iirwKei. The 
first mention of this adage occurs in Cicero, ad Attic, xiii. 21. On 
this authority Böckh takes on himself to explain the book-market 
at Athens, expressly mentioned by Pollux, as being merely the 
place where blank books without any writing in them were sold. 
Poll. ix. 47 : ev de tüv koivCjv ßißXioOfjKai, ?/ <bg 'EvttoXiq (prjaiv, 
ov ra ßißXia aivia, kcli avro ifj>' avrov' ovrto yap tov tottov, ov 
to. ßißXia, ol 'Attikoi d)v6fxa£ov. He also interprets in a similar 
manner the passage where Xenophon, (Anab. vii. 5, 14,) speaking 
of a vessel wrecked at Salmydessos, says : evravda evpiafcovro 
woXXal [izv kXIvcli, 7ro\\a de Kißwria, TroXXal de ßißXoi Kai raXXa 
7roXXa, oaa ev EvXivoig revyeai vavicX-qpoi ayovaiv. These passages 
as they stand would seem to prove that a trade was carried on in 
books in the ordinary sense of the word ; but still more unluckily 
for Bockh's hypothesis, all the best MSS. have iroXXaX de ßißXo. 



Scene HL] BOOKSELLING AND LIBRARIES. 



273 



yeypanfjiivai: and the question seems to be set at rest by com- 
paring another passage in Pollux, (vii. 210,) where he says, that 
it was quite as unusual to use ßißXiov of unwritten books, as 
yapri]Q of manuscripts ; so that in the previous passage he cannot 
mean that the place at Athens called ra ßißXia, i. e. ov rä ßißXia 
una, was the market for the mere writing-material, ßtßXog. 
Moreover, we see that this market is mentioned as early as the 
time of Eupolis ; add to which, ßißXioTrwXrjg occurs in Aristo- 
menes, also a writer of the old comedy : in conjunction with 
which word, as if to obviate the possible error of supposing the 
ßißXioiTüjXrjQ a vendor of unwritten books, Pollux quotes the word 
ßißXioypatyog from Cratinos and Antiphanes, the ßißXioypatyog 
being the same person with the ßißXio7rü>Xr)g, and identical with 
the Eoman Mbrarius, i.e. one who multiplied copies of books for 
sale. See Lucian, adv. Indoct. 24 : To c>£ 6Xov ayvoeiv /jlol doKs'tg, 
on rag ayadag eXw^ag ov napä ru)V ßißXioKaTrrjXwv Se~t ^ijteIv, 
aXXa Trap 1 clvtov /cat rod Käß' rjfxepav ßiov Xafxßäveiv. av c)' d'ui 
avvrjyopov koivov kol fiaprvpa ecreadai aoi tov 'Arri/cov Kai KaX- 
Xlvov rovg ßißXioypcapovg. So also the il/^toyxaroypa^Qg, in 
Aristophanes, Aves, 1037, says : 

tyr)<pi<Tfji.aToirwAris el/A, Kal vS/xovs veovs 
t^kw irap i]fji.as Sevpo ira\i)(rwv. 

Neither is there any reason why we should deem fictitious the 
story respecting Zeno the stoic, related by Diogenes Laertius, 
vii. 2 : aveXdiov fie eig rag 'Adrjvag iför} TpiaKOVTovrr/g ekclOkte napa 
rtici ßtßXioirioXrjv. avay ivwotkovtoq fie eke'ivov to dtvTepov twv 
Eevotyöjvrog hrKO\ivr\\iovEv\x(XT{ov, ijardelg eki/Beto, ttov ZiaTpißoiEV 
ol ToiovToi ävdpEg. This strongly confirms the existence of an 
Athenian book-trade, at least in the time of Alexander. 

But we must also recollect that the veoi at all events, if not the 
7ra7c>£c, must, without exception, have had copies of Homer, and 
other poets, which could not always have been transcribed at 
home. Cf. Aristoph. Rana?, 1114: 

ßißXiov t %x wv eKavTOS fiavdduet. t& 5e|ia. 

And the example of Euthydemos alone proves that private indi- 
viduals took great pains to collect the writings of the poets and 
sophists. Xenoph, Memor. iv. 2, 1 : Karcifxaöwv yäp ^vdvlr/pov 
tov KaXvv ypafXfxara iroXXa (JWEiXEyjiivov tcoiy/tojv te /cat aofiarwv 

T 



274 



BOOKSELLING AND LIBRARIES. [Excukstjs H. 



TÜ)V EvdoKlfJilOTaTWP, K.T.X. § 8. E<7T£ fJ.01, E(f)r), 0) El/öu£?7jU£, TU) 

ovn, 6j(T7TEp iyw ciKovoj, koXXci ypa^x^iara arvvf})^ag twv XEyOjj,Evwv 
ao<piov yEyovEvai', N>/rov A/', £077, <5 ^wKparsg ' kcueti y£ avväyu), 
E(oc av KTrf(TU)jiaL wg av dvvio/jLai irXElaTa. N?) ti)v "Hpav, Eipri 6 
2iu)Kparr]Q, aya/j.al yk gov, cwtl ovk äpyvpiov jceu ^pvcriov npoEiXov 
6r)(Tavpovg KEKrrjadai /jiäXXov i) Goflag. Now Euthydenios would 
never have made the copies himself, this being not at all in cha- 
racter with the life of an Attic viog, nor were they the work of 
slaves, like the Roman librarii, for no such class of educated 
slaves existed in the Grecian house, in which they were entirely 
devoted to material objects. Besides, the reply of Socrates in the 
passage just quoted evidently refers to the expense of making the 
collection. Autographs, it is true, might sometimes be procured 
from the author or from some other possessor ; for an example of 
which see Gellius, iii. 17 ; but these were exceptive cases, and in 
general books must have been obtained through the medium of 
those who made the transcription and sale of manuscripts their 
trade. As for the proverb above mentioned, XoyoiGi 'Ep/xo^wpog 
E/jLwopEVETai, there was most likely a double-entendre, now lost to 
us, in the word Xoyoi : if it meant no more than an imputation 
against Hermodoros for trading in books, a procedure which grew 
very common afterwards, it is not very intelligible how the 
sentence could have become proverbial. 

Another passage which has been urged against the existence 
of libraries in earlier times, occurs in Strabo, xiii. 1, where we 
read of Aristotle : irpwrog wv \g\iev Gvvayaywv ßißXla koi didäZag 
rovg iv Aiyvirro) ßarriXiag ßißXiodr]Kr}g avvrafciv. As to the 
npwrog (rvvayaywv, this is sufficiently contradicted byXenophon's 
account of the collection of Euthydemos, and also by what is 
related by Athenseus, i. p. 3, of the large libraries possessed by 
Euclides, the Athenian Archon, and by Euripides. So that the 
account of Strabo can only be supposed to mean that Aristotle's 
library was the first made on a comprehensive plan, and with a 
scientific arrangement. Even this supposition perhaps goes too 
far, for a well-arranged library is mentioned in a fragment of the 
Linus of Alexis, apud Athen, iv. p. 164, which is surely some- 
thing more than a satire on the education of Alexander by 
Aristotle. 

The first libraries for public purposes that we hear of, are 



Scene III.] BOOKSELLING AND LIBKARIES. 



275 



those founded by Peisistratos at Athens, and by Polycrates at 
Samos. See Gell. vi. 17 ; Isidor. Orig. vi. 3, 3. But a sort of 
mythical obscurity pervades these accounts, and our suspicions 
are increased by the bold conjectures of Gellius and Isidore as 
to the subsequent destinies of these libraries. Moreover, no 
mention is made of any other such attempts during the succeed- 
ing centuries, until the magnificent Alexandrian institution was 
founded ;. most probably by Ptolemy Soter, though his successor, 
Ptolemy Philadelphos, may have performed a still more merito- 
rious service by his systematic arrangement of its contents. See 
Eitschl, die Alex. Biblioth. ; Letronne, in the Journ. des Savants, 
Juin 1838. A fortunate emulation excited the kings of Pergamus 
to imitate the Ptolemies in the boon they conferred on science ; 
and when the literary treasures of Alexandria had been destroyed 
by fire, the world was fortunate in still possessing the scarcely 
less valuable library of Pergamus. Plutarch, Anton. 58. 

As respects Greece itself, the idea of founding public libraries 
for the advancement of science and letters awoke too late. Public 
spirit had long yielded to paltry private interests, and had not, on 
the other hand, been replaced by the liberality of high-minded 
princes. It was from a Eoman emperor, Hadrian, that Athens 
first obtained a rich and magnificent library. Paus. i. 18, 9. Of 
the public libraries of antiquity, the best account is that by 
Petit-Kadel, Recherches sur les Bibliotheques Anciennes et Mo- 
dernes. 

At a later period, doubtless, private collections greatly in- 
creased in number and importance, and after a while individuals 
made collections of books for parade, and the sake of appearing 
learned, rather than from any real interest in science. From 
Lucian's treatise, adver sus Indoctum, we learn many amusing par- 
ticulars respecting this Bibliomania, and also about the mani- 
fold tricks of the booksellers of the time. See § 1 : rj ttoBev yap 
aoi $ Lay vtovat Zwarbv, riva jjiev xaAaia kcu 7roXXov a£ta, rtVa tie 
<pav\a Kat a\Xwg aairpa, el fir) r&J diaßeßpioadai Kai KaraKEKO- 
<pQai avra reicßaipoio, /cat avfxßovXovg rovg aeag kirt rr\v e^era- 
(jlv 7rapa\afißaveig ; Dio Chrysostom speaks still more plainly 
on the subject of their rogueries ; Orat. xxi. p. 505 : ndvrwg yap 
tlvl rwv ßtß\t07rii)\u>y Trpoaea^nKag ; Ata t'l Zri tovto /jle epoj- 
Tclg ; "Ort ddoTeg to. dp^ata twv ßtßXiiov (xirovlaXppEVß , che 

t 2 ' '•■ * 



276 BOOKSELLING AND LIBEAEIES. [Excircsus II. 



ajxeivov yeypafxjxeva Kai ev Kpe'iTToai ßißXioig' 01 de ra (f)avX6- 
rara rwv vvv kclQevteq elg oItov, OKiog to ye "xpGjfia o/jioia ye- 
vr\rai toIq iraXaidlg^ ra! TrpoahiatyBe'ipovTeg, airodlfioPTai &g 7ra\cua. 
How extensive the trade was, and what a rich selection was to 
be found in the booksellers' shops, may be inferred from Lucian, 
lb. § 4 : rig fie Toig ifX7ropoig Kai roTg ßißXiOKa7rrjXoig ripiaev av 
Trepl naidetag Toaavra ßißXia eypvai Kai nwXovaiv {el to kektyi- 
oBai tcl ßißXia Kai -ireTraifievfxevov cnretyaive tov 'Isopto) ; The 
highest prices were naturally attached to autographs, and so the 
bibliomaniac, whom Lucian ridicules, fancied he had the auto- 
graph speeches of Demosthenes, as well as that orator's copy, in 
hie own handwriting, of the history of Thucydides. Ibid. On 
the subject of the material used for writing on, see Note 12 to 
Scene ix. Many remaining particulars are discussed in the Ex- 
cursus in Gallus on this subject. See also the article Bibliotheca, 
in the Real-Encyklop. d. Klass. Alterth. 



EXCUKSUS TO SCENE IV. 



THE MAEKETS AND COMMERCE. 

AN investigation as to the precise site occupied by the Athe- 
nian market-place, or a discussion of its topographical de- 
tails, lies beyond the scope of the present work. We purpose 
merely to glance at the life and bustle of the Agora ; and though 
the vividness of such a picture would be much heightened by an 
accurate knowledge of the locality, yet this would involve an 
entire restoration of the market-place, its buildings, porticoes, 
and monuments, and a knowledge of the position of the various 
Exchanges, such as no one at present would venture to profess. 
On the other hand, we shall not speak of the commerce of 
Athens, in so far as it bears on history, political economy, or 
private right. Our theme concerns only the outward appear- 
ance of the merchants and dealers ; our object is to see how, in 
speculation and industry, in intrigue and deception, in their pur- 
chases and sales, the mercantile spirit of the Greeks, and their 
every-day customs, were exhibited. Hence the wine-seller, who 
hastens with his samples from house to house ; the soldier, 
who has peas measured to him in his helmet ; the surly fish- 
monger, who scarce deigns to reply to the customer who grumbles 
at his price ; the trapezite, assaying the weight of the drachma ; 
the knavish huckster, with his false weights and measures, are 
here, and in this point of view, more interesting than the organi- 
zation of the higher branches of commercial polity, the lawsuits 
arising from mercantile transactions, or a comparison between 
the exports and imports. It is in this light that the following 
combination of characteristic traits should be regarded : while 
the endless difficulties which interfere with their regular classi- 
fication must excuse the want of a strict methodical arrange- 
ment. Certain cognate matters also, such as the customary 
dia-pißal, and life in the Ergasteria, naturally come under con- 
sideration at the same time. 

In the first place, a word on the topography of the market- 
place. Thectjo^a/a ayopa, which alone need here be understood, 
was by no means a place of regular form, but rather a Jong 



278 



THE MAEKETS ÄND COMMERCE. [Excursus. 



rambling quarter of the town, and this, whether we suppose it 
to have reached from the Pnyx, across the Areiopagus, to the 
inner Cerameicos, or whether we assign it any other position. 
It was adorned with temples and porticoes, altars and statues, 
and was shaded by the platanus-trees which Cimon planted. 
Plutarch, Cim. 13 : sVa\\w7r l<je to aarv, rr]v fXEV äyopäv 7r\ara- 
rotg Kara(f)VT£v(Tag, k.t.X. When the market-place is spoken of 
as a place of ordinary assembly and resort, this must be under- 
stood to apply only to a portion of it, the other parts being 
appropriated to special purposes, and denominated accordingly. 
Cf. Aristot. de Republ. vii. 12, p. 1331. 

The visit to the market formed part of the usual arrange- 
ments of the day. While the Grecian matron was restricted to 
the precincts of the house, and the unmarried damsel to the 
parthenon, the husband spent the greater part of the day from 
home ; and all, even those unfettered by the claims of business, 
resorted to this place of general assembly, where they found at 
once the market, the gymnasia, and baths and tabernse of all 
kinds. Xenophon, Mem. i. 1, 10, says of Socrates : 'AAAa firjv 
EKtivoQ ye ael uev f\v ev rw tyavepoj, irphn re yap Eig rovg itEpi- 
ttcltovq ra! ra yvfivavia rfet, kol 7cXr)Qovarig äyopäg ekeü tyavtpbg 

Y]V, Kai TO XoLTTOV CtEl T)]Q r]/JlEpaQ i]V OTTOV 7r\Et(TTOLQ /JeXXoL (7VVE- 

(TEcrdai. Cf. Plato, Apol. p. 17. 

The time for resorting to the market was the forenoon, 
which is therefore designated by the names 7rXrjdov<ra äyopä, 
7TEpl TrXi]Bov(Tav ayopav, 7rXr)dwpri äyopäg. The exact hour can- 
not, however, be fixed with certainty. Suidas, s. v. 7rXr)dovcra 
äyopä, says, wpa Tp'iTr\ : and again : ITspi irXrjdovaav ayopav ' 

WEpl OjpaV TETO.pTY\V, ?/ TTEfXTTTTfV Kai EKTYfV. TOTE yap fJLoXlOTa 

wXridEi r] ayopa. We may take the third hour as the com- 
mencement ; but that full market lasted till mid-day is impro- 
bable, and at all events is irreconcileable with two passages of 
Herodotus, in which the time of TrXrjdovcra äyopä is expressly 
opposed to /jEcrrjfjißpia. Herodot. iv. 181; and iii. 104 : OEp/jioTaTog 
Si e(tti 6 ijXiog tovtoktl toIgi ävdpu)7roi(Ti to kuidivov, oil KaTaiTEp 
to1(tl äXXoiffi /jLE<raijßpir)g. aXX' v7T£pTEtXag, fisypig ov äyopfjg dia- 
Xvffiog. tovtov ()£ tov ypövov Ka'iEi ttoXXü) juäXXov fj rrj fXEaafxßpir] 
Trjv 'EXXada. The end of the market was called ayopa? duiXvaig, 
as we see from the above passage. So also in Xenoph. CEcon. 



Scene IV.] THE MARKETS AND COMMEECE. 279 



12, 1 : ovk av cnriXdoipi, npiv TravTcnraaiv r; äyopä Xvdrj In the 
lapse of centuries, this time probably became changed, and hence 
the account of Herodotus may be reconciled with Liban. Epist. 
1084 : Kai ravTCt kv Terdpro) pipei TereXeaTai aoi rfjg ripepag 
curb irXriQovarjQ äyopäg eig pEcrrjfJißpiav aradepdv. 

But at other hours also the porticoes and shady parts of 
the market were frequented by promenaders. Demosth. in Con. 
p. 1258 : irepnrarovi'Tog, wairep eiwOeiv, lairkpag kv äyopq. fxov fiera 
(bavoorpcLTov. Plutarch, Dec. Or. Vit. iv. p. 4.06, says of Hy- 
perides : 'Ewoielro te rbv TrepiTrarov kv rrj i-^dvoirojXtTidt bffrjpkpai. 
Seats were fixed in the porticoes as well as in the gymnasia. See 
Lucian, Jup. Trag. 16 : , Ette\ M ravra kvvowv ylyvopai /caret ty)v 
HoiKiXrjv, bpd) irXi)dog ävdpwTTüJV Tvä}X7roXv crvvearrjKOQ ' kvlovg jjlev 
'kvhov kv avrrj rrj aroä, TroXXovg de Kai kv roi viraidpo)' Kai rivag 
ßowvrag Kai diareivofxevovg kirl tuiv Ocikojv Kadrifievovg. 

The shops of the hair- dressers, unguent-sellers, and others, 
were also favourite resorts, and the entire avoidance of these 
places of reunion was censured. Demosth. in Aristog. p. 786 : 
ov (f)iXavdp(t)Triag ovybpiXiag ovdspuig ovdevi Kotvwvei' . . ov£k 7rpoa- 
(poirä. 7rp6g Ti tovtojv rötv kv rj/ 7r6Xei Kovpeiojv ?/ fivpoTruiX'Mov, r) 
tü>v aXXivv epya(TT7]pi(i)v ovek wpbg 'kv. See also Lysias de Inval. 
p. 754 : eKacTTog yap vp&v eißtorrai irpocrcpoiräv, 6 fxkv 7rpbg pvpo- 
ttojXiov, ol ck irpbg Kovptwv, b ck irpbg GKVTOTopElov, 6 «5' oxr? av 
rvyr\. Kai ttXe~kttoi pev wg rovg lyyvrdrio rfjg äyopäg KarecrKEv- 
avjXEvovg, kXa^iuroi cik tbg rovg ov ttXeIgtov äirkypvTag avrfjg. Cf. 
Isocr. adv. Callim. 4t. p. 536 ; Aristoph. Plutus, 338; Aves, 1441. 
Besides the /covpeta, nvponioXia and larpe~ia, the workshops of 
even the common artisans formed fashionable lounges ; of this 
kind are the oruro-o/ifla, mentioned by Lysias, supra. See 
Xenoph. Memor.iv. 2, 1: Kara^aöwv yap Ehdvlr^xov . . Kadi^ovra 
fig i)viottoie~i6v ri tG>v iyyvg Trjg äyopäg, elg tovto Kai avrbg tjei 
tCjv /ueö 1 avrov rivag 'kyuv. These places sometimes assumed a 
political importance from becoming the rendezvous of particular 
phylce, or of the inhabitants of certain quarters. Lysias, in 
Panel, p. 730 : etceict) dk cnreKpivaTO on AekeXewOev, 7rpocrKaXE- 
adfXEVog avTov irpag rovg rrj 'linroöowvrßi diKa£ovTag, kXdiov kirl 
to KOvpEiov to irapa rovg 'Eppäg, 'Iva 01 AeKEXe'ig irpoatyoiTwaiv. 
Cf. Ib. p. 732. 

We will now proceed to speak of the various classes of mer- 



280 



THE MAEKETS AND COMMEKCE. [Excuestjs. 



chants and dealers, and of the social position which they held. 
Aristotle, de Republ. i. 11, p. 1258, divides the whole fxeraßXr)- 
TtKt] into efX7ropia, TOKifffibg, and fitadapvia, and of Efx-n-opta he 
gives also three subdivisions : rijg de jXEraßXriTLKijg fiEyiarov ixev 
efxnropLa. kcll Tavrrjg /Jtepr] Tpla, vavt:Xr]pta, tyopTrjyia, 7rapdaTaang. 
But so comprehensive a signification of the word was unusual, 
and Aristotle himself does not adhere to it ; lb. iv. 4. The clas- 
sification, moreover, is at fault in not distinguishing the avro- 
7ru)\r)s, as well as the e/nropog, from the KcnrriXog : see Plato, Polit. 
p. 260. The countryman who carried his produce to the city, 
the artisan who sold his work, and the woman who offered for 
sale her tsenise and chaplets, all belonged to the class of avro- 
7ru)Xai. The e/xTTopog was the merchant who imported foreign 
goods, and sold them by wholesale. Plato, Protag. p. 313. But 
the KcnrrjXoi were the retail dealers, eXdrrovog TrpiafiEvoi TrXeiovog 
cnrodajvTai. Xenoph. Memor. iii. 7, 6. Cf. Plato, Polit. supra. 
The most important passage relating to the business of these 
KawrfXot, and the sale of goods in general, occurs in Plato, de 
Republ. ii. p. 371, q. v. It would seem that the country people 
mostly brought their wares to town early, i]dr) Qbeyyofieviov oXek- 
rpvovwv, and sold them to the Ka.7rr)Xoi. Plutarch, Arat. 8. As 
sellers again of bought goods, the KcnrrfXoi were called also 
7raXiyKa7rr)Xoi. Aristoph. Plutus, 1156 ; Demosth. in Dionysod. 
p. 1285 ; Poll. vii. 12. Dealers, not only in victuals, but in all 
sorts of wares, were called KcntriXoi : so Aristoph. Pax, 1210, has 
ottXwv KcnrrjXog ; Plutarch, Pericl. 24, TrpoßaTOKa.7rrfXog ; and Eu- 
stath. ad Odyss. i. 262, ävdpaTrodoKcnrrjXog. In Lysias de Caide 
Erat. p. 27, torches, ücfieg, are purchased in a KairriXeiov. But 
by the term icairriXoi, retailers of wine are most frequentlv meant. 
Plato, Gorg. p. 518 : otl Qeaplwv b aproKOTcog, kcu MidaiKog 6 
n)v oxpOTTOiiav ovyycypa(ptog ty)v IilkeXiktiv, kcll Hidpafxßog 6 Ka- 
7rrjXog, otl ovtol 6av /xacriOL yEyovam (JWfiaTiov OepawevTai, 6 fxev 
apTovg davfAavTovg irapaaKEva^uv, 6 de Öxpov, 6 oe olvov. Adul- 
teration and short measure were matters of course. Lucian, 
Hermot. 59 : otl rat (bCXöootyoi diro^iZovTaL tcl fxadri/iara, uicnrep 
ol KcnrrfXoL, Kepaaafxevoi ye ol iroXXol, teal doX6(ravreg, kxu raco- 
fXETpovvreg. Plutarch, Timol. 14 : KaOrjfxevov ev /nvpoTrwXiw, iri- 
vovtcl KEKpa^iivov aizb tlov KcnrriXELiov. Cf. Id. Lysand. 13, where 
Theopompos wittily compares with it the taste of freedom which 
the Spartans vouchsafed to Greece. 



Scene IV.] THE MARKETS AND COMMERCE. 281 



These retailers not only sold their wares in the market, but 
had KairrjXtla all through the town ; but it was not thought re- 
spectable, especially in the olden times, to take any refreshment 
in them, as is seen from the anecdote in Plutarch, Dec. Or. Vit. 
iv. p. 400, where Diogenes catching Demosthenes iv KairiqXdu) 
alayyvoLXEvov /cat vTroyupovvra, calls out to him : "0(r<p fiäXXov 
vTToyjoptiq, rocrovTü) lmclXXov iv to) KairriXeiü) tar). And Isocrates, 
Areopag. 18, p. 202, speaking of former times, says : iv KairriXei^ 
le. (payelv ?/ Trielv ovfielg ovc? av oiKerrjg eVtei/o/g iroXfirjcrev. See fklso 
Athen, xiii. p. 566 : 'Y7repidrjg S' iv t<o Kara HarpoKXEOvg, el 
yv)]aiog 6 Xoyog, rovg ' 'Apeo7raytrag (jirjaiv apiar^aavra Tiva iv 
/vdTrrjAe/w KioXvaat hviivai eig'Apeiov irayov. It is clear, however, 
that this practice became common in later days. See Eubulos 
ap. Athen, xi. p. 473. According to Phylarchos, ap. Athen, x. 
p. 442, and Theopompos, ap. Id. xii. p. 526, the Byzantines 
were in very bad odour, being said to have even let their own 
houses, and taken up their abode in taverns, KcnrrjXeioig. A 
painting at Pompeii, which represents several persons sitting 
round a table, drinking, refers probably to a KairriXeiov. Gell, 
Pompeiana, second series, ii. pi. 80. 

The whole trade of the fcd^Xo*, as well as that of the re- 
gular innkeepers, was .greatly despised ; in fact, trade of any 
kind was at no time much respected. Plutarch, it is true, re- 
lates that Solon was engaged in commerce, and he adds, that 
this was even said to have been the real object of his travels ; 
while a venture in the oil-trade occupied Plato on his Egyptian 
journey. Plutarch, Sol. 2. An Athenian would readily advance 
money to others for carrying on mercantile concerns, but it was 
considered disreputable to take part in them personally ; and 
even vavKXrjpia and iinropia were held as a reproach. See Andoc. 
de Myst. p. 68. Aristotle, de Republ. i. 10, p. 1258, says: ri)g 
/uLETaßXr)-iKi}g xpeyofxevr/g cU/ou'wf : and Plato, Leg.xi. p. 918, uses 
still stronger language: Tvavra ra irepl rr)v KcnrrjXeiav rat iimo- 
p'iav Kai irav^oKiav yevrj diaßeßXrjrai re kcii kv aicrxpolg yeyovev 
ove'iZeoiv. 

In a still greater degree this was the case with KaTcrjXeia, not 
only at Athens, but also at Thebes, where nobody who had sold 
in the market within the last ten years was allowed to take 
part in the government. Aristot. de Republ. iii. 5, p. 1278 : iv 



282 



THE MAEKETS AND COMMERCE. [Excuesus. 



Qr)ßa~ig Be vopog i)v tov BeVa etwv /jij air Ea^q^iEi'ov tt}q äyopäg 
fieriyeiv apxyg. Cf. Plato, Leg. xi. p. 919. Whether not only 
the Ka7rr]\eia, but every sort of selling in the market, was thought 
degrading at Athens, is a disputed point. From a very impor- 
tant passage in Demosthenes, we gather that women publicly 
selling in the market were, in the eye of the law, classed with 
the women of the town. In Necer. p. 1367 : tov re vofxov eVt 
tovtolq Trape^ojXEVoc, oc ovk ecl £7ri ravraiQ fiot^ov Xaße'iy, OTrorrai 
av eV epyaarrjpiov Kadojvrai, rj ev Trj ayopq. ttojXwci ti cnroTTE- 
(f)a<T/jiEi'(t)g, kpyaary]piov tyaaKwv Kai tovto elvai \rr)v 2re0dvou 
oiKiav~\. But, strangely enough, Lysias, in Theomn. p. 361, 
apparently quotes the same law, but reading ocrai Be TZEtyaaixEviog 
7rojXovvTai, with the commentary : to jxev TtE^aafxiviog e'ort <pave- 
pü>Q' irwXEladai Be ßalifeiv. Also Plutarch, Sol. 23, gives the same 
explanation : oaai TTEtyaafxivajg 7T(x)XovvTai, Xiyiov Sr) Tag haipag. 
AvTai yap EfityavwQ (poiTuxri 7rpdg rovg BtBorrae. Harpocration and 
Suidas say: TiioXwai. ArjfxoadEvrjg iv tü carä Nea/pae* *H iv tij 
ayopijL ttioXHücti ti a.7ro7re([>a(T/J.Evu)g. &ßv/j.6g <pr) a iv avfi tov Tcopvtv- 
ovai (pavEpwg. tto)Xe~iv yap to napEyEiv kavTr)v toTq ßovXofxivoig. iyto 
Be' (pT)fxi OTi Kvpiwg tTa^E vvv 6 pfjTwp to ttioXe'lv. <f>r}<rl yap TOV 
vojJLOv ovk lq.v ETTi TavTrjg poiyov XaßElv biröaai aveV Epyavrrjoiov 
Kadu)vTai, ?/ iv Trj ayopq. TruXCjai ti a.TroTrE(pa(TfXEvwg. Between 
the two orators, it is hard to decide as to the real import of 
the law. We cannot escape from the difficulty by supposing 
that Lysias and Demosthenes do not both allude to the same 
law, as peculiarities of phrase establish its identity in both cases ; 
nor can we suppose that either of them misquoted it, or mis- 
understood its purport. We know, however, from Lysias, in 
Nicom. p. 837, that Nicomachos, being charged with the tran- 
scription of the old laws of Solon, indulged in alterations, not of 
form only, but of matter : eVetB/) Be tCjv vo/jlwv ävaypacpevg iye- 
veto (NiKÖfxa-)(og), Tig ovk oiIev, oaa ty)v 7t6Xiv iXvfir)vaTO ; irpoo- 
Tayftlv yap avTÜ) TEaoapiov /jtr)V(öv ävaypctxpai Tovg vöfxovg Tovg 
~2i6X(i)vog, ävTi fiEV SoXwvoc avTov vo\iqQett)v KaTE(JTr\<JE, avri Be 
TETTapoJV firfvojv E^aETr] tt)v ap\r)v ETtoii)oaTO. /caö' EKaaTrjv Be 
fljiepav apyvpiov Xafißaviov Tovg \ikv iviypafE, Tovg B' e'i^Xet^ev. 

Etg TOVTO Be KaTEffTrjfXEV, &ÜTE EK TTjg TOVTOV \Eip6g TETafXlEVfXEda 

Tovg vöjxovg. This vo/xog fxoi\Eiag may, therefore, among others, 
have received a very different shape. Now in the speech against 



Scene IV.] THE MARKETS AND COMMERCE. 



283 



Theomnestos, Lysias does not quote from the vojxoi avayeypafi- 
jhevoi, for he says. p. 356, Kai fxoi avctyvwdi tovtovq tovq vo^movq 
tov liöXwvoQ tovq TraXaiovg. The true solution of the difficulty 
may therefore be that the words in the speech against Nesera 
are from the new edition of the laws. 

The internal evidence, too, tends the same way, for it is in- 
trinsically improbable that the selling wares in the market was 
made such a nota dedecorisby law ; and besides, Demosthenes, in 
Eubul. p. 1308, adduces another law, which forbade making this 
traffic an imputation against a person's character : napa tovq v6- 
fxovc, oi keXevovctiv Evoyov iivai Trj KaKrjyopia. t6v ttjv kpyacriav tt/v 
kv tt} ayopci, r/ tojv 7toXitwv, ?} twv ttoXit&iov dvEihi'£ovTa tivl. 
Originally, as is clear from the context of this passage in De- 
mosthenes, burghers only were allowed kv Trj ay opcj. kpyaZsadai, 
without being subject to imposts, the £evoi having to pay a 
tax. Still, such employment was universally despised, and was 
only carried on by burghers of the lowest class ; cf. Diog. Laert. 
ix. 66. Hence ayopaloQ denotes a low fellow, and irovrjpog and t£ 
ayopag are phrases of similar significance. Aristoph. Equites, 181 : 

otit] ir6vt\pos /ca| ayopas el, Kai dpacrvs. 

But if such employment was considered unseemly for a man, how 
highly unbecoming would it have been for a woman, according 
to the Greek notions of feminine decorum, to appear with arti- 
cles for sale in the market where men were the only purchasers ! 
Artemidorus, Oneirocr. i. 78, after speaking of the hetserae kv 
TTopveioiCf proceeds : 'Ayadai de Kai at E7rl epyacrTTjpiwv Kade£6- 
fxevai Kai TriirpcMTKOvaai ti Kal dE-^ofXEvai EfxiroXctQ, Kai opadslffai 
Kal fj,iyE~i(rai. Hence we see that the shop- women, ai kiri kpyaa- 
Trjpiwv KaÖE%6fiEvai, were placed in the same category with the 
hetserse. It will be therefore impossible to suppose that the 
female sellers in the market were not regarded much in the same 
light. From Demosth. in Eubul. p. 1309, and iEschin. in Ti- 
march. p. 118, we gather that female slaves sold in the market 
the work they had done for their owners ; but this does not 
enhance the respectability of such an occupation. The two laws 
may therefore have subsisted together. 

The sale of goods was variously affected. The wholesale dealer, 
Efx-rropoQ, seems usually to have sold by sample, §E~iyfia. For this 
purpose, there was in the Pirgeus, and probably in other harbours 



284 



THE MARKETS AND COMMERCE. [Excttestts. 



also, a place used for these sales, which was also itself called 
Aety/xa. Harpocr. Afty/za' Kvpiiog [lev to ^eikvv/jlevov cup ekcmttov 

TUfV TTLoXoV^LEVlOV. ißt) Kai TOTCOC Tig EV TU ' Ad 1) VT] (J IV £jU7TOjO<W> 

slg ov ra leLyfiaTa eko/ji^eto, ovtwq Iko.Xe~ito. See Böckh's Public 
Econ. of Athens, p. 58. The samples were also carried about from 
house to house. Aristobulos, ap. Plutarch, Demosth. 23 : '£lg 

TOVQ EfXTTOpOVQ 6|0toiX£J', OTCLV EV TpvßXlü) %E~iyfia 7T£pL(bEp(i)Cn. Cf. 

Plato, Leg. vii. p. 788. So a wine-merchant, oivoTrwXrjg, goes 
round with a flask under his arm, and sells the wine by this 
sample. Diphilos, ap. Athen, xi. p. 499 : 

d» Toixvpvxov 
inelvo Kal twv Zvvafxivwv, Xayvviov 
ix ov /SaStfeiv els ra. yev/xad' vnb fidXris 
kolI rovro TTcoXeiv, fiixP 1 to? i ^ tr7re /> * v epdvco, 
eis Xoiirbs rj k6.ttt}\os TjSi/fTj^teVos 
vw' olvoirwXov. 

The legal restrictions of trade were few. There were no 
trade-guilds, in our sense of the word, nor, properly speaking, 
any monopolies, i. e. assignments to individuals of special branches 
of trade, though such were occasionally reserved by the State for 
itself. See Böckh's Public Econ. of Athens, p. 52. A private 
citizen could only obtain a fxovowioXia or povoTrwXwv, (Poll. vii. 
11,) by buying up some article entirely, as Aristotle relates of 
Thales the Milesian, and of a certain Syracusan ; De Republ. i. 11. 
Nevertheless, Phylarchos, apud Athen, xii. p. 521, seems to allude 
to a privilege of this kind : el Ze tiq tiov oxporroiiov rj fxayEipiov 
"l^lov Evpoi ßpiojxa Kal TTEpiTTov, Trjv i^ovaiav fxij Eivai ^p^aatrdai 

TOVTü) ETEpOV 7rpd EVICLVTOV. 

The retailers of certain articles seem, very commonly, to have 
gone about crying them. See Aristoph. Acharn. 33 : 

arvycav fxkv &<ttv, rbv 8' tjxbv Srjfiov iroQuv, 
ts ovSsttuttot elwev ' &v6paKas Trpiw,' 
ovk ' S|os,' oi/K * eAaiov,' ovd' 77877 ' Tr^tw.' 

So also Plutarch, Apophth. Lac. 62: "ETEpog IXdibv slg 'Aflj/vas 
ml bpiov Tovg 'Adrjvatovg to Taping aTTOKrjpvTTOVTag ml to 6\pov^ 
K.T.X. See also Note 4 to Scene xi. 

The chief part of the traffic was of course confined to the 
market-place, and the tabernaa around it. The market-place was 
not paved,— indeed street-paving generally was quite an excep- 
tion to the rule before, and even after, the Eoman era. The 



Scene IV.] THE MARKETS AND COMMERCE. 285 

pvrol Xäeg in the ayopa of the Phseacians (Odyss. vi. 267) are 
nothing more than the stone-benches, on which the assembly sat. 
Cf. Ib. viii. 6 : kXdovTEg <üe kclOl^ov ettI £,e(tto!(tl Xidoimv. Strabo, 
xiv. 1, 37, mentions, as an "unusual circumstance, that at Smyrna 
there were paved streets, odol Xtdocrrptoroi. But the subterraneous 
sewers, the want of which he remarks in that city, were in ex- 
istence at Athens. See Aristoph. Pax, 99, and Scholiast. But 
the streets, especially in bad weather, could not have been over 
clean. See Thucyd. ii. 4. 

The various divisions of the market, assigned to the sale of 
different goods, seem to have been called kvkXol. It has been 
often supposed that this term referred only to that section de- 
voted to the sale of kitchen- stuff, meat, and so forth ; but the 
authorities will hardly bear this out. The chief passage on this 
subject is Poll. x. 18 : "Iva 3' k^LirpaaKETO tlx ltkevtj Trjg äyopäg, 
to fiipog tovto kvkXol wvo[xcl£ovto, tog "AXe^ig vTro^rfKovv eolkev kv 
KaXcuripidi, icoi Zi fXE aysig §ia tlov kvkXlov. trafitTTepov <$e kv rw 
Maivofxivco AitpiXog' 

Kal Trpocreri roivvu icrxdpav, tcaivbv kolZov, 

(TTpdo/iara, crvvbv, acncdirripav, QvXaKov, 

8>S TTOV (TTpCLT l(t)T7jV &V TIS, CtWct Kal k{)K\OV 

4k rrjs ayopas bpBbv ßaSifav viroKaßoi' 
TO(XOVt6s 6(T0' 6 panros, tv ov 7T€pi(pepeis. 

Id. vii. 11 : Kal kvkXol fie kv rrj via KLOfitodia KaXovvrat kv olg e-kl- 
npaoKovTO to. avlpaTto^a, "taojg Kal ra Xoiwa ävia. Also Schol. 
ad Aristoph. Equit. 137 : 6 de KVKXog 'A6r]vri<riv evtl Kadairep 
fiaKeXXog ek Trjg KaracrKevfjg ty\v npoarjyopiav Xaßtov, evda h) 
7wrpa.(TKSTai x w |°*C Kpe&v ra aXXa &via, k'^aLphtog Ze ol ix^veg. 
In these passages we see that aKEvr], ävSpcnroha, Kpia, ix^vg, and 
in short ra aXXa wvia, are mentioned; and that the whole locality, 
in various parts of which these were sold, was called KVKXog or 
kvkXol. 

The sellers had also booths, (TKrjvag, apparently of wicker-work. 
Harpocr. : ^Krjvirrfg ' kv oKrjvalg kirmpaoKEro 7roXXa tlov lov'llov. 
Demosth. de Coron. p. 284 : Tovg F ek tüov aKrjVLov tlov Kara rr\v 
äyopav kfclpyov Kal ra yippa kvEtrL^ncpaaav. This latter passage 
shows that business was not confined to the time of nXr/dowa 
äyopa, for it was evening when the news arrived, which was the 
signal for this outrage. The yippa here mentioned may doubt- 
less be taken for gkettu. oy* a ra ctk^vlov. Another passage of the 



286 



THE MARKETS AND COMMERCE. [Excursus. 



same author presents more difficulties, and implies a different 
arrangement. In Necer. p. 1375 : tovq ce npvTavEiQ keXevel tl- 

dkvai TOVQ KoZ'lOKOVQ 6 VO/JLOQ Kal T)]V \pfj(()OV dlfiovdl TTpOLTLOVTL TLO 

h'i/iiü), irplv tovq tivovQ EiaiivaL kcu tlx yippa ävaipslv. Harpocra- 
tion, in his comment on the last passage, supposes that the wattles, 
or whatever the yippa may have been, were used to block up the 
approaches to the Pnyx, till the voting was over; while on the 
contrary, the Scholiast on Aristoph. Acharn. 22, says that the 
passages to the ecclesia were alone left open : avE-KETawvaav yap 
Ta yippa Kal o.7teic\eiov TaQ oSovq tciq /jd) (pEpovcraQ elq frjv ekkXt)- 
oiav, Kal to. tovia avrjpovv kv rate ayopdiQ, ottloq llyi xept TaiiTa 
ItarpißoLEv. That the yippa were barriers of some kind is clear 
from the Scholion on Lucian, de Gymn. 32 : Tippov TETpayuvov 
ff/cfVaoyxu ek aTEpEÜQ ßvpcrrjQ, to clvtl aoiriloQ F.xptovTO . . . 

Ar)/j,o(rdivr)Q hi ettI tlov (tkt)vlov Kai tlov TTEpitppay^iaTLov. See also 
Eustath. ad Odyss. xxii. 184 : UavaaviaQ Si ypacpEi ovtlo' ysppa' 
GKrjvüjfxaTa Kal IlEpviKa oirXa . . . Kal 7TEpi(ppa.yfxaTa. A'iXtOQ ce 
Alovvltloq, otl yippov Kal ol TTEpmEtypayfiivoi tottol Kal acnrfiEc, 
k.t.X. Festus also, p. 70, explains the Latin word gerrce, by 
crates vimineaz. But it is not necessary to suppose that the 
booth-wattles were used on this occasion, for there may perhaps 
have been proper yippa at hand for the purpose. From the words 
of the Etym. M. to. tiov aKrjvLov irEpLcppayfiaTa, it would almost 
seem that the kvkXol were severally provided with such fences. 

Each of the places of sale was called by a name derived from 
the article sold there, and at Athens the name of the article was 
itself used to denote the place where it was sold. Harpocr. s. v. 
^Elyfxa, says : eort 3e to eBoq 'Attikov to arjiiaLvELV cbro tlov ev rü 

T07TLO TOVQ TOTTOVQ aVTOVQ. Poll. ix. 47 : ELQ TOVIpOV, Kal ELQ TOV 

olvov, Kal eIq tciq yyrpaQ. Id. X. 19 : LooitEp ol 'AttlkoI airb tlov 
■KLirpaGKOfiivLov Kal to. X w P fa uvopaCov, XiyovTEQ eiq Tovipov, Kal 
eIq Ta fxvpa, Kal eIq tov yXiopbr Tvpbv, Kai eiq Ta aidpcntocia. 
There is scarcely an article which does not appear to have had 
its special place of sale, either in the market-place or elsewhere. 
Thus Eupolis, ap. Poll. ix. 47 : 7T£pn]X6ov eIq to. aKopoda Kal to. 

KpOjjLfXVa, Kal TOV XlßaVLOTOV, Kal EV0V TLOV apiOfXCLTLOV Kal TTEpl Ta 

yiXyr). 

Some of these appellations require explanation ; for instance, 
ywaiKEta ayopä, a term of doubtful import in Theophr. Char. 2 : 



Scene IV.] THE MARKETS AND COMMERCE. 



287 



'A/jleXei <)e KatTa iic yvvaiKEiag ayopag ZiaKOvi\aat dwarbgaTryEvari. 
The notion that in these kvkXol, the chief purchasers were women, 
is erroneous, having been hastily adopted from Pollux, x. 18. At 
Athens it was a thing unheard of for any free-woman, except 
those of the lowest class, to make purchases in the market, or 
at the shop of a KcurrjXoc. The hetaeras, it is true, did not scruple 
to perform such offices for themselves. See Machon, ap. Athen, 
xiii. p. 580 : 

'Eirel irpoeßr] to7s ereaiv rj YvaQaiva, Kal 

tf87) re\eus i\v SfxoAoyovfxevws aopbs, 

eis tV ayopav Xeyovaw avr^v O-ivai 

Kal tovxI/ov etyopav Kal -noXvirpayixoveiv ■k6o~ov 

Trw\e?d' eKaarov. 

Female slaves also went occasionally on such errands. See Lysias, 
de Ccede Erat. p. 18 : iäv ovv Xaßrig r?)v depcnraLvav tyiv elg ty\v 
ayopav ßa%i(ovaav Kal ZiaKovovvav vfxiv. These however are 
exceptive cases. If a man did not go marketing himself, he had 
a slave, ay opaoTrjg, for the purpose. Athen, iv. p. 171 : ekciXovv 
M Kal ayopaar-qv rov ra 6\pa wvov/jlevov. Cf. Poll. iii. 126. And 
it is to be observed that male slaves alone are mentioned in this 
capacity; so Terent. Andr. ii. 2, 31: 

etiam puerum inde aliens conveni Cbremis 
Olera et pisciculos minutos ferre obolo in coenam seni. 

But the master generally attended to these matters himself ; 
.ZEschin. in Timarch. 87 : rig yap v/xwv, bg ovx^ttote eig tov- 
\pov ci(f)~iKTai Kal rag (üa7ra.vag rag tovtojv ov TedecjprjKei' ; The 
comic writers abound in instances in point, and it is only in 
a special case that the practice is ridiculed by Aristophanes, 
Lysistr. 557 : 

Kal /J.7JV t6 ye irpayixa yeXoiov, 
Zrav acririS' ex<uv Kal TopySva tls, kot' wvrjrai KopaKivovs. 

The name yvvaiKEia ctyopa cannot, therefore, have been derived 
from the purchasers. We may suppose, with greater probability, 
that certain wares were sold principally by females, and that 
one section of the market was possessed exclusively by these 
äpro7ru>Xi()egj XeKLdoirojXLdeg, la-^a^ornvXi^Eg, ffTE<pavo7rtoXi%£g, and 
others; or perhaps the name was applied to the locality where 
articles for women's use were chiefly sold. But the passage in 
Theophrastus which has given rise to this discussion is itself so 



288 



THE MARKETS AND COMMERCE. [ExciJEsrs. 



obscure that nothing certain can be inferred from it, and even 
Pollux seems to be in doubt as to the true meaning of the word. 

The part most frequented, and for the goiuvnand the most 
important, was the fish-market, l^Qvo7zo)XiTiQ, 6^0 v. See 

Excursus on The Meals. The sale was not allowed to begin 
before a certain hour, when the signal for commencing was given 
by a bell, at the sound of -which everybody hurried to the spot. 
Plutarch, Symp. iv. 4, 2 : a\\a tovq Trspt ti)v l^dvoTrajXiav ava- 

c5l$6vTO.Q EKCMTTOTe, KCU TOV KU)$(OVOQ 6£i(i)Q CLKOVOVTCLQ. But the 

best elucidation of this occurs in Strabo, xiv. 2, 21, where there 
is a capital anecdote of a Citharcedus, whose audience all desert 
him when the fish-bell rings, except one who was deaf. i Sir, 
I thank you much for the honour you have done me in not going 
like the others at the sound of the bell,' said the Citharcedus 
to the deaf man. 1 What ! ' asked he ; 1 did you say the bell 
had rung ? ' And on the musician answering that it had, ev 
(rot eirj, said the other ; kcu ävaaräc cnrrjXde Kai avroc. Neither 
of these passages refers, it is true, to Athens, but no doubt the 
custom prevailed there, as well as in other towns. 

The surliness and knavery of the fishmongers are pourtrayed 
in a very amusing manner by the comic writers. See a passage 
of Amphis, ap. Athen, vi. p. 224 (tovq l^Ovo-TuXac) : 

ots tiv eirepuoTr)<rri ris, Xaßuv ri twv 
irapaKeijxevusv eKinpev wcnrep TyXecpos 
irpuiTov aiairrj — Kai SiKaiws rovro ye' 
airavres avhpo<p6voi yäp elaiv kv\ Xoyw — 
wael de irpoaexw ov$ei> oi>5' aKrjKows 
empovcre ttoXvitou riv ' 6 & eirpycrBT), kov XaXwv 
e 6Xa p7]/j.aT y , aXXa, avXXaßrjv a<peXwv, rdpuu 
ßoXwv yevoir' &v rj Be Keen pa ktw ßoXwv. 

A fragment of Alexis, lb. is equally characteristic : 

Toiis 8' IxOvoirdoXas tovs kolklut a-rtoXovixevovs 
itrav i5a> Karoo ßXeirovras, ras ft beppvs 
exovras eiravw rrjs Kopvtyijs, a-rroTrviyofiai. 
iav 5' epuTvajis, tvoaov robs Keorrpeas 
ircüXe?s Su' ouras ; SeV dßoXwv, (pTjcriu. — ßapv. 
oktw Xaßois &v; — eXirep uve? rhu erepov. — 
2> rav Xaße Ka\ fxr] 7rcu£e. — rocravSi irapdrpexe. 

If the comic writers may be trusted, several laws existed to 
restrain their roguery ; for instance, they were not allowed to 
water their fish. Xenarchos, apud Athen, vi. p. 225 : 



Scene IV.] THE MARKETS AXD COMMERCE. 289 



e-rrel yap aureus ovk IV ear' e^ovala 
paiueiv, a,Tiei'pT]Tai de rovro tö> vö\x.w. 

To evade this restriction a fight is got up near the fish-stall ; 
a person falls down, pretending to be stunned by a blow ; water 
is thrown over him under the pretext of recovering him, and the 
fish get watered at the same time. Another law is mentioned 
in a fragment of Alexis, ap. Athen, vi. p. 266, which orders the 
fishmongers to adhere without abatement to the price first named ; 
but this appears merely to have been intended to ridicule Plato's 
law on the subject {Leg. xi. p. 917), for the poet proceeds to an- 
nounce, as the most recent improvement in legislation, that the 
dealers were not to be allowed to sit down, so that they might 
be induced by the fatigue to pass off their goods more quickly. 
For the coming season a new ordonnance is announced to forbid 
any sale being effected unless the dealer were suspended over his 
stall, like the gods upon the stage : a-6 fi-qycu'VQ ttuXovvteq 
wmrep ol deot. Haggling about the price of an article was quite 
as common as in modern times. Cf. Theophr. Char. 17 : -n-pui- 
fxerog avcpairoo^ov aL,iov /ecu ttoWci lerjdelg tov ttivXovvtoc. 

Eespecting other parts of the market, as, for instance, the 
shambles, there are fewer notices. We may mention, however, 
the humorous passage in Aristophanes, Aves, 1076, where the 
birds set a price on the head of Philocrates, who was probably a 
noted poulterer : 

OTi (Tvve'ipoov tovs anivovs 7ro)\et KaO' e-md rod , ßo\ov. 
elra (pvvuv ras ffi^Aas Se'acvuai Kai Kv/xaluerai, 
to7s re ko^lxoktlv els ras plvas e'7X 6 ' rd irrepd. 

There are also some reliefs which represent the sale of game and 
poultry. See Zoe'ga, Bassiril. 27, 28. 

Bread was seldom made at home, but was usually bought of 
women, apro7ru)\ihg, who either carried it about, or sold it at 
stalls in the market, and elsewhere. Aristoph. Vesp. 1389 ; Ran. 
857. See note 1 to Scene iv. 

The chaplet-weavers too had their peculiar locality, which 
seems to have been called the myrtle-market. See Aristoph. 
Thesmoph. 448 : o-Te<pavr)7r\oKOv(ra iv rate; jj.vpplva.ig. This was 
in the äyopa, as appears from v. 457 : 

oAA* els dyopdv 8nrei/j.i • Set yap dvZpdai 
7rAe£at are<pdvovs avvdrjfJLariaiovs eiKoaiv. 

Probably the raivioTrujXifcg, who sold ribands and ready-made 

u 



290 



THE MARKETS AND COMMERCE. [ExcTRsrs. 



head-dresses, were also in the vicinity. Demosth. in Eubul. 
p. 1308. 

The place for the sale of wine is mentioned by Isaeus, de 
Philoct. Her. p. 134: Kadianio-iv JLvfcrrj/dwv £7rijj.e\t~i(Tdai rfjg kv 
Kepajj-eiKU) avvoiKiag, rfjg irapä ti)v irvXlSa, ov 6 oTvog wvtog. 
This does not allude to the retail trade, carried on by the xa- 
TTTjXog, but to the sale of the wine which had been brought to the 
city in wains. A sale of this kind is represented in two Pom- 
peian pictures, Mus. Borbon. iv., where the amphorae are being 
filled from a large skin. These paintings are the best commen- 
tary on the fragment of Alexis, ap. Athen, x. p. 431 : 

iv raiis av/j.TToaLOL5 ov nwere 
&Kparov. — ov yap ßaSiov, ttwXovo-l yap 
iv rats aßd^ais evÖe'ws K€Kpa/x4vov, k.t.\. 

We must distinguish between the crockery-mart, yyrpai, and 
the place where the cooks stood with their apparatus waiting to 
be hired. Poll. ix. 48 : E"i?7 3' äv Kai /uayeipela twv iroXewg fxepwv, 
0V X 1 l 7r£ P 7( * Xonrä twv vwo ralg re^vaig epya(rrr]pi<jjv, äXXa 
TÖirog, odev fxiadovvrai <hg rovg fxayelpovg. There seems also to 
have been a separate place where cooking-utensils were to be 
hired : owov 6 Kepafiog yuio-floxrt^og 6 rolg fxayeLpotg. Alexis ap. 
Athen, iv. p. 164. 

Not only these necessaries of life, but also articles of luxury, 
seem mostly to have been sold in the same spot, and not in places 
scattered about the town. See Theophr. Char. 23 : Kai TpoaeX- 
dwv elg rovg Ilttttovq ottov rovg äyadovg 7T(i)Xovcri, TrpoffTroitj- 
(Tcurdai wvijrtäv. kcli Itti rag KXivag eXdwv Ifxa-Lcrfxbv ^Tjrfjrrai etg 
Svo räXavra. This shows that where the icX~ivai, properly the 
frames only of the couches, were sold, there, very naturally, the 
coverlets were also to be had. 

Lastly, it is in the market-place that the tables of the money- 
changers, al rpcnretai, are to be sought. See Plato, Apol. p. 17, 
where the correct reading is, kv äyopq. eirl rpa-K^wv. Cf. Hipp. 
Min. p. 368. Most likely the higher classes lounged about in 
the vicinity of these tables. See Theophr. Char. 21, where one 
of the signs of fiiKpo^iXoTifxia is said to be, rfjg äyopäg npog rag 
rpa-Kt'Cag -Kpootyoirav. Of course, certain necessaries, — provi- 
sions, for instance, — were to be obtained in other parts of the 
city. Thucyd. viii. 95 : ol Be ervypv ovk ek rfjg äyopäg upiffrov 



Scene IV.] THE MARKETS AXD COMMERCE. 



291 



XTTlfflTL^O/JLEVOl OVCEV "/dp E-(i)\E~lTO CL~0 TTpOVOiaC TWV ''EpETpiEiOV 

— äXXd et: twp eV Ecry^ara rov aareog üiklojv. Several articles, 
such as salt-fish, were sold outside the gates. Aristoph. Equites, 
1246: 

KA. Kai (tot to(Tovtov eliri' irÖTepov iv dyopa. 
7) AAcUT07T«A.e/ s erebv. ^ 'xi reus TvvXais ; 
AAA. eirl rals irvXaiaiv, ov rb rdpixos &v\.ov. 

The superintendence of the market was intrusted to officers, 
called ayopavofioi. Cf. Bockh, Public E con. of Athens, p. 48 ; 
Meier u. Schümann, Att. Proc. p. yO. Sophilos, as we are told 
by Athenaeus, vi. p. 228, mentions certain o-^ovofiot., whose duty 
it was to observe whether people lived above their income ; this 
perhaps is a mere idea of the comedian's ; though, according to 
Diphilos, ap. Id. p. 227, this was one of the duties of the ayb- 
pavöfioL at Corinth. But though these functionaries, äyopavofxoi, 
(TLTO(pv\aKec, n-pofiErp-qrai, &c, were able to check petty frauds, 
yet there were plenty of ways for plundering the public by whole- 
sale. The fraudulent accounts of the funds and markets in our 
own day had their parallel in antiquity. See Lysias, k. t. (tito- 
ttojX. p. 721 : ovt(i) cf dafiE)'OL rag avfxoopag rag v^eripag Lpwcriv, 
uhtte rag filv Kporepoi röjv a\\wv irvrQavovrai, rag o avrol Xo- 
yoirowvaip ' ?} rag vavg hecpddpdciL rag iv rw Uoyru, ?} v-6 Aa- 
KEcaijj.01 Lav EK~\EOV(jag cvvEi\ijoQaL, T) ret Ejj.—6pi.a KE^Xsladai, ij 
Tag (TToi'cag [xeXXelv äiropprjd^treadai. 

The current coins, their relative value, and their modern equi- 
valents, have been adequately discussed by Böckh in his Public 
Econ. of Athens, pp. 5-30. Silver seems to have constituted the 
ordinary currency. Very small coins only, such as the xaXfcovg, or 
the di\a\Kov, were of copper. Gold, at this period, seems to have 
been rather an article of merchandise than a medium of exchange ; 
hence the word ypvaiovElv is used to denote the exchange of gold 
for silver. Isoer. Trapez. 21, p. 528. The difference of the 
standard in the different stages gave rise to frequent extortion, and 
the agio, Ka-aXXayi), KoXXvßog, on the larger coins was carefully 
reckoned. So Diphilos, ap. Athen, iv. p. 225, says, speaking of 
a fishmonger : 

t ivtiT idv rapyvpiov avTw KaraßdXrjs, 
hrpd^ar Alyivouuv au 5' avrbu 5e?7 
nzpixar airo^ovvcu irpocraTreSwKiV 'Attik&. 
Kar' CLLKporepa 5e ttjv naraXXayriv 
iJ 2 



292 THE MARKETS AND COMMERCE. [Excttesus. 

Bad money, apyvpiov KißZrjXov (opposed to Zoki/jlov), was not 
of rare occurrence, though to coin it appears to have been punish- 
able by death throughout Greece. Demosth. in Timocr. p. 765 : 
vöfiOQ e(tt\v cnrao-aig, <hg tirog thrtiv, raiq ttoXegiv, eclv rig to vo- 
fj-ta-fxa dicKpdeipr) daraTOv T))v ^rj/ular el vat. Cf. Id. in Leptin. 
p. 508. The oldest example is that of the gilt lead coins of 
Polycrates of Samos, if indeed we may credit the account given 
by Herodotus. The usual expedient in forging (jrapayapaTTEir, 
Dio Chrysost. Or. xxxi. p. 577) was, before minting, to place 
a thin film of the precious metal on the piece of iron or copper. 
See Eckhel. Doctr. Nam. i. p. 113. 

Though there were no regular fairs in Greece, still there was 
something analogous to the annual marts of Germany. The 
occasions of these were the public festivals, 7ravr)yvpetg, whither 
such numbers of people resorted. Strabo, x. 5, talking of Delos, 
says, rj te Travqyvpig kfiiroßLKOv tl irpciyfia. At such periods 
crowds of dealers set up their stalls, so that the festival had 
much the appearance of a fair. Dio Chrys. Or. xxvii. p. 528 : 
acpiKi'Ovvrai Ze /ecu ivpbg rag iravnyvpeig ol fievj . . . 7roXXo\ Ze u>via 
KOfiL^ovTec TravroZaira, ayopaioc oy\oc. The most detailed ac- 
count of such a Panegyris occurs in Pausanias, x. 32, 9 ; it relates 
to that which took place twice a-year at Tithorea in Phocis : 

TTj Ze E7TLOVO"rj (TKrjVCig Ol KCLTrrfktVOVTEg 7TOIOVVTOLI, KaXcLfUOV TE KUL 

aXXrjg vXrjg avTOa\eliov ' rjü teXevtcli^. Ze t£ov Tpiüv 7ravr}yvpi£ov<Ji 

TTLTTpCLffKOVTEg KOL ävdpa7Toda, Kai KT7JVT) TCI 7raVTa, ETI CE eadtfTUQ 

ical apyvpov kcu xp v<T ° v - Cf. Dio Chrysost. Orat. viii. p. 278. 
Hence the Romans translated the word iravrjyvpig by mercatus, 
even when referring to the Olympian games. See Moser, ad Cic. 
Tusc. v. 3 ; Böckh, Corp. Insc. Gr. No. 1625. What Aristotle 
narrates of the occurrences at a spot on Hasmus, is still more 
like a fair. De Mir. Ausc. 104 : eIvoll hi riva kcu tottov iv to~lq 
ava fxiaov ZiaaT^fxaaiv, Eig ov ayopäg KOivrjg yivofXEvrjg Tro)Xf~iaQai 
irapa fi£V Twv ek toxi Hovtov E/J.7r6p(i)v avaßaivovTiov to. Aeaßia 
Kai Xta Kai Gacrta, irapu Ze t&v ek tov 'Adpiov tovq KepKvpa'iKOvg 
äfX(f>opelg. 



EXCUESUS TO SCENE V. 



THE GYMNASIA. 



F all the peculiar Hellenistic institutions the Gymnasia are 



\J perhaps the most important, for none exercised so powerful 
an influence on the entire development and various phases of 
Greek life — none at once awakened the noblest feelings, and 
fostered the most impure passions — none formed to the same 
extent the incitement to glorious deeds, and the seduction to idle 
pastimes — none so much enhanced the vigour of the corporeal 
powers, and at the same time gave them so false a direction — 
none made men so alive to the beauty and nobility of the human 
form and opened so broad a field for the grandest creations of art 
— and lastly, none betrayed youthful innocence into such degrad- 
ing abuses — as was the case with the exercises of the Gymnasia. 
At a period when physical strength had usurped many of the 
prerogatives of intellectual power, it is true that even the rudest 
nations also cultivated bodily exercises ; but in no country was 
their original intention so entirely lost sight of as in Greece ; 
nowhere did Gymnastics assume so generally the character of 
agonistics ; nowhere were they so much looked on as a diver- 
sion ; nowhere did the Gymnasia become such universal places 
of amusement, and such arenas for emulous exertions. 

We cannot wonder that the stern Eomans, who valued such 
exercises merely for their military and diaetetic advantages, 
judged unfavourably of Grecian gymnastics. See Plutarch, 
Qucest. Rom. 40 : to yap £,Y)paXoi<pelv ixpeojpojvTO 'Pw^uatoi (T(f)6dpa 
Kai Tolg "TLXXrjaiv o'iovrai fxrjhep ovtmq a'iTiov dovXeiag yeyovevai 
koX fiaXaKiag, wg ra yvpvacria Kal Tag iraXataTpag, 7roXvv aXvv kcu 
a-^oXrjy evTSKOvcrag Talg iroXetri Kal KaKoa^oXinv^ Kal to 7raic>- 
epaaTeiv Kal to Sta(f>dEtpeiv ra cwjuara Ttöv veojv virvoig Kai Trepnra- 
TOig Kal Kivr\ataiv evpvd/xotg Kal SiaiTaig cucpißeatv, v<f u)v eXadov 
tKpvevTEg tG)V ottXojv Kai ayairiqaavTzg ard 1 07rXiTU>v Kal linrsojv 
ayaßüjv eiiTpcnreXoi Kai 7raXai(TTp~iTat Kai KaXol Xeyeadai. This 
passage requires a little elucidation. In the first place, the ex- 
planation given by Wyttenbach of the word fypaXoKpelv is not 




294 



THE GYMNASIA. 



[EXCTJESUS. 



satisfactory. The body was anointed either after the bath, or as 
a preparation for gymnastic exercises, but this was not universal, 
being chiefly practised by the PalEesta? and Pancratiastse. It is 
true that Solon's law, which forbad the practice of gymnastic 
exercises to slaves, is once and again quoted by Plutarch as if 
i-qpakoityeiv only were forbidden, but this is inexact. iEschines, 
in Timarch. p. 147, gives the law more correctly : AovXov, (j>r)(rh> 
6 vojuoc, fxi] yvjj.vaZevdai, firfde !Zr)pa\oi<j>eiv iv tcüq 7raXa.icrrpa.ie. 
The difference between the Gymnasium and the Palaestra is 
manifest from this law, as well as from Lucian, Paras. 51 ; but 
neither from this passage, nor from such as Plato, Lys. p. 204, and 
Charm, p. 153, can we deduce the inference that the former was 
a public institution, and the latter not. The distinction seems 
to have been that the Gymnasium was a place including grounds 
for running, archery, javelin-practice, and the like, along with 
baths, and numerous resorts for those who only sought amuse- 
ment ; while the Palaestra, on the other hand, was the regular 
wrestling-school, where, originally, wrestling, TraXn, and the pan- 
cration, were principally taught and practised. That the Palaestra 
was not necessarily a private institution is clear from Xenophon, 
de Hep. Athen, ii. 9 : 6 hi Sfjfjoc. avrog avruj ohodofxe~irai Idia. 7ra- 
Xatcrrpag iroXXag, k. r. X. The distinction which Krause has 
attempted to establish, that the iraXaicrTpa was chiefly for the 
use of boys, is quite untenable. JEschines, in Timarch. pp. 35, 
38, uses the words interchangeably ; and Antipho, de Ca>d. Invol. 
p. 661, speaking of boys only, has, fxeXeriov jiera twp fjXkiov 
aKovTi&iv e7ri raj yv}.iva(Ti(j). Cf. Lucian, Navig. 4, where the 
young men betake themselves to the Palaestra. "When Solon 
forbade slaves both yvfxvaCecTdai, and also ZnpaXoitytlv kv ralg 
TvaXaiffrpaig, all the kinds of gymnastic exercises are included. 
Cf. Harpocration, and the Etijmol. M. s. v. lr}paXoi(peiv. 

The chief points of the above-mentioned charge made by 
the Romans against the gymnasia, were, setting aside the evil 
of Traidepaaria, that they induced inactivity and idleness ; that 
what should have been the main objects, the strengthening and 
exercising the body, were lost sight of; that instead of the use 
of weapons, mere unprofitable arts were taught ; and that the 
body was too highly fed on unnatural diet to become fitted for 
other exertions. Many voices even in Greece itself re-echoed 



Scene V.] 



THE GYMNASIA. 



295 



this imputation, in which, it must be confessed, there is a good 
deal of truth, especially as respects the athletes, the whole busi- 
ness of whose lives was the exercises of the Palaestra. At Sparta, 
for instance, wvypri and TrayKpnnov were entirely prohibited. 
See Plutarch, Apophth. Reg. i. p. 753 ; and Müller 1 s Dorians, ii. 
p. 313. There, also, athletics were not generally the object of 
gymnastics. Aristot. de RepuU. viii. 4. 

Many agreed, on this subject, with Lycurgus. So Philopce- 
men, on being urged to undergo the exercises of the Palaestra, 
asked whether it would not partly unfit him for the use of his 
weapons; and afterwards, when on service, iräaav adX-qmv i^e- 
ßaXev, (oq ra xprjatfiwrara tGjv ffd)[j.aT(i)v eiq tovq ävayKaiovQ 
ayCovaq a^jorjora irouwaav. Plutarch, Philop. 3. The useless 
discipline of the adXrfTiKr) is described with much point, though 
with a little rhetorical exaggeration, in a fragment from the Au- 
tolycos of Euripides, apud Athen, x. p. 413 : 

KaKav yap ovtwv /xvpiwv koö' 'EAAa^o, 
ovdev k6.ki6v ecrriv o.Q\t)tS>v yivovs . . . 
Tis yap rraXaiaas ev, t'ls 8' wkvttovs avrip, 
$) hiGKOV apas, t) yvadov iraiaas KaAcos 
Tr6\€i irarpwa crrztyavov tfpKtaev Aaßwv • 
ivorepa fxaxovvTai iroAe/xioMriv eV x e P ( ^ v 
diffKOvs exovTes, 3) St' affviSwv x e P^ 
deivovres eKßaAovai -rroAe/xiovs irdrpas ; 

The disadvantages of such one-sided training are further hinted 
at by Socrates ; Xenoph. Symp. 2, 17 : uxnrep ol do\txo^p6/j.oi 
ra crKeXrj p.ev nayyvoi'Tai, tovq Ik topovQ Xe7rTvvovTai fx-qK uxnrep 
ol TTVKTai tovq p.ev wjiovQ TrayyvovTai, Tci c)e aKeXt] XeirrvvovTai. 
The TToXvarapKia of the athletes was often ridiculed, and from 
their dulness of intellect they were called ttu^Q' The double- 
entendre in the word is explained by Eustath. ad II. xxiii. 261. 
See Plutarch, de San. Tuend. 18 : toIq iv yvjivaaiu Kioaiv 6poia>Q 
XnrapovQ TreTroirjKam Kai XidlrovQ. Hence Hermes says to the 
athlete, who, 7rayyQ Kai 7roXvaapKOQ, wishes to go in Charon's 
boat, and calls himself yvpvor : ov yvpvbv, t5 ßeXTtvTe, roaavTUQ 
adpKOQ TTEptßeßXrjperoy. Lucian, Mort. Dial. x. 5. 

Of course there was a great difference between the exercises 
of the gymnasia generally, and those of the professional athlete. 
The contests of the gymnasia also imparted a spirit of activity 
and emulation to the whole social machinery of the Greeks. 



296 THE GYMNASIA. [Excursus. 

This is well expressed by Lucian, de Gymn. 15. But very im- 
portant disadvantages existed ; among which were the encou- 
ragement it gave to Traiceparrria, and also the formation of the 
habit of idle lounging, or, as Plutarch says, 7ro\vv aXvv Kal ayoXiiv 
ivTEKÜv Kai KUKorr-^oXiar. Quarrels and enmities were frequently 
engendered in the palaestra, the evil effects of which were felt in 
after life. Palam. 65 : evQa (kv TvaXaiarpa.) rpiXel epicag irXeirrrag 
Kal Xoicopiag ylreadai. 

But that which chiefly offended the Romans, and indeed all 
non-Grecian nations, was the perfect nakedness both at the cus- 
tomary exercises and at the matches ; and this even at the 
Olympic games, from the time of Orsijypos of Megara, or Acan- 
thos the Lacedaemonian. Bockh, Corp. Inscr. Gr. No. 1003. 
The Romans looked on this as a flagitiwn, nor was it less un- 
becoming in the eyes of the Asiatics. Herod, i. 10 : -Kaph yap 
toIgi AvdoT.cn, 0")^ed6y £e Kal irapa rdlai aXXoim ßapßapoirri Kal 
(ii'cpa 6j)dij}>ai yvfivov eg alor^vrrji- jj.eya.X-qv rpipei. Plato, de Re- 
-piibl. V. p. 452, ov 7toXvq yjpovog, e£ ov Tolg"EXXr)mv ecÖKei airr^pa 
eivai Kal yeXola, airep rvv ro'ig ttoXXo~iq twv ßapßcipu)}', yvfxiovg 
avdpag opärxdai. The words which Herodotus (i. 8) puts into 
the mouth of Gyges, äfjia kiÖwil eKlvoiievu) awtK^virai Kal rrjv 
uiSiö yvri], are doubtless a Grecian sentiment, and are well ap- 
plicable to the male sex also. Cf. Diog. Laert. viii. 43. 

It is certain that in nearly all of the Greek states neither 
matrons nor maidens were allowed to be spectators of gymnastic 
games. Pausanias, v. 6, 5, relates that the mother of Peisidoros, 
who accompanied him to the Olympic games, dressed as a gym- 
nastes, discovered herself in the moment when her son was vic- 
torious, and only escaped punishment because many of her family 
had been Olympian victors. On the other hand, the same author 
says, vi. 20, 6 : 7rapdevovg de ovk eipyovrji deäadai. That married 
women, to whom alone the first passage refers, should have been 
prohibited from appearing on pain of death, while the presence 
of maidens was allowed, seems so strange, that many critics have 
supposed the passages hopelessly contradictory. Now it is true 
that an Attic virgin would never have dreamt of appearing in 
public, or being present at the games ; but this would be quite 
in keeping with the habits of the Dorians, and the Spartans 
especially ; for these nations allowed virgins much greater freedom 



SCEXE V.] 



THE GYMNASIA. 



297 



than married women. In Cyrene women were also permitted 
to be present. See Böckh, ad Pind. Pi/th. ix. 

Of course it was still more rarely that females appeared as 
competitors themselves in running or driving matches, although 
they might send carriages to run. See Paus. iii. 17, 6 ; and v. 
8, 3. Müller, in his Dorians, ii. p. 273, note, seems to fancy 
that maidens at least were allowed to compete in person. Now 
with regard to Cynisca, the sister of Agesilaos, who was the 
most celebrated of these female charioteers, and Was the first 
who obtained the prize, it is plain that sh* 1 did not herself drive 
tne horses, for an ävi)p j/r/o^ogis also mentioned ; Paus. vi. 1, 3 : 
He7rou]rai <js kv 'O/Vu/JTrta izapa rbv av^piavra rov Tpoj'iXov XiOov 
Kprj~\g Kai äp/j.a re 'Ittttojv koli ctvi]p yvio^nc, rat avrrjg Kvvltrtcag 
eiKwv. If the representation on an ancient vase in Tischb. ii. 
28, p. 59, where a female is seen driving a chariot, really refers 
to Cynisca, a license taken by the artist must be supposed. 

Throughout the Ionic states, and in most of the others except 
Sparta, the female sex was excluded from all participation in 
gymnastic exercises. Plato, however, is for the Spartan custom, 
but his words show that he felt that its introduction would have 
run counter to the universally entertained notions of propriety. 
See de Republ. v. p. 452 ; and Leg, vii. p. 804. 

But at Sparta it is well known that the maidens, as well as 
the youths, practised the exercises of the gymnasium ; and the 
mere mention of this fact might here suffice, had not a repugnance 
to admitting that nudity was usual in both cases, led to many 
passages being interpreted in a sense which their writers could 
never have intended, and which the language used cannot possibly 
admit. At Sparta, married women alone were excluded from 
gymnastic exercises, the maidens being allowed much greater free- 
dom in this respect, as well as in dress, and in their intercourse 
with the other sex. This limitation seems to displease Plato, Leg. 
vii. p. 806 : and it is, moreover, quite an oversight in Lucian, Deor. 
Dial. xx. 14, when he talks of the already married Helen as yvfi- 
rag ra 7ro\\ct ra< iraXatcrriKri : and Aristophanes, Lysisir. 82, 
has made a similar mistake. The real point at issue is, whether 
by the yv^ivwatg rwv irapQtviav of Plutarch, is meant actual nudity, 
or only very light clothing. Now Plutarch, Lyc. 14, says : ovcev 
fjTTOv eidiore tGjv tcopiov tUq Kopag yv/ivag re 7tojjnrEvtiv Kai lepolg 



298 



THE GYMNASIA. 



[Excursus. 



Ticfiv opyjLiaBai Kal adeiv tlov veojv irapovTtov Kal Qeiofxeviov ' and 
since the complete nudity of the Kopoi is indisputable, the pre- 
sumption would be that the same was the case with the maidens. 
Too much stress must not, however, be laid on the word yvjxvac, 
in the above passage, since it is undoubtedly used of those who 
were clad in the chiton only. See Aristoph. Lysistr. 150: 

et yap KaQoiixtff evSov ivrerpi/üLufPai, 
Kav reus x iTUUl0l(J ' 1 T0 ?s auopy'vmi 
yvfAval Trapioi/jLev, k.t.A.. 

So Demosth. in Mid. p. 583: Ool/uiaTiov irpoeaQat Kal jiiKpov yvfi- 
vbv ev xiTiovlcrKü) yeveadai. The word denotes a still smaller 
amount of clothing in Athen, iv. p. 129; and Id. xiii. p. 568 : 
yvfxval ev Xe7TT07rj]voig ixpeaiv. This signification of yvjxvbg is 
confirmed by the accounts we possess of the dress of the Doric 
virgins, which was merely a short chiton, without sleeves, and 
often not reaching to the knees. See Clem. Alex. Peed. ii. 10 : 
ovde yap v-rrep yovv, KaQairep rag AaKah'ag (jyaal irapQivovg, iorro- 
Xiadai koXov. Also Eurip. Andrem. 588 : 

at £vu vioicriv, i£ep-tyj.ov<rai SS/dovs 
yu/uLVOiai /*r)po7s Kal ireirXois aveifj.4uois, 
Spo/xous iTa\ai(TTpas t , ovk avaax^ovs ip.ol 
Koiuas exouai. 

The words TreirXoig avetfiivoig are explained by Plutarch, Comp. 
Lye. C. Num. 3 : Tw yap ovtl tov irapdeviKOv -^iTÜvog at ttt£- 
pvyeg ovk i]oav avveppaji^ievai KarwOev, aW aveitTvaaovTO koX 
crvvaveyv/xvovv oXov ev t<Z ßa()i£eiv tov firjpdv. Kai o-a^forara 
to yivöfievov eipt]KE 1tO(f)OK\fjg ev TOVToig {Fragm. Helen. 4) Kal 
tclv veopyov, äg tV acrToXog ^ltojv dvpa~iov ajj,fl jurjpbv TTTvatre- 
rcu, 'iLpfiiovav. Cf. Poll. vii. 55 : eKaXe'iro fie Kal 6 jxtov irapde- 
vujv oxitio yiTiovicrKog^ ov TtapaXiiaav-eg &XP L Tlv og Tag irTtpvyac, 
Lk Trjg Karto TreQng napetyaivov Tovg finpovg. fxaXtara at 27rap- 
TiariSeg, äg diä toiito ^aivo/jirjpt^ag <bv6fxa£ov. See the Phigalian 
reliefs in the British Museum, and other sculptures at Florence 
and elsewhere. See also Müller's Dorians, ii. p. 274-6, and the 
Excursus on The Dress. Pausanias and iElius Dionysius, apud 
Eustath. ad II. xiv. 175, explain the word Zu)pia(eiv as follows : 
AiXiog yovv Aiovvcrwg hwpia(eiv (pnal to 7rapa(j>aiveiv Kal 7rapa- 
yvfivovv iroXv tl tov GiofxaTog. at yap /cara HeXoTrovvi^ov, (pr/cri, 
KÖpai EtvLiepevov a^iouTOi Kai a^iTWvec, IfiaTiov fxovov errl ÖaTepa. 
£7rt7reTrop7Ti}ueiai. Kal opa evTavda diafopäv -^irüfvog Kai t/za- 



Scene V.] 



THI- GTMXASIA. 



299 



tlov. Tlavaaviatj ()e /cat clvtoq diopiafeiv (j)r}<rl to TrapayvfivcvaQai. 
AiopLKÖv yap, (prjct, to irapa^aivELV to (Ttofxa dio. to firfde £lovclc, 
eyELV, to ttoXv de j^iTLovag tpopEiv. kv fie HiirapTr] /cat tclq KopaQ 
yv/xvag (f)aivEffdai. Nor is there any contradiction in .ZElius Dio- 
nysius calling the Peloponnesian females cl^Itloveq, while Pausa- 
nias says that they generally wore the yiTuv only. For this 
garment, being without arms, and merely fastened over the shoul- 
ders by agraffes, while below, on one side at least, it was quite 
open, might, when compared with the Ionian dress, be considered 
as scarcely a chiton at all. All this, it must be remembered, 
refers not to the palaestra, but to the dress of girls in e very-day 
life. The only passage referring to the chiton as worn in the 
palaestrae is the Schol. ad Eurip. Hecub. 934: at AaKedaifxoviat 
yvvcÜKEQ tv toIq ayuxri JuLOvo^ltloveq ?/crav, Tzopizaq EKaripov 

TLOV LOflLOV E^OUffCLl, oOeV HCL l L^LOpLCL^ELV TO yVjXVOvadcLL ' AvCLKpELOV 

<f>ri<rL Other passages, however, seem to speak of actual nudity 
at these contests, or at least show that the chiton was not worn. 
See Athen, xiii. p. 566 : ettcllvovvteq tlov Hittclptlcltlov to eQoq to 
yvfivovv tclq irapdivovQ to~lq Hvolq. Plutarch, L>yc. 15 : Xiyio $c 
tclq 7rojU7rac tlov 7rapdivLov, /cat tclq cnrodvaELC, /cat tovq ayiovaQ 

EV OXpEl TLOV VELOV, CiyO/JLEVLOV OV yELO/lETpiKCLLQ, LOQ (f)T)(TlV 6 HX6.TLOV, 

aXX' ipLOT iKCLLQ avdyKaic. Whatever the yv/uvLocne. tlov irapQivLOV 
may mean, the clttoIvctiq must refer to divestiture of something, 
and we know that only one garment, the chiton, was ordinarily 
worn. Cf. Plato, Leg. vi. p. 771 ; and lb. xi. p. 925. Moreover, 
Theocritus, xviii. 22, seems to allude to a nuda palaestra, when 
he makes the Spartan damsels say : 

AfJ.fJ.es yap iraarat avvofx6XiKt<; , rjs hpdfxos uvtSs, 
Xpio-afievuLS audpiarl Trap'' EvpcoTao Xeorpois. 

Neither did they restrict themselves to running, and the gentler 
exercises, but had trials of strength also. Xenoph. de Rep. Lac. 

1,4: TXpLOTOV fXEV (TLO^a(TKE~LV ETCL^EV OVL^EV YfTTO V TO öfjXv TOV appEVOQ 
LpvXoV. ETTELTCL Ie IpOflOV KCLL ItT^yOQ, LOCTTTEp KCLL TO~LQ IXV^pdcriV, 

ovtlo /cat rate drjXEiaig ay lovlxq irpoQ aXXqXag ettolyilte. See also 
Prop. iii. 12 : 

Multa tuae, Sparte, miramur jura palsestrse, 

Sed mage virginei tot bona gymnasii, 
Quod non infames exercet corpore Judos 

iDter luctantes nuda puella viros. 



300 



THE GYMNASIA. 



[ExcuEsrs. 



So also Ovid, Her. 16, 149 : 

More tuse gentis nitida dura nuda palestra 
Ludis et es nudis femina mista viris. 

Whatever weight may be attached to these passages, at all events 
the Latin word nudus has not the twofold signification of its 
Greek equivalent. Nor is there any doubt as to what was the 
ordinary belief in the times of those writers from whom the 
details are derived. 

That youths were present at these female agones, as well as at 
the dances, is indubitable, though we may question whether they 
exercised together, as the koivcu Trakaiv-pai of Euripides would 
insinuate. This, however, is said to have been usual at Chios ; 
Athen, xiii. p. 566 : evXiw ce rrj vijaa) Kai ßali^eiv ijciarov eariv 
err\ ra yv^ivama teal tovq cpofiovg /ecu bpäv 7rpo<T~a\aiovTa.Q rovg 
reovc rale KÖpaic. 

There are but few other notices of female gymnastics. Pausa- 
nias, v. 16, 2, speaking of the Heram at Elis, says : b ce aywv icrriv 
üpiWa cpöfiov 7rapdevoic, cvroi ttov Traaaig fjXiidae rfjc avrrjc' . . . 
Oeovai ce ovrw' icadelrat c^nerti' ?/ kÖ/ut), ^ltcov oXiyov v~ep yovaroc 
/ca0///v.£<, tov wfiov ayjpi tov ary'jdovg tyaivovai rbv ce^iov. Also 
Athenams, i. p. 24, briefly notices the ball-play of the Corcyrean 
dames. 

The only connected account of the plan of a gymnasium is that 
given b} r Vitruvius, and this is both superficial and obscure. A - 
cording to Ignarra, de Palaestra Neapolitana, he had in his eye the 
gymnasium at Naples, which was of a very different construction 
from those at Ephesus, Hierapolis, and Alexandria in Troas, the 
remains of which have been discovered. See Canina, Ar chit. Greca, 
iii. Newton and Schneider are the only writers who have done any 
thing to clear up the critical difficulties of the text of Vitruvius, or 
have attempted to reconcile the discrepancies in his account. All 
the plans given by the various commentators differ from one an- 
other. The accompanying plate is a gymnasium after Newton's 
plan, which on the whole appears to present the fewest difficulties. 

According to Vitruvius the gymnasium consisted of a large 
prristyle, two stadia, or 1200 feet in circumference, having single 
rows of pillars on three sides, and on that facing the south, a double 
row. In the middle of this double portico, and opening upon it, was 
the Ephebeion, the most spacious of the exercising rooms, which 




PLAN OF A GYMNASIUM, AFTER NEWTON. 
A Peristyle. B Ephebeion. C Coryceion. D Conisterion. 

E Cold Bath. F Elseothesion. G Frigidarium. H Hot Bath. 

K Sudatio. L Laconicum. MN Porticus stadiatse. M Simplex. 
N Duplex. Stadium. 



I 

I 

j 

I 



Scene V.] 



THE GYMNASIA. 



303 



was furnished with seats along the walls, and was designed, it is 
supposed, for the use of the ephebi. To the right of the Ephe- 
beion was the Coryceion ; next came the Conisterion, and lastly, 
in the corner of the portico, was the cold bath. On the left side 
of the Ephebeion lay, first, the Elseothesion for the use of the 
warm-bathers; next, according to Vitruvius, the frigidarium, 
though the purpose for which it was designed is doubtful. It has 
been shown in Gallus, p. 385, that frigidarium is the same as 
frigida lavatio, and the latter is placed by Vitruvius on the 
opposite side. With Marini, therefore, we would read tepida- 
rium, — an alteration which renders intelligible the words, ' proxime 
autem introrsus e regione frigidarii collocetur concamerata sudatio.' 
For if the frigidarium had been the chamber next to the sudatio, 
Vitruvius could never have said, * e regione frigidarii.' But it 
is the frigida lavatio which is here meant, and this being at the 
opposite end of the portico, the expression 1 e regione ' is certainly 
applicable to it with respect to the sudatio. 

In the three remaining arcades of the peristyle were the exedro?, 
saloons, furnished with seats, for the accommodation of the phi- 
losophers and rhetoricians, and of all indeed who sought intellec- 
tual recreation : 1 Constituantur autem in tribus porticibus exedraa 
spatiosEe, habentes sedes, in quibus philosophi, rhetores, reliquique 
qui studiis delectantur, sedentes disputare possint.' These exedrce 
appear to have been usually uncovered ; for Vitruvius says that 
the minium was unsuited for the walls, as they were exposed to 
the sun, which that colour could not stand, 'vitiatur, et amissa 
virtute coloris denigratur.' Vitruv. ii. 9, 2. But, of course, there 
were also roofed rooms, and such are perhaps alluded to by Lucian, 
de Gymn. 16 : a\\', el hoicei, ei; to üvuklov eke'kte aireXQovrtQ icaöl- 
o-w/zev eth. t&v daiaov. The exedrse were sometimes semicircular, 
as we gather from Plutarch, Alcib. 17, wore ttoXXovq ev raiq 7ra- 
Xaiarpaig teat tolq fifjuKvicXioLg Kade^eadai. Possibly, however, the 
last words may not refer to the gymnasium at all. The seats were 
stone benches, and ran along the walls ; Lucian, ib. : kcu KaOtSpa 
fiaXa rj^ela ical evKaipog eirl \^vyjpov rov Xldov. Cf. Plato, Charm. 
p. 155 ; Euthyd. p. 274. There were also probably isolated stone 
seats, both in the gymnasia, and in other parts of the city. See 
Lucian, Demon. 67. Several such are still extant. Stuart, Antiq. 
of Athens, iii. pp. 19, 29. 



304 



THE GYMNASIA. 



[Excursus. 



The above-mentioned compartments constituted the most im- 
portant portion of the gymnasium. It is strange that no one has 
hazarded a conjecture as to the use of the large open space of the 
peristyle, which according to Vitruvius must have measured, ex- 
clusive of the arcades, sixty thousand square feet. Doubtless it 
served chiefly for gymnastic exercises ; and that this was the case 
in the Lyceion is expressly stated by Lucian, de Gymn. 2 : "E-e- 
pot ()£ kv rw aldpto) rfjg aiiXijQ to avrb rovro (Üqühtiv. Cf. Dio 
Chrysost. Or. xxviii. p. 531. The words of Plato, Lys. p. 206, 
ol piev ovv ttoWol kv T>j avXrj ewaL^ov t'^w, have been strangely 
misunderstood by Krause, who creates out of them an outer court, 
as if the reading were kv rij t'sw av\rj. The passage merely refers 
to the persons in the inraidpov of the peristyle, who are said ' to 
play without,' in contradistinction to those in the apodyterion. 

Vitruvius 1 account of the other parts of the gymnasium is 
much more difficult to comprehend. ' Extra autem disponantur 
porticus tres, una ex peristylio exeuntibus, duse dextra atque 
sinistra stadiatse ; ex quibus una, quaa spectaverit ad septentrio- 
nem, perficiatur duplex, amplissima latitudine : altera simplex, 
ita facta, uti in partibus, quse fuerint circa parietes et quse erunt 
ad columnas, margines habeant, uti semitas, non minus pedum 
denum mediumque excavatum, uti gradus bini sint in descensu 
a marginibus sesquipedem ad planitiem, quse planities sit ne 
minus pedes XII.' The reading of the manuscripts, though 
evidently incorrect, has here been given, since the violent altera- 
tion of Perrault, ' altera? simplices, ita facta?, &c.' seems to give 
the passage quite a false meaning. The two parallel arcades 
alone were stadiatce, as the third, which was that first entered 
on coming out of the gymnasium, was not designed for exer- 
cises. Stadiatce is explained by Stratico and Krause to mean 
' of the length of a stadion,' but the more probable interpreta- 
tion is that given by Marini, Schneider, &c. ' provided with a 
stadium.' The space in the middle certainly resembles a sta- 
dium, and at all events corresponds to the name Ipöfiog. For 
these reasons the only alteration we would propose would be 
to read factos instead of facta, in the above passage. When 
Vitruvius adds, ' Hsec autem porticus Ivgtoq apud Graecos voci- 
tatur,' the ha?c shows that the porticus simplex is that .intended. 

But the greatest difficulty with regard to the arrangement, 



SCEKB V.] 



THE GYMNASIA. 



305 



lies in the equivocal expression, ' extra autem disponantur por- 
ticus tres.' If these really lay behind the first-mentioned parts 
of the gymnasium, it seems strange that Virtruvius did not, as 
usual, employ the word introrsus or post, instead of extra, which 
Palladio has actually supposed to mean that the arcades now in 
question surrounded the palcestra on the outside. This writer 
makes the portions duplex run parallel to, and touch,' the inner 
peristyle, where the ephebeion is ; and the xystus in the same 
manner he supposes to lie on the opposite side ; the gymna- 
sium is thus extended on the two flanks, and not backwards, 
as in the accompanying plan. Such a construction presents great 
difficulties, and can hardly be reconciled with the words, 1 post 
xystum autem stadium.' Nor is Newton's arrangement free from 
difficulties, for according to it the space within the arcades could 
have had no greater area, and certainly no greater breadth, than 
the Hypaethron of the peristyle, and this would hardly leave 
room for the 1 silvas aut platanonas ambulationes et stationes,' 
which we are told that it comprised. All this part of Vitruvius' 
description abounds with difficulties, which are perhaps incapable 
of solution. 

Another question not easily answered is, by whom, and for 
what exercises, the gymnasia and palsestras were used. It is 
manifest, from the law of Solon, and from Antipho, that boys 
must be supposed to have frequented the gymnasium ; and this 
entirely overthrows Krause's supposition, that in the gymnasia 
the ephebi were chiefly exercised, in the xysti the athlete, 
and the boys in the palaestra?. Besides, Aristophanes, Aves, 
141, mentions a 7ralg wpaioQ cltco yvfivacrlov, and Plato, Leg. 
vi. p. 764, wishes for yvfxvaaia tcai ^ilaaKaXeia for maidens as 
well as for boys, and hence the supposition that it was not till a 
later period that the gymnasia were used as the exercise-ground 
for boys, falls to the ground. Theophrastus, Char. 21, tüv ce 
yvfxvacr'KjJV er tovtolq Siarpißeiv, ov av etyrjßoi yvfxva^u)vrat, seems 
to imply that there were both yvjivacria efa'ißufv and yvfivacna 
7ra/fW ; but those here referred to could only have been small 
institutions, such as were above denominated palaestrse. For 
! Athens had only three gymnasia at the time in question, the 
Lyceion, the Cynosarges, and the Academia ; and that these 
were not thus appropriated is beyond a doubt. Another suppo* 



306 



THE GYMNASIA. 



[EXCTJKSUS 



sition would be that these gymnasia served for persons of all 
ages, and that there were divisions for the different degrees of 
age ; and at a later period this was certainly the case, as we 
learn from Dio Chrysost. Orat. xxviii. p. 533 : cnroSvcrafxevov 

Ol/AT E&TIV 0(TTIC aXXoV WeäTO, TToXXwV fXEV 7TCUO*ü>r, TtoXXüjV $£ 

avdpwv yvfxva^ofievwv. But this can hardly apply to Athens at 
any early period, for the law of Solon quoted by iEschines ex- 
pressly forbids seniors entering the boys' places of exercise : 01 
le tG>v Tratiwv I i&cw koXol av o ly et cj a av fxkv ra SiSaaicaXE'ia fxt) 
irporEpov ijXiov clviovtoq, xXEiETwcrav £e Trpb y/Xiov dvvovTOe. heal 
firj eIecttu) toiq virEp Ttjv twv iraßiov rjXiKtaiv ovcnv Eiativai twv 
waicwv tvhov ovtwv, Ear fxi] vloq hdaaxciXov i) a.()£X(f)dg, Tj Qvyarpbg 
avijp. lav (>£ tic Kapo, ravr elvit], 6ava.-w ^ijfjiiovadw. teal ol 
yvfxvafTLapyai toIq 'Epfjiaiotg fiij iaruxrav (rvyKaduvai fj.i]Hva twv 
ev ijXiKia TpoiTb) /xri^Eri ' iav Se ettltpettyj kol fxi] i^Etpyrj tov yv\i- 
vauiov, Evoyog eütw 6 yv}.ivacrtapyr)g tw tT]q EXsvBipwv (pQopäg 
v6/j.ü). It is doubtful whether the cJitW/caXtta here mentioned are 
merely the schools of the grammarians, or, which is improbable, 
those also of the Pcedotribce. Plato, except in Leg. vii. p. 794, 
always opposes liZaaKaXEia to yvf.iva.crta. Pollux also takes £i£a- 
(TKaXElov as synonymous with ypafifiaTEiov and iraidaywyElov, and 
indeed the word always occurs in this sense. So that iEschines 
either quotes the law incorrectly, or extends to the Psedotribae an 
expression which only properly applies to schoolmasters. With 
regard to the latter part of this law we must suppose the words 
tov yvfivacriov to refer to one of the larger gymnasia, and that 
its intention was to prohibit the admission of adults during the 
feast of the Hermcea. At the period of this festival the ordinary 
discipline of the pasdotribse and pedagogues would be relaxed, 
and the law in question might therefore be found necessary. 
Plato, Lys. p. 206, where the boys celebrate the Herinsea in a 
palaastra, might be advanced against the supposition that the law 
refers to one of the gymnasia, but to this we may reply, that in 
Plato's time Solon's law was no longer in force. 

The results of the foregoing inquiry may be summed up as 
follows. Instead of confining the gymnasia to the ephebi, and 
the xysti to the athletse, it appears more probable that they were 
opened to persons of all ages ; and an additional argument in 
favour of this would be the size of the smaller palaestrae, which 



Scene V.] 



THE GYMNASIA. 



307 



were not large enough to admit of several of the exercises, such as 
shooting with the bow, and hurling the javelin or discus. Thus 
Antipho, speaking of a boy who has killed another, says, ixeXetüv 
fxera t&v jjXikwv clkovti^eiv kiri rü> yvfxva(xiu>. The gymnasia also 
have been frequently regarded merely as places of instruction for 
beginners, whereas they were frequented by adults, and even old 
people often repaired thither for the sake of wholesome exercise. 
See Plato, de Republ. v. p. 452 : uxnrtp Tovg yipovTag kv toiq yvfx- 
vaaloig, orav pvaaol /ecu rjEe~ig ty\v oipiv, 6jX(og <piXoyvp.va(TTÜ)cn. 
Also Xenoph. Symp. 2, 18 : T] kit ekeivo) yeXäre, otl ov deijaat 
dvyyvfivacTTriv £rjreiv, obd' kv 0)(X(i) } 7rpEaßvT^v Öi'Ta, anodveadaL. 
Wealthy persons may have had rooms in their own houses ap- 
propriated to this purpose. Xenoph. de Republ. Athen. 2, 10 : 
Kai yv^xvama teal Xovrpa /ecu cnrodvrrjpia toiq jjlev irXovaioig ecttlv 
'iha kvioig. Also Theophr. Char. 22: avXiliov TraXatcTpiKriv kovlv 
e\ov /ecu (T(f)aipicrTrjpiov. Still it is very improbable that this was 
frequently the case so early as the time of Xenophon, although 
after that of Alexander the practice became common. 

In the second place, we arrive at the conclusion that the palae- 
strae were not mere training schools for boys ; but that on the 
contrary they were used to some extent by the athletae also. 
Krause unnecessarily restricts the latter to the xysti alone. That 
they practised in the xystus, Vitruvius certainly says ; but he 
does not use the word athletce in any strict sense : and besides, 
the use of the xystus does not preclude that of the palaestra also. 
But the positive testimony of Plutarch is far more important. 
He tells us, de San. Tuend. 18 : (keXeiktoimev) kv rw £ugtw /ecu 
Talg TraXaicFTpaiQ hiaXiyEaQai rolg adXrjTdig. Again, Symp. ii. 4, 
he says : tov ovv to-kov kv <j> yvpcvaCovTai iravTEg ol udXrjTai 7ra- 
XaicTTpav KaXovfXEv : and then expressly states that the palaestra 
was properly the school for wrestling and the pancration : ovre 
yap Zpofiov, ovte 7ruyu?)v kv TraXaiarpaig (iiairovovoiv, äXXä 7raXr)g 
icat -KayKpaTiov to tteoX Tag KvXiaEig. For running and boxing the 
xystus was assigned, because the palaestra was unadapted for 
those exercises; while for the noXr] and irayKpaTiov the xysti had 
no suitable space, since, according to Vitruvius, they were only 
twelve feet broad, and were still further confined by the raised 
pathways on each side. 

The exercises of the ephebi may be supposed to have taken 
* 2 



308 



THE GYMNASIA. 



[ExcTjnsTis. 



place mainly in the gymnasia, and it is in reference to them that 
the gymnasiarchs are specially mentioned ; but they must not be 
entirely excluded from the palaestra?. And, indeed, though yvfx- 
vaaiov and iraKaiaTpa may originally have been different in mean- 
ing, yet yvfxvaffiov is used to denote the exercise-place generally, 
and the two words are sometimes interchanged. 

Krause's work contains a very complete and satisfactory ac- 
count of the various kinds of exercises, and to it the reader is 
referred. He says nothing, however, as to the hours at which the 
boys were taught gymnastics, or how this was combined with the 
rest of the instruction they received ; and in the absence of positive 
information on this head, we must be content with conjecture. 
The chief point to be determined is, whether these two branches 
of education were synchronous or not. As has been mentioned 
in the Excursus on Education, Aristotle and Plato require -that 
boys should be under the TraidoTptßrjg till their tenth year, and 
after that attend the school of a grammarian for three years. 
Still, we can hardly suppose that during these three years they 
gave up gymnastic instruction entirely ; and this would certainly 
not appear to have been the case from Plautus, Bacch. iii. 3, 23, 
though we are ignorant how much of Roman custom is mixed up 
with his account : 

Ante solera exorientem nisi in palasstram veneras, 
Gymnasii prasfecto haud mediocres poenas solveres. . . . 
Inde de hippodromo et palasstra ubi reveuisses domum, 
Cincticulo prascinctus apud magistrum in sella adsideres : 
Cum librum legeres, si unam peccavisses syllabam, 
Fieret corium tarn maculosum, quam est nutricis pallium. 

The most natural supposition would be that the boys varied their 
occupations, and that those who had spent all the morning in the 
school of the grammarian went to the gymnasium in the after- 
noon, and vice versa. 

Adults indulged in the lighter exercises, and in the bath, as a 
preparation for dinner. So Xenophon, Symp. 1, 7, speaking of 
Callias' guests, says : "E7j-£tra avr<0 oi fxev yvfivarrajievoL kcu 
^picra/xevoi, oi fie Kai Xovva/nevoi irapifKBov. Also Lucian, Lexipli. 
5, after describing at length a visit to the gymnasium, and the 
accompanying bath, adds: Kcnrei^i] Kaipog i)v kir ayKwvog iosi- 
TTvovfiEv. The £,v(tto\ or hpöfxoL, also ^varol ^po/uoL or Karaarreyoi 
Spofxoi, were used for regular constitutionals, which seem to have 



SCEXE V.] 



THE GYMNASIA. 



309 



been but seldom taken outside the town. See Plato, Phcedr. 
p. 227 : rw c£ (rü xai ejjiü) eraipu) TrsidofievoQ 'Atcovfxevü Kara rag 
odovg TTOLOVfiai rove -nzpvKarovg. (prjal yap aK07ro)repovg tGjv kv roig 
cpöfxoig eivau Also Xenoph. CEcon. 11, 15 ; Plato, Euthyd. p. 273. 
Cf. Poll. ix. 43. 

But the gymnasia, especially at Athens, were also the favourite 
places in which sophists and rhetoricians instructed their as- 
sembled pupils, or engaged in intellectual conversation with those 
who might chance to gather round. Socrates was often to be 
found sitting on the benches of the exedrae, and conversing with 
his pupils or the sophists, while a crowd of listeners stood near. 
See Euthyd. p. 271. This was not the case with the large gym- 
nasia only : each of the palgestrse seems to have been selected by 
some sophist or other for the delivery of his lectures. Thus in 
Plato, Lysias, p. 204, Miccos the sophist takes immediate posses- 
sion of the newly-built palasstra. This proves that Solon's law 
forbidding the entrance of adults was now obsolete. Cf. Antipho, 
de Ccede Invol. p. 672 ; iEschin. in Timarch. p. 145. In Sparta 
mere lookers-on were not admitted ; Plato, Thecet. p. 169 : AaKz- 
caifjiovioi fiev yäp ä-mevat y enrocveadat xeXevovcri.. At Athens, 
however, and probably elsewhere, the gymnasia were crowded by 
spectators, and served as regular places of conversation and social 
amusement. 



EXCUESUS I. TO SCENE VI. 



THE MEALS. 

' /\PO —avra ~o~ig avdpwTroiQ ek rpirr^Q 'ypeLac (cat ETTidv/ulac 
\J i]prr}fxiva cl <bv apery) re avrdlc ayojXEVoiQ opdwg, km rov- 
vavriov aTroßa'ivEi KctKwg ä^deTcn. ravra c kariv klwci) fj.Ev ecu 
7t6(7iq . . . kcu f.piog . . . are the words in which Plato {Leg. vi. 
p. 782) maintains that the appetites are the main-springs of 
human action, and that from them moral worth and its opposite 
proceed. Be this as it may, at all events the gratification of these 
appetites has ever been a main concern of life, and the peculiari- 
ties hence arising must ever, therefore, hold a prominent place 
in any description of national or of local manners. It would be 
foreign to this purpose to give a detailed account of the various 
dishes, though such might be readily constructed from Aristo- 
phanes and Plutarch, or from the tedious alphabetical catalogue 
of Athenaeus, the most comprehensive, and at the same time the 
most insipid, of all compilers. It will be more useful for us to 
glance at the kinds of food most usual, and at the changes intro- 
duced at different periods, taking occasion by the way to demon- 
strate the progress of luxury ; and then to investigate more at 
length the usages customary at social and convivial repasts. 

In early times, the more cultivated Greeks do not seem to 
have attached much importance to the mere enjoyments of eating. 
It is true that the simplicity for which Athenasus praises the 
Homeric age, when bread and roasted flesh formed the sole mate- 
rials of a royal meal, had long since yielded to a greater diversity 
of dishes ; but the dainties afterwards in vogue were at all events 
unknown in the days of Herodotus. Cf. i. 133. Antiphanes 
also, ap. Athen, iv. p. 130, terms the Greeks generally, fxiKporpa- 
tte^oi, (pvWoTpüyEQ. The abstemiousness of the Spartans is pro- 
verbial. They were accustomed from their youth to despise all 
the refinements of the culinary art, and to disregard everything 
beyond mere nourishment. See the characteristic anecdote in 
Plutarch, de Esu Cam. i. 5 : Kcuroi yapiiv ye to tov AaKwroc, 
oq l^dvdiov kv navZoKEup irpiajiEVOQ t<3 ttcivcoke! GKEvaaai rrapi- 



SCEIÖD VI.] 



THE MEALS. 



311 



SwKer. aiTOvvTOQ skeivov Tvpbv Kai oIoq Kai iXaiov, 'AW' et 
ravra d^ov, eiizzv, ovk av lyßvv kTrpiaprjv. Cf. Id. de San. 
Tuend. 12 : ol Aafcwvey o£og Kai aXag dovreg rw payelpo) rä 
Xonra KeXevovatv kv r<3 lepeio) Z,r\v€iv. These simple tastes may 
be regarded as an original national peculiarity, and not as con- 
sequent on the stringent regulations of Lycurgus ; for before the 
time of this legislator they were aßpoStaiToi, as they are styled 
by Plutarch, Apophth. Lac. p. 900. 

The coarser natures of the Boeotians, on the other hand, led 
them to indulge in gross and plentiful repasts ; and the luxury of 
the Corinthians was conspicuous, though Sicilian gormandising 
exceeded everything. The meals of the Athenians, on the con- 
trary, are ridiculed by the comedians for their simplicity. Athen, 
iv. p. 131 : AvyKEvg ff iv Kevravpo) Ziairai^wv ra 'Arrtxa del^ya. 

Mdyeip', 6 Qvoov iarlu 5 denrvifav r e^e 
'PoSios, iyw 5' 6 K€K\rj/j.euos TlspivOios. 
ovderepos tj/jlccv ^Serca ro?s 'AttzkoTs 
de'nrvois. ar]5i'a yap icrriv 'Att<K7?, 
ü5(77rep ^evLKT). irapedrjKz ir'ivaKa yap fiiyav 
%X 0VTa M-ixpovs irevre TrevaKicrKOvs iv oi . . . 
6\l/iv fA.eu ovv e^ei ra roiavra itoik'iKtjv 
aAA' ov54u gcTTi tovto irpbs rrjv yaar4pa. 

Unquestionably the symposium which succeeded the meal was 
considered by the Athenians as the main thing, and as affording 
opportunity for a higher species of enjoyment. So in the Sym- 
posia of Xenophon and Plato the pleasure is wholly intellectual, 
not sensual, as is remarked by Plutarch, Symp.Yi. p. 817. Plato's 
entertainments were noted for their frugality, and we are told that 
a chief dish with him was figs, hence he was called tytXoavKog. 
Plutarch, Symp. iv. 4, 2 ; cf. de San. Tuend. 9. 

From the earliest times it was usual to take three meals a day, 
and though the hours of these repasts remained essentially un- 
altered, still the same names were not always used to denote 
them. With regard to the Homeric usage, we have the state- 
ments of Eustathius, ad Odyss. ii. 20, though we need not pin 
our faith to his somewhat amusing etymologies : 'lareov c>' on 
rpiai rpo(f)a~ig i^pwvro ol TraXaioi ' Cov to rcpwrov EKaXelro api- 
(Tmv, yivopevov iravv Trpw'i, ap rjol tyaivopirrjfi, äpsoe ivTape- 
vov, ujg ml // tov ovoparoQ IrvpoXoyla cvXol. elra to Ze'ittvov, 



312 



THE MEALS. 



[EXCUESTJS I. 



/x£0' o tdti TToyelv, 6 /ecu apiarov (paai Tiveg. rpirov ce dop-trog 
kvavrlov apiaru), ijviKa hopv iravtrai. oirep yj/jleIq 7raj0a to de"iv 
tote vTvov ZeIttvov koXov/jlev. And Palamedes, in a fragment of 
iEschylus, ap. Athen, i. p. 11, is made to say : a~iTov V eIIevul 
Ziojptaa, apicrTd, CEi7rya, lopira 0' aipEladai Tpia. But these ex- 
pressions are not used in their strict sense by Homer. Thus 
aptcrTov occurs once only in the Iliad (xxiy. 124), and once in 
the Odyssey (xvi. 2) ; while hlirvov, which means a meal generally, 
without reference to the time, is elsewhere used instead : but for 
the meal taken in the middle of the day there is no special name. 
Cf. Eustath. ad II. xi. 86 ; ad Odyss. xvi. 2. 

The usage afterwards was changed, for in the Attic dialect, at 
least, ZeIttvov came to be used, invariably, of the evening meal 
(ZopTTov), while the mid-day meal was called aptaTov, and the first 
breakfast received the name aKpaTtafia. Instead of this word, 
Plutarch also uses -npo-Ko^a (Symp. i. 6, 3), which has elsewhere 
quite another meaning. Plutarch also says, Symp. viii. 6, 4 : kui 

TO flEV CtpiffTOV IdÖKEL 7W ClKpCLTl (TfXClTl TOLVTOV EIVO.L. This may 

mean that the same meal which was formerly called apicTov after- 
wards received the name ciKpaTtafia : or, when no great accuracy 
of expression was required, the early breakfast might also be called 
aptcrTov. So Plutarch, de Alex. Fort, 6 : rjplaTa jxkv opdpov fca- 
de^ofXEVog, i^eiTTPEL de npog kenripav ßadslav. But in this case 
of course no other breakfast followed. Cf. Alex. 23. 

The aKpaTiapa, or proper breakfast, was taken quite early, 
directly after rising. So Aristoph. Aves, 1285, says, ? wOev c'£ ev- 
vrjg. It consisted of bread, dipped in neat wine, aKparog, and 
hence the name. Plutarch, Symp. viii. 6, 4 : &acri yäp EKEivovg 
(rovg äp-^aiovg) ipyaTucovg cl/jlu kcli aoj(ppovag ovrag ewOev ectBLelv 
apTOV iv d/Cjoarw /ecu fx-q^EV aXXo. did tovto /jlev ciKpaTLcrfxa Ka- 
\e~iv, cka tov ixKpaTov. Cf. Schol. ad Theocr. i. 51. Both these 
passages refer to a very early period; but Athenasus, i. p. 11, 
mentions the custom as still existing in his own time. He also 
quotes a fragment of Aristomenes : 

'AKpariov/xai jxiKphv, e70' ir6.\iv, 
aprov Sts $) rp is curoSaK&v. 

It is not so easy to assign a fixed hour for the apiaTov. In 
Xenophon's Anabasis this meal is repeatedly mentioned ; but of 
course on a march, and in the field, it would often be impossible 



SCEXE VI.] 



THE MEALS. 



313 



to adhere to any given hour. Suidas places it mpl wpav rplrrjv. 
This would be mid-way between sun-rise and noon, and at. the 
equinoxes would be about nine o'clock. But we have various 
reasons for distrusting this account. For the time of irXifiovaa 
ayopa chiefly embraces the fourth, fifth, and sixth hours, and this 
was the usual period for going to market — often to buy the mate- 
rials for breakfast — and therefore the apurrov must be fixed nearer 
noon. This also agrees best with Aristoph. Vesp. 605-612, 
where the Heliast is spoken of as sitting down to the apLtrrov 
when the Court rises, which would hardly be the case so soon as 
the third hour. See Xenoph. (Econ. xi. 14, seq. down to elra 
ce apiG-G). Cf. Plutarch, Arat. 6, 7. According to this, the apia-ov 
would appear to have been the mid-day meal, answering to the 
Eonian prandium ; and this indeed Plutarch expressly states ; 
Symp. viii. 6, 5 : to apicrrov itcXi)dr] -xpavciov arrb rrjg u>pac. 
ercLoi> yap to htXivov. Cf. Euhnk. ad Tim. p. 63. This meal 
consisted, in part at least, of hot dishes, and therefore often re- 
quired the services of the cook. Antiphanes, ap. Athen, i. p. 11 : 
apioTOv £v o(tu) 6 payeipog tzolel. 

The chief meal, as among the Eomans, was the third, the 
Zti-vov, though perhaps it was served somewhat later than the 
Eoman carna. See Aristoph. Eccles. 652 : 

(to\ 5e /j.e\7]<rei, 
'6tclv 77 Sgkuttovv rb (Ttoix^ov Anrapbu ^cupely eVt Selirvov. 

Unfortunately our knowledge of the yvujjuov is not sufficient to 
enable us accurately to ascertain the hour here intended. See 
Note 3 to Scene xiL That the meal in question was usually late, 
is plain from Lysias, de Cced. Erat. p. 26 : ZuxTTpctTog i]v fJ-oi £tti- 
Ti'j^eiog teal (piXog. tovtid fjXlov SedvxoTog lovtl el, dypov air^v- 
Ti](ra . . . teal iXdovTeg otKaSs <hg ifxe avaßavTeg elg to vTcepüov 
edenrvovpev. So too, in the passage just quoted from Plutarch, 
we read that Alexander dined irpbg ea-epav ßadüav. 

The Greeks did not call it a regular meal, if a person ate alone, 
without any company. See Plutarch, Symp. vii. p. 869 : iird 
fxoi'og i^eiTrvTjire, ßeßpio^eyai, py) lefienrvqKevai aijpepov. Cf. Alexis, 
apud Athen, ii. p. 47 : 

'E7rdv ISiwttjv avSpa [xovchtituvvt tSrjs, 

7) fJLY] TTodoVVT wdaS TT0ir]T7]V KOl /J.4\rj, 

rbv jjL^v 18mtt]v tov ßlav rhu ^,uiavu 



334 



THE MEALS. 



[Excmtsus h 



airoXwXeKevai v6/xi(e, rhv Se T77S Texvys 
tt)v rjn'ureuar. £iocri 8' ajuporspoi jxoXis. 

Before proceeding to describe the details of one of these enter- 
tainments, it will be well to enumerate the various kinds of con- 
vivial meals, and the occasions which gave rise to them. In 
ancient times public or domestic sacrifices afforded the most fre- 
quent opportunities for banquets, and in after times this con- 
tinued to be the case. See Antiph. de Venef. p. 612 ; Isasus, de 
Astyphil. Hered. p. 243. The public feasts were mostly Zcütec, 
in the strict sense of the word, when each guest got his apportioned 
share of meat, and also bread, and even wine. Plutarch, Symp. 
ii. 10, 1 : rd 7rXc7<rra tGjv Ze'lttviov Zolteq >)<rav, kv ralg dvaUtig 

EKCMTTh) /JLEpldoQ CLTTOlckripOV fXEVT]Q . . . 07TEp VVV y'lVETdl, KpECLQ 7TjOO- 

QEfiEvov rat aprov, tiaizEp ek (parvvg iSiag ekcmttov evw\£i(rdai. 
See Böckh, Public Econ. of Athens, p, 211. Perhaps this custom 
was not universal ; indeed Plutarch mentions it as newly instituted 
in his native city, and he adds that it had displeased many. On 
the other hand, the fxEpi^Eg are mentioned as something usual. 
Id. Prov. Alex. 35 ; Athen, viii. p. 365. 

Birthdays also gave occasion for these banquets, and not only 
the birthdays of members of the family itself (Lucian, Somn. s. 
Gall. 9), but those also of esteemed persons, or of the renowned 
dead : Plutarch, Symp. viii. 1 : Trj exty) tov QapyE\iä»vog Icrra- 
pEvov rr\v ^LuKparovg ayayovrEg yEviBXiov, rrj kß^ofiy rr\v FTXa- 
Tiovog y]yojiEv. Other occasions which may be mentioned were 
funerals ; the departure or arrival of a friend ; the gaining of a 
victory (viKrjrrjpia, Xenoph. Symp. ; Plutarch, Phoc. 20), and 
similar events. 

It was very common for several to club together, and have a 
feast at their joint expense. This could be done in two ways. 
Each either contributed his share, rrvjißok^ in money, or brought 
his own provisions with him. The former method was very 
usual among young people, and was called ano avfxßoXiöv Iel- 
7tveIv. See Lucian, Lexiph. 6 ; Terent. Eun. iii. 4 : 

Heri aliquot adolescentuli coiimus in Pirao, 
In hunc diem ut de symbolis essemns. 

The feast came off" at the house of an hetsera, or of one of the con- 
tributors, or at a freedman's. See Terence, lb, iii. 5, 60 ; Ari- 
stoph. Acharn. 1210 ; Athen, viii. p. 365 ; Lucian, Dial. Mer. vii. 



Scene VI.] 



THE MEALS. 



315 



The Homeric epavoc (Odyss. i. 225) is of similar significance ; 
and at the time of Hesiod, at all events, such meals were usual. 
Opp. 722 : 

MrjSe ttoXv^'lvov dairbs dva-rrificpeXos eivai 

4k kolvov. 7rAei'crT77 Se X°-P LS > Scnrav^ r oXLyiaTT], 

See also Eustath. ad IL xvi. 784 ; ad Odyss. i. 225 ; Athen, viii. 
]Dp. 362, 365. In these passages, however, the second kind of 
entertainment may perhaps be meant, where each brought his 
share of the provisions with him ; a custom which is alluded to 
by Xenophon, Mem. iii. 14, 1 : 'Otto-c ce twv Ivviovtuv e~i to 
oeIttvov ol fxkv piKpbv bxpoPj ol ce iro\v ipipoiEv, ekeXevev 6 Ew- 
Kparr]Q rbv Trcuha to jiiKpbv ?} elg to koivov Tidevai, rj liavi- 
p.Eiv eKatrra to pipog, k.t.X. This was also called a Fe'ittvov cnro 
a-Kvpiloc, from the food being brought in baskets. Athen, viii. 
p. 365 : o'idcMTi de ol apycüoi Kai ra vvv KaXov\XEva airb a-Kvpl- 
log Ifi-Kva. Cf. Aristoph. Acliarn. 1138 : 

rb decirvov, 3> rral, Srjcrov etc rv,s k'kttiSos. 

Pic-nic parties were often made up to dine in the country, espe- 
cially on the sea-shore. Plutarch, Symp. iv. 4 : Tt ci' ol ttoXXoI 
ßovXovTai, 7rpbg 6eÜ)V, orav fjdiiog yeveerdai TrapaKaXovvrec ciX\i)Xgvc, 
Xiywcrt, IirjjdEpov afcracrw^uer, ovy^i to 7rap' uktyj Ieittvov ijIkttov 
a—otyaivovGiv, w(TTep egtLv ; ov dia ra KVfxaTa Kai rag \pr)Q~i- 
c>ac" . . . ctW wg l^dvog ci(pd6vov Kai veapov tijv irapaXiov TpcnreCav 
Einropovrrav. 

We now come to entertainments given at one person's private 
expense. The invitations were often given on the same day, and 
by the host in person, who sought out, in the market-place or the 
gymnasium, those whom he desired to invite. A lively picture 
of this free and easy custom may be found at the commencement 
of Plato's Symposion, p. 175 : 7 £2 'Apiurdc^jue, etc, ko\6v ijKeig, 
ottioq ffvv^Ei7nn](T7]g ' ei 3' aXXov Tivbg eve Kit rjXdsg, EiaavQig ava- 
ßaXov. h>g Kai \6Eg £r)Tiöv <te, 'Iva KaXiffaifitj ov^ olog r' 7)v 1£e~u'. 
At a later period greater formality was observed ; for instance, 
Plutarch, Sept. Sap. Conv. 1, says that Periander sent a carriage 
for each of his guests, and goes on to relate that the Sybarites in- 
vited women to banquets a year beforehand, that they might have 
their toilets in perfect readiness. Cf. Athen, xii. p. 521. 

It was not thought a breach of good manners to bring to a 
friend's house an uninvited guest, ckX^roe, avTo/naTog. Thus in 



316 



THE MEALS. 



[EXCUESTIS I. 



Plato's Symposion, p. 174, Socrates brings Aristodemos with him ; 
presently Alcibiades drops in, and afterwards /cw/zaorai woXXoi. 
Thus Crates, who was welcome everywhere, was called QvpeTravok- 
rt]Q ; Diog. Laert. vi. 86 ; andLucian says of Demonax : atcXnTog 
eig fiv Tvyoi irapiwv oiKtav kcelicvEi. Demon. 63. But these were 
men of distinction, whom every one was proud of having for 
guests. Still it was very usual for persons to come av7-£7rayy£\- 
tol. Lucian, Lexiph. 9 ; Conv. s. Lapith. 12. How politely the 
host behaved on such occasions we see from the reception Aga- 
thon gives Aristodemos. Plutarch has devoted a whole chap- 
ter to the discussion of the propriety of a guest's bringing an 
uninvited person with him ; Symp. vii. 6 : To U tüv IttikX^t^v 
Wog ovg vvv oKihg koXovglv, ov KeKXr/fiivovg avrovg, äXX 1 vtto twv 
KeKXw/J.evwv eyri to heiivvov äyofiivovg ifyreiro, ttoQev ^aye t ^ v 
apyiiv. He makes the custom originate with Socrates, the in- 
stance in Plato's Symposion being probably the earliest with 
which he was acquainted. It may be easily believed that para- 
sites, such as Philippos in Xenophon's Symposion, and, in after- 
times, the notorious sophists, should have often abused this pri- 
vilege. The Cyrenaeans especially seem to have been in bad 
odour in this matter. See Alexis, ap. Athen, xii. p. 510 : 

KaKzi yap &v Tis eVt rb Zelirvov eVa KaXf}, 
Trdpeiaiv oKTccKaiSeic &h\oi, nal 8e/co 
apfiaTa, avvupides re irevTeicaiSeica. 

On such occasions it was expected that the guests should have 
paid some attention to their toilets, and should also have made 
previous use of the bath, and of unguents. Socrates, when he 
went to Agathon's, was XeXovp-ivog T£ koli Tag ßXav-ag v7ro^ede- 
juhog' a iictivog oXiycucig tVo/et. Plato, Symp. p. 174. Those also 
who went with him to Callias' were ol fxev yvixvaaafxevoi jccu 
Xpiuctfievoi, ol /ecu Xovaafievot, though the invitation had been 
only just received. In this case some of the guests went on 
horseback, since the host resided in the Pirseus. 

The time of arriving was an understood thing ; though occa- 
sionally it was more accurately fixed. The guests were sometimes 
late, and this, though it did not cause much confusion, was yet 
looked on as a mark of carelessness and overweening. So in 
Plutarch. Symp. viii. 6, Polycharmos says Of himself, ovUttote 
icXvdslg £ttl de~iTvov varaTog atyuco/unv. At a later period more 



SCEKE VI.] 



THE MEALS. 



317 



attention was paid to this point, as we clearly see from Lucian, 
de Merc. Cond. 14 : av 3' iadrjra Kadapav trpoyjiipiaaiiEvog kcu 
aeavrdv wg KOGfiiwrara oy7)\iaTi(yag, Xovtra/uevog ijKetg, Seditog fxr/ 
7rpd tG)V aXXiov cl^'ikolo. d-rreipoKaXov yap, woTrep Kai to vaTa- 
tov rjKetv (popTLKov. Cf. Schol. ad Theocr. vii. 24. It was not 
usual to wait for the defaulters, but the meal was commenced 
without them ; and this we read was the case at Agathon's, who 
was the pink of politeness. See Plato, Symp. p. 175. 

In the historic period the practice was to recline at meals, 
though in the heroic ages a sitting posture was customary ; but 
it is not known at what time the change took place. From 
Aristoph. Equit. 1163, it might perhaps be conjectured that the 
alteration was contemporaneous with the disuse of the Ionic 
chiton ; and in a fragment of Phocylides we have : 

Xpr) 5' ev crvpTrocria) kvX'ikwv TrepLVi<r<TOfjLevdaiu 
rjSea Kwr'tWovTa koB^^vov olvottot6.^lv. 

But at Sparta the change seems to have been effected before the 
Persian wars. Whether it was before Alcman's time, as Müller 
affirms, is at least doubtful. The assertion is certainly untenable, 
if its only foundation is the fragment of Alcman which has been 
preserved by Athenagus, iii. p. Ill : 

Kh7vai fxkv ewra Kal rSaai Tpd-rreaSai. 

This isolated expression of an erotic poet cannot be taken as a 
proof of the ordinary Spartan custom. In Crete, only, the old 
custom remained unchanged. See Muller's Dorians. Though 
for eating we may think it incommodious, yet for drinking a 
recumbent posture is at all events well suited. See Plutarch, 
Symp. vii. 10 : ioairtp r/ kXivtj Tolg wivovai Ttjg Kadicpag afxeiviov, 
otl to awfxa KaTe^ei Kai cnroXvet Kirrjaewg airaang. Cf. Athen, x. 
p. 428. Females and boys always sat, and the same is the case 
with the rustic folks described by Dio Chrysostom, Orat. vii. 
p. 243. It is so also in the antiques, and when recumbent females 
occur they are always hetasras. See the following woodcuts ; also 
Winkelm. Monum. ined. 200 ; and Alciphr. Epist. i. 39. An 
anomaly is presented by an Etruscan painting, in Gerhard, Pit- 
ture Tarquiniensi, where on each KXivn a man and a modestly- 
dressed female recline together. 

The couches, and their arrangement, were much the same as 
at Rome. See Gallus, p. 471. There was a difference, however, 



318 



THE MEALS. 



[Excuestjs I. 



in the manner in which the guests were distributed on the icXivat. 
Among the Greeks only two persons reclined on each kXIvt], 
instead of three; as appears from Plato, Symp. p. 175, where 
Agathon says '. 2v 5 , A.piGTobr]p.c, 7rap' 'Epu^fjua^oy kcltqkXLvov ; 
and then adds : Sevpo, ^ojKparec, Trap 1 epe KaraKeicro. And after- 
wards, when Alcibiades comes in, and finds all the seats occupied, 
Agathon places him between himself and Socrates, and says : 
vtvoXvete, Traideg, 'AX/a/Sta^y, iva Ik rpirwv Karatcerj-ai, this 
being an exception to the general rule. So Herodotus, ix. 16, 
speaking of the feast given by Attaginos to fifty Persians and the 
same number of Greeks, says : kclL (t^emv oh x^pig EKaripovg fcXtvat, 
aXXa ILepai]v te Kai Qrjßa~iov kv KXivr\ ekIicttq. <l>g ()e airb cei- 
ttvov rjaav, q^lq.ttlv6vtuv tov Hipariv tov o/xokXivov 'EXXacia yXwo- 
aav lerra eipeadai, k. t. X. In works of art the same rule is 
mostly observed, though three, or even more, occasionally recline 
on the same couch. See Miliin, Peint. d. Vas. Gr. i. pi. 38, 58, 
76. See also the woodcuts in this and the following Excursus. 

Agathon, it seems, appointed the place of each guest; and 
this was mostly, if not always, the case. Plutarch, who devotes 
a whole chapter to the subject, decides that it is best for the 
host to assign the x^9 at - Symp. i. 2. More congenial with 
Roman than Grecian habits is what we read in Athenseus, i. 
p. 47 : fxzra Tavra ävacTTavTEg KaTEKXivdrjfXEv, <vg eicaarog i']QeXev, 
oy irEpi^iEivavTEg SvofiaKXyj-opa, tov twv oeittvojv ratiapyov. As 
was also the case among the Romans, certain places were more 
honourable than others, and absurd contentions sometimes oc- 
curred among the guests. See Lucian, Conviv. s. Lapith. 9 ; 
Deor. dial. 13 ; Plutarch, Sept. Sap. Conv. 3. The place of honour 
seems to have been that next the master of the house. Theophr. 
Char. 21 : O £e fiiKpotyiXÖTLjAog roiovrog Tig, oiog (nrov^acrai erri 
ceIttvov KXrjdttg 7rup' avTOV tov KaXiaavTa KaTaKeifxevog Senrvij- 
aai. Hence Socrates lies next Agathon, who himself lies first 
on the kXlvt], or superior, as the Romans said. 

Before reclining, the guests first sat down upon the couches, 
in order that the attendants might take off" their sandals and 
wash their feet (v7to\velv and anovi&iv). Plato, Symp. pp. 175, 
213. In some reliefs they are represented as standing during the 
performance of the ablution. See Marlies of the Brit. Mus. ii. 4. 
This is also seen in the accompanying Plate. 



Scene YLj 



THE MEALS. 



319 




A frequently occurring representation of Dionysos entering the house of Iea- 
litts : from a terracotta. (Terracottas in the British Mus. pi. 25.) The act 
of ablution is being performed by a Satyr ; we may also notice the sitting 
posture of Erigone, with her feet resting on a footstool ; also the irepiarpu^a 
of the couch, which reaches to the ground, and has a broad border either woven 
or embroidered on it ; and lastly the avXaia with which the wall is hung. 

Even in Phocion's time, people were so extravagant as to use 
wine and perfumed essences, instead of water. Plutarch, Phoc. 20 : 
He c eXduji' irrl to ce~i-i or aXKrjv re tropapav kwpa irapaffKewiVj kcll 
~ocoi'l—tT]oclc o'li ov ÖC aptofiaTfjJV —potjoepof-ierovc role sI(tlovitl, k.t.x. 

^Ve see from numberless antiques that the posture used, the 
tr\fjfAa rijc kcltu k\l(T£u) c (Plutarch, Symp. v. 6), was with the 
left arm resting on the cushion behind, TrpoaKeodXcaor, the right 
hand being thus left free. This is called by Lucian lie ayK&voQ 
lenrveiv. Lexiph. 6. A passage in Aristoph. Vesp. 1210, amus- 
ingly illustrates this stage of the repast : 



320 



THE MEALS. 



[EXCTJESTTS I. 



*IA. irws olv KaTcucXlvw, <ppa£ avvcras. BAEA. evo-xvP-dvoos. 

<f>IA. wSl /ceAevets KaranXiOrivai • BAEA. /J.r]daßSis. 

<i>IA. TcSs Sat ; BAEA. ra yova^ enretve, /cat yv/xuacrriKtos 

vypbv xvTXatrov creavrbv iv to?s <rrp(api.a(Tiv. 

Httcit iiraiveadv ti twv x^KafJ-drwu • 

opcxpty deaaar upe/caSi avArjs Oavfiaarov 

SSa>p Kara x* l P&s' Tay Tpairefas el<r<p4peiv* 

Semvovixev ' airovevifjL/j.eO' ' 77877 airivZojXiv. 

Before the dishes were brought in, slaves handed round water 
(the Homeric x^P vtx P) f° r washing the hands, Kara x ei p°Q e^oOr], 
Alexis, apud Athen, ii. p. 60. Hence Philoxenos the parasite, in 
a dispute as to which was the best water, wittily decided that it 
was ro Kara x et pot;. Athen, iv. p. 156. 

Nothing in the shape of knives and forks being in use, it was 
of course indispensable for the hands to be again washed at the 
conclusion of the meal. See Gallus, p. 477. In eating solid food 
the fingers only were used. See the passage of Plutarch quoted 
in the Excursus on Education, p. 236. So too mention is made 
of persons whose hands were particularly callous, or who wore 
gloves to enable them to take the food quite hot. Thus Chrysip- 
pus, ap. Athen, i. p. 5, relates that the notorious gourmand Phi- 
loxenos was accustomed, when at the baths, to dip his fingers in 
hot water, and to gargle his mouth with it, as a preparation for 
the perils of the banquet. See Cratinus, ap. Id. vi. p. 241 : 

K6pv5ov tbv xccA/«$TU7roi/ 7re^)uAo|o, 
?)u fx^] croi voixisis avrbv lAtjSev KaTaXeixpeiy. 
fi7)5' bipov KOivf] /xsra tovtov Trdoirore Saiari, 
to? KopvSov, irpoXeyca <roi' exet yap x^P a Kparaizv, 
XaXKTjv, OLKaßaTOV, iroXv Kpe'iTTU rov irvpbs avrov. 

Also a fragment of Aristophanes, ap. Id. iv. p. 161 : 

e7rel trapddes avroiariv ix®vs 7) Kp4as, 
ko.v fx)] Kareadiaxri kcu tovs BciktvXovs, 
iöeXco Kpe/nacrdai detcdicis. 

Forks were certainly not used, and no mention occurs of knives, 
except in a fragment of Pherecrates, ap. Poll. x. 89 : 

Mdx<Hp av eveOrjKas ; ov. rl ^ etpyaaai ; 
afJL<xx ai P 0S ^ ßoeta voarrjaw itpka, 
avi)p yipwv, avofiovros. 

The only implement commonly employed was the spoon, ^.vot/Xt?, 
fivurpov, or fxvarpog, Pollux, ib.; where yXuxraa, the Eoman ligula, 
as well as Koj(kiwpvxov, mean the same thing. See the remarks on 



SCE>T3 VI.] 



THE MEALS. 



321 



the cochlear in Gallus, p. 478. These ui/ort'Xat, or tcoTXa fivtrrpa, 
were of metal : golden ones are mentioned by Athenseus, iii. 
p. 126. Often, however, a hollow piece of bread served as a sub- 
stitute. See Aristoph. Eouites, 1167, where the sausage- seller 
presents the Demos with such an one. Also Suidas : /ivffrlXrjv. 
xbiofiov. koIKov aprov, ov ettolovv, 'iva (ojjjov avrov po(pü><Ti. Cf. 
Eustath. ad Odyss. iii. 457. 

Neither table-cloths nor table-napkins were used. The x £l P°- 
[j-atcrpov was merely a towel, which was handed round when they 
washed their hands. Aristoph. apud Athen, ix. p. 410 : 

<p4p(, irac, raxeas Kara xetpbs vSwp, 
Trapdirefj.TT€ rb xsip6\xa.K'Tpov. 

To cleanse the hands during the meal, the crumb of bread was 
used, which was kneaded to a dough {cLTzo\ia.TTEo$ai, cnro/uayda- 
Xta). Poll. vi. 93: to $e EKfuaye "lop vat ^eipofxaicTpov av Trpoaei-rroic. 
ot Ik TraXat rale tcaXov/j.EvaLg cnrofxaycaXiaig ixpuvro, at i\(rav to 
ev -w aprw fxaXaxdv Kai oratxw^ef, elg o a.7ro\pr]craf.ievoi toIq 
kvgiv avTo irapeßaWov. Or, according to the lexicographer Pau- 
sanias, a kind of dough was specially prepared for this purpose ; 
Eustath. ad Odyss. xix. 92 : Uavaciviag tie (prjviv, otl carofxaydaXta 

fJTCUQ, O S(pepOV ETTL TO IeItTVOV, EIQ O TCLQ y/ipaQ CLTTOfiaTTOfXEVOl, 

eitcl Kvaiv IßaXXov. Athenaeus, iv. p. 148, following Harmodios, 
would seem to confine this usage to Phigalia ; but this is a mis- 
take, for cnrofxaydaXtaL are mentioned by Aristophanes, Equit. 
414, and 819 ; which latter passage proves that they were not 
restricted to the cook, as the Scholiast affirms. Lucian, de Merc. 
Cond. 15, speaks of a later, and indeed a Eoman custom. With 
him yeipöfiaKTpov -iBijiEvov (mantele sternere) is to be understood 
of a table-cloth. 

We are told so little about the attendance, at least by the 
authors of the better period, that it is even doubtful whether the 
guests brought with them their own slaves, or not. In Plato's 
Symposion, p. 212, Alcibiades is certainly accompanied by ciko- 
Xovdoi : but whether they stopped to wait on him is not said, 
though Agathon's slaves would seem to have discharged all the 
offices required. Later writers unequivocally mention slaves 
who came with, and stood behind, their masters. See Lucian, 
Hermot. 11 : —apaXaßuJv to. tepia, orrocra rw 7ratc)i kolto-kiv e(tt{jjti 
rupee eiwi:ei. And at the banquet of Aristametos, described by 

Y 



322 



THE MEALS. 



[Excursus I. 



Lucian, Conviv. seu Lapith. 15, 11, and 36, each guest was at- 
tended by his own servant, as well as by one of the host's domestics. 
Cf. Athen, iv. p. 128. 

From an expression of Agathon's, we see that at that period 
it was the custom to entrust to a slave the superintendence of the 
whole arrangements, and of the rest of the slaves. He says : 
aXX' >7//a£, ib 7rai$EQ, tovq oXXovq eotiüte. iravTCJQ TrapariOere 
o,tl av ßuvXrjaße, ETreidav tiq v/juv jj.r) E^Ecrnjicrj, 6 eyto ovIettüjttote 
knoir]aa. vvv ovv vofxi^ovrec^ koX ifie v(\> bfiwv KEicXfjadai eirl }>eiTtvov 
Kai Tovale tovq clXXovc, depa-rrevere, u a v/jluq eiratvwfxev. Plato, 
Symp. p. 175. This kcpEVT-qKUQ is the TpairE^oTzoioQ of Athenseus, 
iv. p. 170, and nearly corresponded to the Eoman structor. See 
Poll. vi. 13, and iii. 41 : 6 he tccivtiov tCjv irepl rrfv zariaatv eTn/xe- 
Xov/jievoq, rpcnre£oTroi6s. Athenseus, ii. p. 49, also alludes to a 
custom of presenting each guest, before the meal commenced, with 
a bill of fare, ypanfiaridiuv. This, however, could scarcely have 
been a universal practice, though it may have been adopted for 
convenience at extensive entertainments. 

Before proceeding to discuss the materials of one of these large 
banquets, we may devote a few lines to those articles of food 
which in earlier times formed the ordinary diet of all classes, and 
which, at a later period, still constituted the staple of consump- 
tion among the lower orders. The words of Demaratus (Hero- 
dot, vii. 102), rrj 'E\\a3t ttevlyi [xev cle'l kote avvrpofOQ eari, 
certainly apply to their meals, in ancient times. The Greeks 
then contented themselves with what barely sufficed for suste- 
nance, though the colonies of Ionia and Magna Graecia had long 
adopted a more luxurious style of living. A staple article of diet 
with the Greeks was the /ia£a, something similar to the puis of 
the ancient Romans. It was prepared in various ways, of which 
several are mentioned by Pollux, vi. 7 6. Cf. Aristoph. Equit. 1104, 
1165; Acharn. 834; and Vesp. 610, where we hare fv an) fxn^a, 
which the Scholiast says was e£ aXtyiTiov koi oivov, and therefore 
was also called ohovrra. See Poll. vi. 23, 76. A similar dish is 
mentioned by Thucyd. iii. 49: tfrydiov ajxa eXclvvovteq oivu> rai eXatu) 
aX(f)ira TrEcpvpfxiva. ' What gluttons the Persians were to come 
after our porridge, when they had such plenty ! ' was the exclama- 
tion of Pausanias on seeing the loaded tables of the Persians after 
the battle of Plataea : Plutarch, Apoplith. Lac. i. p. 919. This 



Scene VI.] 



THE MEALS. 



323 



pa^a continued to be the food of the lower classes till a later 
period; Lucian, Tim. 56; Xavig. 46. Wheaten-flonr, aXevpa, 
was used in making it. as well as the aXoira, which was of barley. 
Plato, de Republ. ii. p. 372: öpexlovrai ce ex per rujr xpidür 
aXotra cr^eva^ofieroL, in ce rati' -nvpwv äXevpa ; ra fisv -vlar- 
rec. ra ce pcit,avreg ; pci^ag yerralag kcu aprovg e~l Ka.XafJ.6v 
riva -rrapaßaXXopevoi, q ovXXa Kadapa KaraKXLrerreg . . . evwyjiaor- 
rciL avroi re kcu ra —aula ; 

After the pa^a conies bread, which was sometimes homebaked, 
and made of wheat or barley-nieal, but was more frequently 
purchased in the market of the aoro-^Xcu or äprcmuXicec. See 
Vespce. According to Athenasus, iii. p. 109, where the various 
kinds are discussed at great length, the bread of Athens was 
reputed to be the best. 

Other simple articles of diet were green vegetables, such as 
paXc'i^Vi mallow {-purr} rpo(pi), Plutarch, Sept. Sup. Conv. 14), 
Opiccd, salad -or lettuce, paoaroc, cabbage; also KvapoL, beans, 
(patcal, linseed, deppot, lupines. Besides these, herbs of sundry 
sorts, onions and leeks, Kpopvor. ßoXßog, aKooocar, were in great 
repute. Aristoph. Acharn. 760; Xenoph. Symp.iv. 7; Lucian. 
Tim. 56 ; Lexiph. 10. 

With regard to butcher's meat, lamb,, pork, and goats' flesh 
seem to have been preferred. Sausages, too, aXXcwreg, and x°P^ a h 
were very common. See Aristoph. Acharn. 1119. That black- 
puddings were also in request, appears from Aristoph. Eqv.it. 208 : 

6 Spdh-wv yap iari /xuKpbv, 6 ft aWas av uaxpov, 
ei0' aii±a.T0iruT7}s itrrlv o T akXas x& SpaKwy. 

Cf. Sophilos, ap. Athen, iii. p. 125 : 

XopZr,v tlu aLixarlrriv avroi (TKev&aai 
e/ceAei/ire tolvtit]v iae, 

But fish, especially in towns near the sea, was preferred to 
everything else. To this dish the word bSor was applied par 
excellence. Athen, vii. p. 276 : EIkötioq iravriav rwi« -poao-^j]- 
fxarwv o\pu>v KaXovpeviov et,eriKticrEv b \yQvg cut r))r kiaiperor 
a 1 ecwh)v porog ovrwg KaXe~t(jdcu, cut rove e-ifuavwg eT^Korag Trpbg 
t - ravrriv rijv icwo'/i'. Cf. Plutarch, Symp. iv. 4, 2. It is a re- 
t ■ markable fact, to which Plato calls attention, that Homer, though 
t ■■ he talks of catching fish, never mentions them in any way as an 
i '■ article of food. Plato, de Republ. iii. p. 401: so also Plutarch. 

Y 2 



324 



THE MEALS. 



[Excursus I. 



de I side et Osir. 8. This was cert unly not owing to any religious 
prejudice, as was the case among the Egyptian priests and the 
Pythagoreans : perhaps rather the occupation of the fisherman 
was not agreeable to the taste of those times. So Plato, Leg. vii. 
p. 823, calls it, as well as fowling, an dpyog öljpa, and ep'ojg ov 
a(t)6cpa eXevdepLoc, and gives his approval only to the chase. At 
an after period, fish not only formed a main article of subsistence, 
but also a chief object of the gourmand's attention. So Demos- 
thenes, de Fals. Leg. p. 412, wishing to stigmatise Philocrates 
as a glutton and a spendthrift, says, iropvag riy6pa£e, kcu lx^vq 
irzpüwv : these being certainly the two chief objects of Athe- 
nian extravagance. An alphabetical list of the favourite sorts of 
fish occupies the greater part of the seventh book of Athenaeus, 
pp. 281-330. We shall here only allude to the dfvai, because 
they were not only much eaten by the better classes, but were 
also a dainty with the lower orders at Athens. Chrysippos, apud 
Athen, vii. p. 285 : Tijv atyvrjv ri]v /j.kv kv 'A0»/vcuc tyy $a\pi- 
Xeiav vTrepopwai Kai tttw^ikov elvat tyaviv b\pov. Whether they 
were pilchards, anchovies, or herrings, matters little. There were 
several kinds, of which the most prized was the cupping. Schol. 
ad Aristoph. JEquit. 643 : atyalpa kcu M^XP l v ^ v 7ra P a T0L £ 
'AdrjvatoLQ (TTrovda^ETaL. Besides fresh fish, the Hellespont and the 
Euxine supplied Greece with rapi^i, pieces of large fish cured, 
which formed a cheap and favourite food. See Athen, iii. p. 116. 

The daily provisions were generally prepared by the female 
slaves, under the superintendence of their mistress. See Excursus 
on The Women. Athenseus, xiv. p. 658, remarks that no comic 
vriter, except Poseidippos, mentions a cook among the house- 
slaves : ov$e yap av f.vpOL tlq vfiCov hovXov fidyeipov riva kv kcj- 
/.iu)c(a, 7r\}]v ivapa YloatLCnnru) /xovu). oovXol c)' oxpoiroioi irapijXdov 
v~6 irpwrojv MaKEcuvoji', k.t.X. On occasions requiring unusual 
culinary skill, there were plenty of cooks to be hired, as we see 
abundantly from the comic writers. So also Aristippos answered, 
Avhen he was reproached, on ciktjv lywv kfjuadwaaro prjropa ' 
' Kai yap, orav celtcvov £'x w > /J-ciyeipov fiiadov/jLaL.' Diog. Laert. 
ii. 72. These professional cooks often came from towns cele- 
brated for their refinements in this art, the \xy\yavi]p.aTa and 
votyLa\xa~a of cookery, as Xenophon expresses it, Hier. i. 22. 
In comedy two different masks were used, one for the foreign, 



Scene YL] 



THE MEALS. 



325 



the other for the native cook. Athen, xiv. p. 659 : kicakovv c oi 
iraXawl tov fXEV 7toXltikov fxayeipoy Maiffuva, tov 3' ektoitiov 
TfVrtya. Cf. Poll. iv. 148. And Antiphanes, ap. Athen, i. p. 27, 
praises c£ "HXidog fiayetpog. But the most celebrated of all seem 
to have been those of Sicily. Plato, de Republ. iii. p. 404 : 2t/c£- 
\iKTfv irouciXiav o^ior. There were also books treating of the art of 
cookery. Plato, Gorg. p. 518 : MidaiKog 6 ti)v o^oitouav Zvyye- 
ypa(pu)Q rrjv SikeXikyiv. Philoxenes of Cythera composed a poem, 
entitled &E~nrvoi>, which contained directions for cooking a large 
banquet ; this is alluded to by the comedian Plato, ap. Athen, i. 
p. 5, in the words, &i\o£,evov Kciivri Tig 6\papTvala. Callimachos 
also, as we are told by Athenaeus, xiv. p. 643, mentions ttXclkow- 
tottoüko. crvyypa.fj.iJ.aTa by four different authors. But the most 
renowned work of the kind was the Gastrology of Archestratos, 
which Chrysippos called the metropolis of the epicurean philo- 
sophy. Athen, iii. p. 104 : elkotwq clv iiraivEcrEiE tov icaXov Xpv- 
triirirov, KaTidovra tucpißwg ty\v 'JLiritcovpov (pvaiv, Kai EinoiTa, 
/jT]Tp67roXtv sivai Trjg (f>iXoffO(piag avrov tyiv 'Ap^ECTTpctTOv ya- 
aTpoXoyiav, fjv ttclvteq oi tojv (f)tXoa6(f)(jjv yaffrpifxapyoi ÖEoyoviav 
TLva avTtov Eivai Xiyovcri ty)v tcaXr\v TavTrjv Eiroirouav. 

A tediously minute account of the navovpya oxpapia kcu 
v7roTpifXjj.aTa is given by Athenseus ; and there are also numer- 
ous notices in Aristophanes; e.g. Acharn. 873, 969, 1042, 1090 ; 
Vesp. 493, 508, etc. 

Here, however, we have only space for a few general re- 
marks on a banquet on a large scale. In the first place, the 
• question arises, whether the Greeks commenced with a prq- 
mulsis or gustus like the Romans. At the time here principally 
referred to, namely, before the Roman conquest, this was pro- 
bably not the case ; at all events, these preliminaries did not 
take the shape of a regular course. In the time of later writers, 
such as Plutarch (Symp. viii. 9, 3), and Athenseus (ii. pp. 58-64), 
it had become usual, and is denoted by the word irpoizofja. 
Athenaeus also quotes Phylarchos : QvXapyog . . . (prjatv ovTwg, d 
fjvrifjrjg EVTvyß) ' Trpüiroixa. ri Ttpb tov ZeLtzvov trEpiEtyipETO Kadojg 
tlojdEi to 7rpu>Tov. But this TTpoTTOfia has nothing in common with 
the Roman gustus ; it was only a draught preceding the meal. 
Still it is not to be denied that certain things were taken as a 
whet to the appetite. See Aristoph. Acharn. 1112 : 



326 



THE MEALS. 



[Excursus I. 



a\\' irpb Seiirvou t$)v ^ijxapKvv KaTeSo/xai. 

At a later period the \pvxpal Tpa-rre^ai, as Plutarch calls them, 
served this purpose; they consisted of oysters and other shell- 
fish, and raw vegetables, as salad and so forth. At an earlier 
period these were brought on at the conclusion of the meal. 
Cf. Athen, ii. p. 101. 

It is uncertain whether, as among the Komans, the viands 
were brought in upon a tray, and set on a table standing in 
the centre of the kXIvcu, or whether, as in Homer, every guest, 
or at least every KXivrj, had a separate table. The latter is more 
probable, from the universal occurrence of the phrases, Eiu&pEtv 
and cKpaips'iv ras r p a it e ^ a c : and that this refers not to the 
dishes, but to the tables themselves, is evident from a fragment 
of the &e~iirvov of Philoxenos, apud Athen, iv. p. 146 : 

Eis S 5 ecpepou 5ltt\6oi ira78es Xiirapwira Tpairt&v 

a/j-fxi, srepav 8' erepot, 

a\\oi 8' krlpav, 

yuexpt ov Tr\7]pw(rau oIkov. 

Cf. Antiphanes, ap. Id. ii. p. 60. The custom in Arcadia appears 
to have been different, fxiav Träci TpcnrE^av elg to \xiaov Trapa-i- 
deaai : Theopompos, ap. Id. iv. p. 149. Besides, in all monu- 
ments representing symposia, before each k\Lvt] stand one, and 
sometimes several tables, rp'nrohg or Tpaire^ai, as is seen in the 
accompanying cut, and in those in the following Excursus. Pollux 
takes Tpcme£ai to mean the trays, repositoria. He says, vi. 83 : 
'Hear t)£ riveg 7rpu>Tai Tpcnre£ai, Kal devrepai, /cat rpirai. Kal 
Tpiiro^eq /Jtev, e<p uv ekelvto ... at Se EirLTidifiEvai Kal alpofxerai 
rpa.TTe(ai, ag vvv fiayidag Kakovaiv. Id. X. 81 : rai f.it)v Kal ra 

E7T IT lOi jJLEPCL TOig Tpi7TG(Jt TpCLTTEi^aL KClkovVTCLl, KOI /J.ayi6£g. Ac- 

cording to this, viands were served up on each of these small tables ; 
and this agrees with the antiques. But we see from Plato, de 
Republ. i. p. 354, that the separate dishes were also handed round : 
w(T7rep ol \i)^vol TOv act 7rapa(f)EpofUEVOv cnroyEvovrai, cipiraCov- 
TEg Trplv tov Trporipov jjiETpiujg cnroXavaai. Protagorides, ap. 
Athen, iv. p. 150, mentions as a peculiarity of Egyptian meals, 
that no TpciTTE^ai were employed : Tp'iT-q 3' karlv Ilia ZEiwriov 
Alyv7TTiaKr], Tpa-KE^v /jlev ov TrapaTidE/uEi an', ttlvclkiov oe iTEpi- 
(pEpojjLEvwv. This is what Martial, vii. 48, calls ccena ambulans. 
Ordinary joints, poultry, and fish, among which the Copaic 



1 



Scene VI.] 



THE MEALS. 



329 



eels are particularly celebrated (Aristoph. Acharn. 879 ; Pax, 
1005), formed of course the staple dishes, but hares (Aristoph. 
passim), Ktj(\ai, fieldfares, and many other things, were favourite 
delicacies. 

When all had eaten enough, the tables were removed, which 
was called aipeiv, cnraipEiv, EKtyipEiv, ßacr-aZetv rag rpa-KE^ac. The 
floor, on which bones, fruit-shells, &c. had been thrown, was then 
swept, and water was handed round for the guests to wash their 
hands, cnrovlxLaadai, whereupon the meal, lil-vov, properly so 
called, was closed with a libation. Chaplets and ointments were 
then usually, though not invariably, handed round. So a frag- 
ment of Menander (Mein. p. 94) : 

EIt evdvs out cd tos Tporre £as cuper* 
jxvpa, (TT€<pdvovs kToiixacrov, cnrovZas ttoUi. 

See also Plato, Com. ap. Athen, xv. p. 665, and Philyllios, ap. 
Id. ix. p. 408. A distinction between the expressions mra x^- 
pbg and d-orrd/acrdat is drawn by the grammarian Aristophanes, 
apud Athen, ix. p. 408 : -apa yap toTlq TraXaidlg to fiev irpo 
dpicrrov ica£ ce'lttvov Xiyindai Kara yEipbg, to Ze fiETa tovt 
dr. oi i^aadcu. Cf. Pollux, vi. 92 : tat vi\La<rdai fikv to Tp6 Trjg 
TpoQijg' diroviihaaQai Ie to jietcl rjjv too^v. This usage of the 
words appears, however, from other passages, not to have been 
observed. See Philoxenos, ap. Athen, iv. 147 ; and Plato, Symp. 
p. 175. Along with the water, trfxfjyfia or (r/uii/ua, which supplied 
the place of soap, was usually handed round, and, as with us, it 
was often scented. Hence £v<l)h]g yij, and crfxij/uaTa ipivofxiKra, 
which occur in Philoxenos and Antiphanes, ap. Athen, ix. p. 409. 

The meal was concluded by the cnrovZal, or libation ' to 
the good genius.' Xenoph. Symp. 2, 1 ; Plato, Symp. p. 176 ; 
Diod. Sic. iv. 3 : <f>aalv iirl tCjv ZtiTrvwv, otciv cUpciTog oivog 
cicwTca. iraaiv, iirikeyeiv ' dyadov cai/xovog" ' otolv 1e /jletcl to 
cü-rov clcwtul KE^pafj.Erog veciTi 1 Aiog ZdJTiipog' Eiruptaveiv. Phi- 
lochoros, ap. Athen, ii. p. 38: Kai 0£<r/zov eOeto ('AjjtyiKTvwv) 
~po<j<pEpEaQai fXETci Tci atra dicpaTOV p.6vov oaov yEvcraaQai, Ztlyfxa 
Trjg cvva^.Eh)g tov äyadov dsov. to %e Xolttov ij^rj KEKpafxivov otto- 

aCV EKCLGTUC ßovXETaC 77 pO(T ETZ tXiyELV TOV^O) TO TOV AtO£ 2to- 

Tijoog bvo/na. Instead of the formula, äyadov Zaipovog, it was 
also customary to say 1 uytemc,' and the goblet out of which this 
libation was made, was called \leto.vli:tpov^ or jjletci vnrTplg, be- 



330 



THE MEALS. 



[Excursus I. 



cause it was used peru to airovtyatrQai. See the passages cited 
by Pollux, vi. 31, and by Atlienseus, xi. p. 488 ; xv. p. 693. 
Plutarch is the only author who says this ceremony took place to 
the sound of the flute. Plut. Sept. Sap. Con. 5 ; Symp. vii. 8, 
4. Cf. Plato, Symp. p. 176. 

This libation being concluded, the iroTog, avp.7r6<TLor, or Kwpog 
then commenced. Plato, Symp. p. 176 : o-irovdag orfäg 7ron](raa- 
öai Kal aaavrcLQ rbv Qebv . . . Tpeireadai npcg top ttotov. The 
dessert, SevTepai Tpcnreijai, was now served up. In earlier times 
this consisted merely of olives, figs, nuts, &c, which were invari- 
ably accompanied by salt, either pure or mixed with spice, to 
bring out the flavour of the wine, as well as to induce thirst. 
Plutarch, Symp. iv. 4, 3: ov povov tolvvv izpbg rpofr/v aXXä 
Kal Trpog ttotov oxpov elviv ol aXeg. Cf. PJaut. Cure. iv. 4, 5; 
Pers. in. 3, 23 : nunquam delinget salem. The expression, lin- 
gere salem {aXa Xelx^v, Diog. Laer. vi. 57), shows how it was 
taken. So also the concha salts puri, Hor. Sat. i. 3, 14 ; and Od. 
i. 16, 14. But the Greek authors are more explicit respecting 
this custom : thus Athen, ix. p. 366 : teal aXag Be i^vcrpivovg opQ 
ev aXXaig 7rapo\plaiv. This answers to the (sal) odoribus additis, 
Plin. Nat. Hist. xxxi. 7, 41 : and the äXag dvfiiTag, Aristoph. 
Acharn. 1099. So also the proverb, ol irepl aXa Kal kv/mvov, said 
of those who stuck to the salt and cummin, and neglected the 
sweetmeats. Plutarch, Symp. iv. 1,3. A kind of cake strewed 
with salt, £7r«7ra<T-a, was also eaten with the wine. Cf. Aristoph. 
JE quit. 103, 1089 : kiriiracFTa XeLyeLv. See also the Scholiast on 
both places. The passage which seems to allude most explicitly 
to eating salt with wine is one in Herodotus, i. 133, where the 
Persian luxury is compared with Greek frugality : o'itoigi le oXi- 
yoiai yjpeu)VTai {pi Uipffat), emcpopiipaaL £e iroXXolffi, teal oiiK aXeat. 
Kal <)ia tovto tyaai Hiptrat, Tovg "JLXXrjvag aiTeopevovg TreivwvTag 
Traveadat, otl ff<pi enro hehrvov rrapafopieTaL oi/hev Xoyov a^Lov. 
el he tl 7rapa(J)EpoLTO, eaQLovTag a.v ov TraveaQaL. Here the proper 
reading is undoubtedly, kcu ovk äXetri, if not äXcun. The Persians 
may well have thought the aXeg of a Grecian dessert, ovhev Xoyov 
aliov. Lastly, we may refer to the proverb, aXiav Tpvizäv, Phi- 
lost. Epist. Apoll. Tyan. 7, with which compare Pers. S it. v. 
138 : regustatum digito terebrare salinum. 

In the times of the middle and later comedy, when all sorts 



Scene VI.] 



THE MEALS. 



331 



of sweetmeats had been introduced, the mention of oXeq seldom 
occurs; yet in the account which Anaxandrides gives of the 
wedding feast of Iphicrates, aXsg are introduced along with gkö- 
pofior, Kpdfivov and criXftov. At this later period the ^evrepat 
rpawE^ai had a variety of names, as EiriZop-ma, EirilEnzva, k-rrityo- 
pi'lfxarci, £7rcufc\ia (Eustath. ad II. xviii. 245), to evTeXeg SeIttvov 
(Lucian, Conv. s. Lapith. 38), vwyaXeu^uara, &c. But the names 
which most frequently occur are levrepat rpcnre^ai and rpay//- 
fxara. See the fragment of Aristotle's treatise Trep\ fxidrjg, apud 
Athen, xiv. p. 641 : To jjlev ovv oXov dicKpepEiv Tpäyrjfxa ßpwfiaroc 
vofiiarioy baov e^ecr/ua rpwyaXiov. tovto yap Tvarpiov Tovvojxa rolg 
"EKXrjcnr, etteI iv rpayijfiafft rä ßpiofiara Traparldevrai. dioirep 
ov KaicGjg eoikev eitteTv 6 ' 7rpu)Tog ^EVTEpci v rrpocrayopEvcrag rpa- 
■jre'Cav. ovTis)g yap ETridopTTHTiJiog rig 6 Tpay^fxarLdfiog evti, Kal 
ZeIttvov ETEpov TraparldErai rpay^fiara. Here we should pro- 
bably read, etteI kv rpayri/j-aai Kai ßpufiara TrapaWöerrcu. In 
Aristotle's time various idia-fiara — properly so called — as hares, 
ducks, and game of different sorts, were brought in along with 
the dessert. See Athen, iii. p. 101, and xiv. p. 642. 

The chief object of the dessert, besides the pleasure to the 
palate which its dainties afforded, was to keep up the desire of 
drinking. See Aristot. Probl. xxii. 6 : Ata rt ra rpay\]\xara 
ecegteov ; rj EVEKa roxi itiEiv iKavov ; ov yap jjlovov ttoteov rfjg 
CLxLrjg ^cipiv ri)g ek rolg (titwic, äXXa Kal /j.etcl to glt'lov. Cheese 
was usually introduced, and the most celebrated was that of 
Sicily. See the fragments of Antiphanes and Hermippos, apud 
Athen, i. p. 27, and of Philemon, ap. Id. xiv. p. 658. Aristo- 
phanes, too, frequently alludes to it. That which came from 
Tromileia in Achaia was also in high repute, as we see from the 
last-named passage in Athenseus. Dried figs, to-xa^c, were also 
eaten, and although those of Attica were very fine-flavoured, 
gourmands preferred those from Khodes. Hermippos, ap. Athen, 
i. p. 27. Olives also were introduced, especially those that had 
ripened on the tree and become quite shrivelled (pvcrol Kal dpvrrE- 
TE~ig) : dates from Syria and Egypt, for the fruit of the Grecian 
palm was not eatable (Plutarch, Symp. viii. 4, 1); nuts, Kapva, 
a term which comprehended all aKpofipva, and therefore almonds 
and chestnuts (oVra Kapva, Aristot. Probl. xxii. 7) ; also fresh 



332 



THE MEALS. 



[EXCTJESUS I. 



fruit of course. On this subject consult the second and third 
books of Atheneeus, passim. 

Cakes also, for which, as aforesaid, Athens was renowned, 
were a principal feature of the dessert. See Thucyd. i. 126 : ivrt- 
Xwp<a dvfiara. Athenseus, in his third and fourteenth books, 
mentions several sorts, differing in materials and shape, many of 
which may appertain to the Eoman era. The most usual form 
was round, and hence the seed of the mallow was called ifkaKovc. 
Athen, ii. p. 58 : Qaviaq Is. kv roig (pwiKolg (prjai, rijg ij/Jiepov 
^.aXa^r]Q 6 airepfxaTLKOC tvtzoq icaXelrat 7rA.aA.ovc, kfx<pepi]Q wv avrw. 
Cf. Aristoph. Acharn. 1125 : irXaKOvvTOi; rvporwrog xvuXog. 



EXCUESUS IL TO SCENE VI. 



THE SYMPOSIA. 

THE Eoman comissatio was quite independent of the cama, 
as has been shown in Gallus, p. 125, note, and in like 
manner the (rvfjnrocnov or ttotoq of the Greeks must not be con- 
founded with the fclTTVov. It is true that fc~nrvov was usually 
followed by the ttotoq, as is the case in many instances already 
cited ; yet the scenes are changed, and fresh personages frequently 
enter on the stage. During the meal no wine was brought on 
table, and we must consider as an exception to the rule the 
account in Athenseus, iii. p. 125 : on 3' Itxivov koi yXvKvv olvov 
[xeralv ecrdiovreg," AXe&g (prjaiv iv ApwTr/^. 

ElarjXdev 7] Waipa (pepovcra rbv y\vKvv 
iv apyvpy irorripicf ireTaxva tiv\, k.t.X. 

At all events, unmixed wine was not drunk till after the libation. 
Cf. Plutarch, Symp. viii. 9, 3. 

These symposia were enlivened by varied conversation, music, 
dancing, and other arts, together with games and divertissements 
of all sorts. It is this mirthful and joyous tone that gives the 
chief zest to the graceful narrative of Xenophon, the vivid fresh- 
ness and truthfulness of which at once convince us that it is taken 
from the life. And not less interesting is the story of Plato, so 
redolent of soul and imagination, and whose matter and form 
almost tempt us to forget that a discussion so artfully planned 
could never have been improvised. It was an unhappy thought 
of Plutarch's — if indeed the work be his — to range beside these 
masterpieces the tedious disputation of his seven sages, whose 
wire-drawn subtleties are only exceeded by the tasteless absurdities 
of the Deipnosophists in Athenasus. Of quite a different order is 
Lucian's Lapithan feast, which though, according to his wont, 
somewhat caricatured, yet teems with pleasant satire and humor- 
ous strokes of character. The dramatis persona in Xenophon 
and Plato are, it is true, of so highly intellectual a cast, that we 
cannot take their conversation to represent the average tone of an 
ordinary convivial meeting ; yet, with some modifications, these 



334 



THE SYMPOSIA. 



[Excursus II. 



compositions will serve as valuable sketches to aid us in the 
composition of a more unpretending picture. 

The Greeks, besides wine, olvog afjnriXivog, knew of no other 
drink except water. It is true that Diodorus Siculus,iv. 2, relates 
that Dionysos invented a drink from barley : evptiv <T avTov Kal 
to ek rfjg Kpidfjg KaracrKEva^öfJEvov irofJia to irpoaayopEvop-Evov 
jjlev vir ivLiov %vdog, oh iroXv XsnrofXEvov rijg tteo\ tov olvov 
Evioliag. The names ßpvTog and ttLvoq are applied to this by Eu- 
stathius, ad II. xi. 637 ; xxii. 283 ; and this mead-like drink was 
probably common in Egypt (see Herodot. ii. 77), as was the palm- 
wine in the palm-regions of Asia (Herodot. i. 193, 194); but there 
is nothing to lead us to suppose that such liquors were ever intro- 
duced into Greece ; and indeed the abundance of the more gener- 
ous beverage rendered any substitute unnecessary. Wine therefore 
was the ordinary drink of all, even of slaves and journeymen, 
though what they got was mostly sorry stuff. See Demosth. adv. 
Laer. p. 933 : to, te olvapiov to Kwov, oycCf/KovTa GTajxvoi it,i- 
arrrjKOTog oivov, Kai to Tcipiypg uvOpwiru) tivl ytwpyj 7rap£Ko/j.i- 
£eto ev t<o ttXoIw . . . TO~ig IpyctTaig Tolg TTEpi Tr\v yEiopyiuv -^pijadat. 
Plutarch, Comp. Arist. C. Cat. 4 : ttieIv, ov kpyctrai -nivovai Kai 
dEpcnrovTEg, olvov. The extraordinary cheapness of the wine makes 
these passages intelligible, and accounts too for its somewhat exces- 
sive use. For its price, see Böckh's Public Econ. of Athens, p. 98. 
In the very earliest ages w r ine was regarded as the chief source of 
joy, and agreeably to this idea, Musasus and Eumolpus made the 

^- reward of the virtuous in Hades to consist in perpetual intoxica- 
tion. Plato, de Republ. ii. p. 363 : Eig adov yap ciyayovTEg rw 
Xoyto Kai KaraKXivavTEc, Kai avfjnroaiov tüv ba'aov KaTaaKEva- 
aavTEg iarEtyavwfjiEvovg woiovai tov arcavra yjpovov il]hr\ ciäyEiv 
[XEdvovTcig, yyrjcrafjiEvoi KaXXiarov äpETfjg fxiatjov fjiidrjv alwriov. 
Sobriety was in no case one of the prime virtues of the Athenian ; 

f even Plato is of opinion that a man ought to become intoxicated 
at the Dionysia; Leg. vi. p. 775 : ttivelv oe Eig jxidrjv ovte aXXoOi 

7T0V 7T0E1TEI, tA?/V £ V T<X~IC TOV TOV OLVOV ZövTOg &EOV EOpTalg. 

Symposia, at all times, were apt to end in intoxication, and were 
therefore forbidden in Sparta and Crete. If im. p. 320. Still 
Plutarch tells an anecdote of Agesilaos as symposiarch: Apophth. 
Lac. i. p. 830. Cf. Id. Cleom. 13 ; Athen, x. p. 432. 

With regard to the Grecian wines, and the various qualities 



Scents VI.] 



THE SYMPOSIA. 



335 



and excellences of the different growths, very little is known ; and 
the Greeks were by no means such connoisseurs in this respect as 
the Kornaus. Wine was bought from samples, as we see from 
Lucian, Hermot. 58 ; Eurip. Cycl. 149 ; but provided it suited 
their taste, people were not very particular as to what hill or 
district it came from. In early times the general name olvog was 
ordinarily used. Demosthenes, adv. Laer. p. 935, enumerates a 
few of the chief districts where it was grown : ttclv yap t)//7rov 
Tovvavriov elg tov TIovtov olvog eltrdyeTai ek tlov tottlov tiov TTEpl 
)/juäc, ek Il£7rapj7Ö0ü Kal Klo, Kai Qatriog Kai Mevdawg. If we add 
to the wines here mentioned those of Chios, Lesbos, Naxos, and 
the Upa.fj.vLog, the names of the more celebrated sorts are ex- 
hausted. A few others are mentioned by Strabo, xiv. 1, 15, 47 ; 
and Athen, i. p. 28, seq. Chian wine, probably, was the most 
Costly, as appears from the defence of Demetrius before the 
Areopagus; Athen, iv. p. 167 : 'AXXa Kal vvv, eItcev, eXsvdepicog 
'(to. Kal yap kraipav Eyjo ri)v koXXlottiv Kal oZlklo ovoiva, Kal 
TTLVLo Xwv olvov. The Pramnian, on the other hand, which was 
famous in Homer's time, was not liked at Athens, because it was 
harsh, avarrjpög. Athen, i. p. 30 : o'lu) \\pi(T-o(pavr)g oii% ijcetrdaL 
'' Adyvaiovg cprj&l XeyLov, tov 'Adrjvaltov Sij/jLOV ovre 7roir)~a~ig ijcecrdai 
(TKXrjpolg Kal aoTEfi<j>E(Tiv oiire UpaptviOLg (TK\r)po7g dlvoig avvayovm 
Tag ocppiig re Kal ti)v KOtXiav, dXX' avQoajJLia Kal ttettovl veKrapo- 
a-ayel. Aristophanes frequently refers to the Thasian wine. 
No mention is made, in early times, of Italian wines ; though it 
is probable that in the palmy days of the Italian and Sicilian 
cities the growth was cultivated, and the produce shipped to 
Greece, as was the case with the Sicilian cheese and other articles 
of consumption. Theopompos, however, ap. Athen, i. p. 26, ap- 
pears well acquainted with them, and mentions their individual 
peculiarities ; and in Lucian, Navig. 13, the person who dreams 
that he is rich, determines for the future to have nothing but 
olvov i'i 'IraXtac on his table. Nevertheless, Pollux, vi. 16, says : 
ovttlo yäp ol 7raXaiol tov 'ItuXllottjv aKpißwg y^eaav. The colours 
of the wines were red, fxeXag, white, and yellow. Athen, i. p. 32 : 
tlov o'ivtov 6 fXEV XevKog, 6 Se Kippdg, b £e fieXag. See Gallus, 
p. 491. The red is said to have been grown first in Chios; 
Athen, i. p. 26: QeoiroyiTzog tprjvi, Tzapa Xloig TrpioTOig yevicröai 
tov fjeXava olvov ... 6 <ürj XEVKog oirog aadtviig Kal Xetttoc. 6 £e 
Kip/log ttettel pq-ov, fypavTLKog tov. 



336 



THE SYMPOSIA. [Excursus II. 



Different sorts were occasionally mixed together. See Theo- 
phrastus, apud Athen, i. p. 32; Plutarch, Symp. iv. 1, 2. The 
addition of sea- water to wine is first mentioned by Dioscor. v. 27 ; 
Plutarch, Qucest. Nat. 10 ; Athen, i. p. 26. Plutarch also relates 
that the casks were smeared with pitch, and that the Eubeans 
mixed resin with the wine. Symp. v. 3, 1. Spiced wine was 
common in the time of the new comedy. Pollux, vi. 1 : to ce 
rpijjifia 7ro^a i)v fiera apoj/iariov napa tolq vioig KWfjuKolg. Also 
Athen, i. p. 31 : E^pCovro oi dpyaioi kcu 7rwpari rivi c£ dpu)- 
pariov KaTa<JKEva£onivu>, o iicaXovv rptfi/xa. Honey was also 
added; Theophrast. ap. Athen, i. p. 32: top iv r« Trpvraveitp 
Slco/jlevov davpaarov eivai rrfv fjdovrjv. yjprvpivog yap eariv. e/j.- 
ßaXXovvi yap elg ra KEpapia crralg piXtrt (pvpaaravrEg, &<tte tijv 
oauYir air avrov, ttjv Ze yXvKvrrjra cnrd tov (rratrbg XapßavEiv 
Tor olvov. The mixture of unguenta with wine, which was 
practised by the Romans (see Gallus, p. 493), is here and there 
mentioned among the Greeks. Ml. Var. Hist. xii. 31: Tt oe, 
ovk EKE~iva ro'ig "EXXrjvL rpv(prjg cnrodEL^ig ; pvpu) yap olvov piy- 
vvvTEg ovtwq Eirirov icat inrEprjvayKa^ovTO rr/v roiavrr)V Kpäaiv, Ka\ 
ekoXeIto 6 olvog pvppivlrrjg. In support of this he quotes Philip- 
pides, a poet of the new comedy. Cf. Plutarch, Sept. Sap. 
Conv. 3. Lastly, the Greeks prepared by boiling an E\pt]pa olvov, 
answering to the Roman sapa and defrutum. Athen, i. p. 31 : 
Expwvro yäp EfOolg o'lvoig. See Gallus, p. 486. 

Age was considered a recommendation ; see Pind. Ol. 9, 52 :- 
alvE~t Ie -KaXaiov \xev oivov. See Eubul. ap. Athen : i. p. 26 ; and 
Alexis, ap. Id. ii. p. 36 : 

olvov 8e rbv ira\ai6Tarov crirovdd£ouei>. 

Cf. Plutarch, Non Posse Suav. 4. But it is doubtful whether 
they kept wine so long as the Romans did. From Athen, xiii. 
p. 584, we see that sixteen years was considered a very great 
age for wine : ETricovrog (Hi Tivog olvov kv \l/vt:Tr)pioi<t> pacpbv teal 
£i7r6vrog otl EKKai^EKaETTjg, MiKpog y£, Etyrj, wg roaovriov kriov. Cf. 
Lucian, Lexiph. 6. 

The wine was mixed either with hot or cold water before being 
drunk. Cf. Gallus, pp. 491, 494. The calda was not peculiar 
to the Romans, and Oep/hov vdojp is often mentioned, and in the 
pure Greek period See Xenoph. Memor. iii. 13, 3 : Plato, de 



Scene VI.] 



THE SYMPOSIA. 



337 



Republ. iv. p. 437 ; Athen, viii. p. 352, and iii. p. 123, where a 
number of instances are collected. There seems to have been a 
vessel expressly designed for keeping water hot ; this perhaps is 
the lirvoXißrjQ of Lucian, Lexipli. 8. When the wine was mixed 
with cold water, this was obtained as fresh as possible, and, even 
at an early period, snow was employed to keep it cool ; Tcöaig dia 
X<-ovoq. See Alexis, ap. Athen, iii. p. 124 : 

Kal yibva. /xev Triveiv TrapaaKevd^ofxeu. 

Dexicrates, ap. Id.: Ei de pedvu), Kal ^iova ttivu), k.t.X. This 
"was attempted even in summer. Xenoph. Memor. ii. 1, 30 : 
olvovg ce 7ro\vTe\e~iQ TrapaaKeva'Cg Kal tov depovg yiöva irepiQi- 
ovaa £r]7E~ic. Athenseus mentions ice-houses ; but the common 
way was merely to cover the snow or ice with chaff. Plutarch, 
Symp. vi. 6, 1 : Kal yap äy^vpoig OTrapyavovvTeg avrr)v Kal TrepiaTeX- 
Xovrtg IfxariOLQ ayva-KTOig eirl irokvv y^poi'ov hiarrjpohcri. Snow 
seems to have been a regular article of traffic at Athens, as it 
is now at Naples. Euthycles, ap. Athen, supra: 7rpwrog psv 
dhev el yiwv ear wvta. It was often mixed with the wine itself, 
as we see from the sarcasm of Gnathsena, related by Machon, ap. 
Athen, xiii. p. 579 : 

Ilapa TvaQaivr) Aicpi\os irivcov ttotg, 
Tpvxpd" ecp-q rayyelov, 3) Tuddatu' ep^eis. 
Tau awu yap, elirev, eVi^eAws, (a AicpiAe, 
els avrd 7' dei dpapdrcov ifj.ßd\\o/xtv. 

Straining, so usual among the Eomans, is seldom mentioned. 
Epilycus, however, ap. Athen, i. p. 28, mentions Xlog Kal Qdffiog 
rjBrjpii'og. Cf. Poll. vi. 18 : aaKKiag <)e 6 civXiapevog, Kal aaKTog 
yrap'' EvttoXiSl. Id. x. 75 ; and Dioscor. v. This was most likely 
done through wool. There are doubtful allusions to this practice 
in Plato, Symp. p. 175, and Aristoph. Vespce, 701. 

Wine was always drunk diluted, and to drink it aKparog was 
looked on as a barbarism. Plato, Leg. i. p. 637. According to 
iElian, Var. Hist. ii. 37, Zaleucos imposed a law upon the Locrians, 
according to which any person doing so, even if sick, unless by 
the prescription of the physician, was punishable with death. 
The custom of diluting wine can be traced up to the earliest 
period, and its origin is referred to Amphictyon. Athen, ii. p. 38 : 
j ftiXo^opog c>£ (prjmv 'AptyiKTvova tov 'Adrjvalwp ßaaiXsa, padovra 
irap'a Awvvaov t))v tov oivov Kpuawj -npioTOv Kepaaai. Eustath, 



338 



THE SYMPOSIA. 



[EXCTJKSUS II. 



ad Odyss. xvii. 205. The usage continued long in force, and any 
departure from it was not only considered a sign of great intem- 
perance, but as highly injurious, both mentally and corporeally. 
From Herodotus, vi. 84, we learn that the Spartans fancied 
Cleomenes had gone mad by drinking neat wine, a habit he had 
learned from the Scythians : etc tovtov ce fiavijvat /xiv vo/xt^ovcri 
27raprifjrat. So Mnesitheos, apud Athen, ii. p. 36 : 

i&v Xaov K<Tq> Trpoacpiprj, jxaviav wotet • 
iav 8' anparov, TrapdAvaiv tuv aw/xaTuv. 

Cf. Plato, Leg. vi. p. 773 ; Plutarch, An seni resp. ger. 13 : fiaivo- 
jjlevov beov kripo) öew vi)(f>ovTL (TU)(f)povt^eadaL KoXa£6fXEvov. Cf. Id. 
de Aud. Pöet. 1 : atyaipei ?/ icpäaig tov oivov to ßXaivTOv. And 
from the prevalence of this custom, oivog always means diluted 
wine, KEKpajxivoQ being understood, unless axparog is expressly 
mentioned. Plutarch, Conjug. Prcec. 20 : to Kpajia, xairoi vdaTog 
/jlete^ov irXEiovog, oivov KaXovfXEv. 

The proportions of the mixture varied with the habits of the 
drinkers. Plutarch, de Pylh. Or. 23 : 6 jiev yap olvog, wg eXeys 
Xaiprifiiov, To~tg Tpoiroig KepavvvTai tü>v ttlvovtwv. Id. Symp. v. 
4, 2 : TrpeaßvTepovg bi'Tag eidiog, ov^ v^apei yalpovrag, ctXX' atcpa- 
TOTepu), Kadäirep ol aXXoi yepovreg, ETriTE~ivai keXevel Ttjv Kpäaiv. 
Cf. Aristot. Probl. iii. 3. In Sparta aKpaTEVTEpov ttivelv was called 
ettktkvOi £el v. Herod, vi. 84; Chamsel. ap. Athen, x. p. 427. 
With regard to the usual proportions, see Gallus, p. 129, note. 
There was always more water than wine ; and the mixture "mtov 
to-y, half and half, was repudiated as highly intoxicating. From 
Athengeus, Plutarch, and Eustathius, we gather that the usual 
proportions were six parts of water to two, three, or four of wine. 
The first of these, which is recommended by Hesiod, was consi- 
dered vdaprjg by most people, and was called ßarpaypig oivoyoE~iv. 
See Pherecrates, apud Athen, x. p. 430. But some wines would 
bear this quantity of water ; see Poll. vi. 18 : e-ktivovv Ie oivov tov 
Tpia (pipovTa, tovtegti to TpvwXovv tov vdarag. Such wine is called 
icoXv(p6pog by Aristophanes, Plut. 853. The opposite to this is 
avTOKpag. Poll. vi. 24. 

The mixing took place, according to ancient custom, in a large 
bowl, hence called Kparrjp ; and from this it was distributed into 
the cups of the drinkers. Procl. ad Hesiod. 'Epy. 744 : 6 fxkv 
yap KpaTrjp irpovKEiTO Koivdg kv TaTg Tpawe^atg ' ek rfjg oivo\6ng 




2 



SCEtfE VI.] 



THE SYMPOSIA. 



341 



cipvo/jLEvoL etclvov oi gvvZelkvovvteq. The o\voy6r\ answered the 
same purpose as our ladle ; see Poll. vi. 19 ; x. 75. The passage 
in Hesiod, ^ixiIetzot o\voy6r)v tlQe^lev tcprjTrjpog vnrepQEV ttlvovtiov, 
probably refers to some superstitious belief that it was unlucky 
to lay the ladle across the Kparrjp, an act which might imply a 
cessation of the carouse. The oivoxov was quite different in form 
from the kvclBoq, being shaped more like a tankard, as we see 
from many antiques. Panofka, Becherches, PI. v. 101. These 
craters are found in representations of Bacchic scenes, as well as 
of mere symposia. See Stuart, Antiq. of Ath. vol. i. ch. iv. pi. 11. 
See also the accompanying plate. 

The custom of mixing all the wine at once lasted till a late 
period, as appears from Theophrastus, Char. 13, where one 
feature of the character of a irEpLEpyog is said to be tvXelw Ik 
ETravayKaaai tov walda KEpacaty rj ocra hvvavrai oi irapovTEg 
ekttlelv. But occasionally the water and the wine were mixed 
in the separate goblets. Xenophanes, ap. Athen, xi. p. 782 : 

OuSe Kev iv k{>\iki irporepov Kepdarat.4 Tis olvov 
€7%eos, oAA' üSup, koL KaßvirepQe fiedv. 

Theophr. Ib. : 'Exei ml ra tzeq\ tt}v icpäaiv evavTiug £t% £ ™ 
iraXaiov tlo vvv Trap* "JLWrjaiv virapypvTi. ob yap to vdwp inl 
tov olvov i-KEyEov, aX\' ettl to vdup tov olvov. The mixture in 
the crater was from time to time renewed according to the re- 
quirements of the guests. Eubulos, ap. Athen, ii. p. 36 : 

TpeTs yap fxSvovs Kparrjpas iytczpavvvco 
rois eu tppovovcri' rbv /xev vyieias eva, 
t)v irpwrov iKirivovai' rbv Se Sevrepov 
epuTos rjdovrjs re • rbv rpirov 8' vrtvov, 

OV iKTTt6vT€S OL GOCpol KCKKrj/li^VOl 

ofoccSe ßa§i£ovo~\ o Se rerapros ovk %ti 
7ju.4rep6s e'err', &AA. 1 vßpews ' 6 Se ir^jxTrrbs ßorjs ' 
e/CTOs Se k&ixwv eßSo/xos S' vircamcov. 
6 8' oySoos KXyTrjpos • 6 8' IWtos xoXrjs' 
84kcltos 8e fiavias, &are Kai ßdXXeiv noisi. 

To conduct the Symposion, 7raidayü)y£~iv avfjLTroonov, (Plato, 
Leg. i. p. 641,) an apywv Tfjg TrocrEOjg, <TVfX7rocriap")(og, or ßacn\£vg y 
was selected, and to his behests the company had to submit. He 
was generally chosen by the throw of the astragali ; see Gallus, 
p. 499 ; Plato, however, makes Alcibiades elect himself to this 
office. Symp. p. 213 : apypvTa ovv vfxlv alpovfiai Trjg iroGEiog, 
fug av vfiElg kavöjg ttitjte, EfiavTov. 



342 



THE SYMPOSIA. [Excmtsus II. 



The symposiarcla determined the proportions of the mixture, 
and the number of the Kvadoi ; he could also impose fines, and so 
forth. On this subject Lucian, Saturn. 4, is tolerably explicit : 
etl Kai ßaaiXia fxovov e<f> cnravriov yeviadai ru dorjoayaXw Kpa- 
rqaavTa, wg fxrjre ett it aydt it] g -yeXoia £7riray^iara Kal avrog 
ettitvlttelv 'kyoig, tw juev alff^pov tl itedI avrov araßorjacii, rw 

yvfxvov 6pyj]a<xoQai Kal apa^iEvov rfjp avXtjrpida rpig rrjv olkiclv 
7repuXdely. The practical jokes do not appear to have been re- 
markably novel or ingenious ; for a specimen, see Plutarch, Symp. 

i. 4, 3 : irpoaraTTOVTEQ aceiv \peXXo~ig, ?j KTEVt^Ecrdai <f>aXaicpoig, vj 
äcrKü)Xia£eiv ywXolg. "Qianep ' AycnrfjTopi tw 'Ajca^yua'örw Xetttov 

EyOVTL Kal KClTEtydlVrjKOQ TO OXf'Xof E7TT)p£Cl£o VTEg Ol ^VfJUTOTaL 

7ravrag ekeXevvciv ettI tov Se£lov iroüog kaTWTag ekitieIv to ttott]- 
piov r\ Zwftlav KaTaßaXElv. tov Ze TzpovTaoaEiv 7r£puXd6vTog eig 
avTOV ekeXevve iravTag, ovtioc tzleIv wg av clvtov 'id to a i' Kal KEpap.tov 
kevov KOfxiadipTog slg tovto tov aaQEvrj irola KaOslg e^ettle to 
7TOTT]piov, ol <? aXXoi TrdvTEg, wg ityaivETO 7TEtpw[iEvoig aZvvaTOV 
aTTETiaav T))y (jjjui'av. The system of proposing questions in turn 
occurs in Plato, Symp. p. 214. 

As the way in which the symposion went off depended in a 
great measure on the symposiarch, Plato requires that he should 
be a wise and sober person. Leg. i. p. 640 : vtj^ovto. te Kal 
co(f)dv apyovTa pedvovTwv SeT. KaQiGTavai. Cf. Aristot. de JRepub. 

ii. 12. The domestics occupied with the cyathos and crater were 
under his control, even in a stranger's house ; these were called 
oIvoxool, and oivrjpol depairovrEg, and were usually young slaves ; 
and if no symposiarch had been selected, the guests themselves 
called for what they wanted. See Xenoph. Symp. 2, 26. 

The dexterity of the olvoyooi was chiefly shown in handing 
the cylix and other vessels. Pollux, vi. 95 : Ol Se olvoyooi tcl 
EKiru>fiaTa ekttXvvoptwv te kcu ^LavnzTOVTwv Kal kXv^ovtwv Kal 
KadaipovTiov. Kal rag <j)taXag ettI twv daKTvXwv aKpwv i^erweav, 
7rpo(T<pEpovT£g Tolg <TvfX7r6raig svXaßwg. Also Theagenes, ap. 
Heliod. JEihiop, vii. 27 : Kal aKpotg To~ig ZaKTvXoig etto^wv Trjv 
(piaXrjv. Cf. Xenoph. Cyrop. i. 3, 8. It is a mistake to suppose 
that they had also yvvakag olvoyoovg : into this error Eustathius, 
ad Odyss. i. 146, was led by Athenaeus, x. p. 425. The single 
instance there alleged, from the court of Ptolemy Philadelphus, 
proves nothing. Hetaerse, however, may occasionally have dis- 
charged the office. 



Scene VI.] 



THE SYMPOSIA. 



343 



Before proceeding to the carouse, the company usually agreed 
upon the rpoirog rfjg 7ro<7£W£. Plato, Symp. p. 176 : rlva rpotrov 
ijdi(TTa 7riof^£0a ; from which passage it appears that ttiveiv oerov 
av EKaarog ßovXrjrai, kiravayKEg de fxrfdev elvat, was not usually 
allowable, but that every one was subject to the symposiarch, 
who could force him to drink; ttLvelv trpbg ßlav, avaytca^Eadai. 
Drinking a prescribed quantity was a usual punishment : see also 
the next Excursus. It was customary, at least at Athens, to drink 
out of small goblets, or, at all events, to begin with them, after- 
wards resorting to larger. Diog. Laert. i. 103 : "EXXrjvsg apxb- 

UEVOL fJLEV EV jXLKpOLQ TTLVOVGl, Tr\r)(xd£VTEQ ()£ EV fXEyaXoLQ. Some 

o£ these were of a tolerable size, holding twenty tcvaQoi, or nearly 
two sevenths of a x ^> ** e * a ^> out a quart. See Alexis, ap. 
Athen, x. p. 431 : 

Ob avßirotriapxos rfv yap, aXXa Ziijxios, 
6 Xaipeas Kvddovs irponivwv sXko<tiv. 

But this is nothing to what is told of Alcibiades and Socrates. Plato, 
Symp. p. 213 : oXKa. (pEpirio 'Ayadwv et ri egtiv EK7r(opa piya' 
päXXov Se ovSev Sei. aXXa <j)ip£, 7rat, (pavai, rbv x^vKrfjpa ekeivov, 
Idovra avrbv ttXeov rj oktw KorvXag ywpovvra. rovrov e^ltcXt]- 
actpsvov irpÜTov fXEv avrbv ekttieIv, k.t.X. Eight cotylce equalled 
two thirds of a x o ^£> more than half a gallon. According to 
Ephippos, apud Athen, x. p. 434, Alexander drained off a goblet 
holding two x°^£? or a g a ll° n an d a half. Such vessels might 
well be termed Xovrph or <f>pEara ; not to mention that they had 
to be emptied without taking breath, clttvevvtl or apvarl ttivelv. 
Plutarch, Symp. iii. 3; Alexis, ap. Athen, x. p. 431 ; Lucian 
Lexiph. 8. But of course the custom varied in different places. 
See Athen, xi. p. 463 : ort rpöiroi ttert irovEiov Kara 7t6Xeiq 'idiot, 
u>g Kpiriag Trapiarrfaiv kv rrj Aa k e h a ipovttov ttoXiteici $ia tovtiov, 
6 pkv Xtoc Kai Qa&wg kv pEyaXwv kvXikojv eVtcte'^ia, 6 2' 'ArrtKog 
kic pucpiov tVi^e'sia, 6 2e QErraXiicbg EKTvupara TtpoizivEi oro) av 
ßovXojvrat /jteyaXa. This «rtce'lta, or properly etti fiesta was 
observed not only in drinking, but in everything that the guests 
did in order. Thus Plato de Repub. iv. p. 420 : eV< IeIicl lia- 
ttlvelv. Id. Symp. p. 214 : eVi cte&ct Xoyov ei-keIv. Ib. p. 223 : 
kwaivE~iv and -kiveiv tVt 2ci;tcL The TrpoxLvEiv tyiXorrfaiag was 
exactly like drinking toasts or healths. Athen, xi. p. 498 : 
7rXrfpovv~£g yap irpoEirivov aXXrjXoig pETct TrpocayopevaEOjg. So 



344 



THE SYMPOSIA. 



[Excursus II. 



in Heliodor. JEthiop. iii. 11 : izpoiirivEv 6 Qeayevrjg, Kai cikwp, 
ekcutto) (f>i\orr]aiav. See Lucian, Gall. 12. 

The conversation was of an unrestrained and varied kind ; 
and it was the inborn vivacity and ready wit of the Athenian 
that lent these symposia their principal charm. Intellectual col- 
loquies, such as those described by Xenophon and Plato, were 
naturally of rare occurrence ; and were even thought out of 
place; so Plutarch says, Symp. i. 1, 1 : fir/ Zeiv, ü<nrep oIkoIe- 
(nroivaVj iv o'ivu) tydeyyeo-Qai (piXorrocpiav. When games and other 
pastimes were introduced, every one present took part in them, 
and the company never relapsed into such a passive state as at 
Rome, where ciKpoci/uara and flta^tara, lectures, concerts, con- 
tests of gladiators, and mimes, were put in requisition to fill up 
the pauses in the repast : and so utter was the want of genuine 
taste, that even the dialogues of Plato were dramatised for this 
purpose. See Plutarch, Symp. vii. 8, 1. At Philip's court, ac- 
cording to Demosthenes, still more insipid amusements were 
devised; Olynth, ii. p. 23 : Xonrovg Sr) irepi avTOV etvai Xrjardg 
(avXrjrcig Herrn.) Kai KÖXaKae, aal roiovrovg dvdpioTrovg, o'iovg 
p,eQv(rdevrag opy/icrdai roiavra, oia kyio vvv okvw irpbg v^äg ovo- 
fidaai. cijXov 3' ort ravr ktrriv ciXi]dfj' Kai yap ovg IvBerle 
Ttavrzg cnrftXavi'Ov, ojg ttoXv tCjv dav^iaro-jvoidiv affeXy Ear ipovg 
bvrag, KaXXiav eiceivov rbv drjfxoaiov Kai roiovrovg avBpu)Trovg 1 
fiifjiovg yeXoioov Kai iroirjräg ai&xpuiv avfiariov, elg rovg avv- 
ovrag rroiovaiv eveKa rov yeXaadrjrai. At the courts of the 
successors of Alexander things reached a still lower ebb. Thus 
we are told that naked Thessalian women danced before Anti- 
gonos. Athen, xiii. p. 607. But pure Greek manners began, 
from this period, rapidly to decline. 

Music and the dance were certainly favourite amusements at 
the symposia. Female flute-players were indispensable for the 
sacrifice ; they usually remained in attendance, and there are but 
few antiques representing symposia where either they or citha- 
ristriae are not present. Plato would willingly have dispensed 
with them ; as we see from Symp. p. 176 : ri)v fxev apri elaeX- 
Qovaav avXijrpßa yaipew läv avXovcrav eavrrj, r) lav ye ßovXrjrat, 
Talg yvvaifr ralg evlov. He uses stronger language still in Pro- 
tag, p. 347 : 07TOV $s KaXol Kayndoi ^vfiirorai Kai ttett ail EVfiivoi 
ilffiVf ovk av 'iloig ovr ahXrirpihag, ovre op-^-qarpilag^ ovre 



Scene VI.] 



THE SYMPOSIA. 



347 



ipakrpiag, aXXa abrovg clvtoIq Itcavovg ovtclq Zwelvai. Plutarch, 
Symp. vii. 7, 8, differs on this point from Plato, and indeed the 
latter seems rather too severe in his strictures on music and 
dancing. 

In many cases still graver objections might be urged against 
the presence of these flute-players, and most likely they were 
often but little removed from hetserae. In Plautus they are 
always such, and the same is unequivocally apparent in many 
vase-paintings. See a curious story related by the Stoic Persseus, 
apud Athen, xiii. p. 607. On the subject of the other amuse- 
ments, the games, and so forth, consult the notes to Scene vi., 
as well as the following Excursus. 



EXCUKSUS III. TO SCENE VI. 



THE GAMES. 

OF the various games enumerated by Pollux, ix. 7, under 
the title, Hepl twv ev av^nroaiOLg 7rcu()iwv, many were peculiar 
to the Symposion, while others were merely the amusements of 
children ; the discussion of the latter would be foreign to our 
present purpose, though it is curious to notice that several of 
them are practised with little change even at the present day. 

The songs called oxoXia, inasmuch as they were often im- 
provised on the occasion, here claim mention. See Ilgen, IiKoXia, 
h. e. Carm. Conviv. Grcec. 

From a very early period, guessing riddles, aiviyfiara or 
ypi(f>oi, was another favourite intellectual amusement. The dis- 
tinction drawn between these two words by Pollux, vi. 107, 
seems hardly to be borne out by the usage of the best period ; 
he says : twv fxiy av/x7roTLKcüy aiviyfxa /cat ypityog. to [jlev Traidiav 
£<)(£v, o £e yp~i(j)OQ Kal mrov^rjv. See Plato, de Republ. v. p. 479; 
cf. Athen, x. p. 452, where a mere jest is called yptyog ; also in 
Diogenes Laertius, i. 91, the word a'tviyfia is applied to the old 
riddle of Cleobulos on the year : 

EtV 6 irarrjp, 7rcu8es 8e Suc65e/ccr twv Se x* e/caoTw 
iroudes e'cwrt TpviiKovT* &vdixa elSos exovaai. 
fj ixev XevKcd eaaiv I5e?u, f 8' o5re [xe\aivai. 
add.va.Toi Se t' iovcrai airocpQivovcriv airaeai. 

The same word is also used of the earnest riddle of the Sphinx ; 
(Ed. Tyr. 393. Tpltyog, on the other hand, is used of the silliest 
witticisms ; as in Aristoph. Vespce, 20. Athenaeus also, who has 
preserved a great number of these riddles, uses both words 
without distinction, and even turns the Pythagorean sayings 
alviy/jLctTa. Clearchos, apud Athenseus, x. p. 448, says : yp'ityog 
7rp6ß\r]fia ETVL'KaiöTiKbV) TrpoaraKTiKOv tov dia ^Tjnjareojg evpeiv rfj 
diavoia } to 7rpoßXrjdir, TL/mfjg r) iTTi^r^xiov yapiv EiprjjiEvov. The 
fine here alluded to for not guessing right was to drink a certain 
quantity of wine ; ol pri eiwovreg oig ttpogetcltteto e-kivov to 
TzoTripLov. Occasionally the wine was mixed with salt water; 
Id. p. 458 : Xekteov ijdrj Kal riva KoXaaw viri^xevov ol fxij Xvaavreg 



Scene VI.] 



THE GAMES. 



349 



top izporeQivTa yptyov. ittlvov ovtol aXjirjv 'Kapap,iayo\xkvr\v 7&i 
avTÜ)V irorp Kal tdet irpoaeveyKaaBai to irorrjpiov cnrvevart. See 
Pollux, vi. 107: Kal 6 /jievXvcrag yepag elye Kptiov riva TvepLtyopav, 
6 de a^vvarrjaag, aXfxtjg irorripiov EKirieiv. The reward for solving 
the riddle usually consisted of chaplets and taenia?, cakes and 
sweetmeats ; sometimes it was a kiss ; Clearchos, ap. Athen, x. 
p. 458: Kal fVi tovtolq ddXa jiev rdlg vucuhti ^nX^juam. In other 
contests also, such fines and rewards were common, and the com- 
pany in some cases adjudicated them by ballot. See Xenoph. 
Symp. 5, 8: 'AX\a diatyepovrwv, e^r/, rag iprjipovg, 'Iva wg ra- 
yj.GTa eldä), o,ti fie XPV vadelv rj envoriaai. And again, rw viK^aavn 
fjLij raivlag äXXa (j)LXrj^ara avadrjfxara irapa rwv Kpirüv yeveadai. 

One of the most favourite of these diversions was the Cotta- 
bos, a game said to be of Sicilian origin, and in which success 
depended mainly on manual dexterity. On this subject, a few 
words may here suffice, since it has been discussed at length by 
Jacobs. In spite of the circumstantial accounts given by Athe- 
nseus, xv. p. 666, Pollux, vi. 109, and the Scholiasts to Aristo- 
phanes, Pax, and to Lucian, Lexiphanes, 3, there still appears to 
be a hopeless Obscurity attaching to some of the peculiarities of 
this game. 

There were two sorts of cottabos, subject to manifold vari- 
ations ; Groddeck makes out nine. The one was called Korraßog 
KaraKTog, Aristoph. Pax, 1243, and this is the most difficult of 
explanation. The SchoJiast to Lucian, Lexiph. 3, whose account 
is not plagiarised from Athenaeus, and is more intelligible than the 
others, informs us that a shaft or staff, yapal,, was erected, and to 
the extremity of this was attached the beam of a pair of scales, 
'Cvyog, while from either end of this depended the scale-plates, 7rXa~ 
orrtyyeg : and beneath these scale-plates little figures were placed, 
av^piavrapiuv rdlg nXctariy^iv {nroKeifxevivv. One of the players 
now took a mouthful of wine or water and spirted it in a con- 
tinuous stream upon one of the plates. If he succeeded in hitting 
this so as to fill it, it descended and struck the head of the little 
brass figure beneath; but rose again from the weight of the 
opposite scale, which, descending in its turn, hit the second figure, 
so that they both sounded in succession. Other accounts differ 
widely from this, though the discordance is probably owing to 
variations in the method in which the game was played. • 



350 



THE GAMES. 



[Excursus III. 



Firstly, it is generally stated that the wine was not taken 
into the mouth, but jerked out of a cup, the hand being bent 
(oweaTpaixfiivr} rij x £t !°0 an( ^ tüe arm curved (cbr' ayKvXrjg). This 
may have been an alteration introduced at a later date. Cf. Poll, 
vi. 111. Other authorities state that there was only one scale, and 
one figure, called Manes. But, according to Athenaeus, xv. p. 667, 
this was not all, for beneath this Manes stood a basin into which 
the liquid must fall : to de KaXovfiepop Karaicrdv tcorraßiov 
toiovtop egti ' XvyvLov iarrlv vxprjXop eyop top M.avrjv KaXovfievov, 
£</>' op rrjv KaTaßaXXofxevrfv edei izeaelp TrXaaTtyya, evTevöep d 1 
tTWTTev elg XeKairjv v7roKEijjei>r)v TcXr)ytl<jap rw KOTTcifta). This 
agrees with the Scholion to Aristoph. Pax, 343, where it is 
further stated that the Manes stood under water in this basin, 
and that the scale-plate had to sink so sharply as to hit his head 
below the water : paßdog i\v fxaKpa Trendy pepy] iv Trj yrj Kal erepa 
kiravü) avrfjg Ktpovfieprj, wc enl £vyiov. elj^e de nXdaTiyyag dvo 
e^rjpTYifxevaQ Kal KpaTijpag Ivo vttokcltu) tu>p xXaor/yywf, Kal V7r6 
to vdu>p dpdpiäg i\v yaXKOvg Ke^pvaojfxepog. tovto de i]v kv Tolg 
crvjnrocrioiQ. Kal iräg tojp irat^oPTiop dpiaraTO eytap ^idXr/p ye- 
fxovaav CLKpciTOV Kal jurjKodep Icrrdfiepog eite\VKep oXov top oivov 
{/7TO fiiav aTayova elg rrjv TrXaanyya, 'Iva yefiicrdeTaa ßapvvdrj 
Kal KareXOrj Kal KareXdovaa Kpovarj elg tt/p KetyaXrjp tov virb to 
vdojp KeKpvfjL/jLevov Kal 7roir}arj tfxop. Kal el fxep \vdrj tov o'lvov, 
iv'iKa Kal ydei, otl (piXeJrai v7ro Ttjg epojfxeprjg, el de firj 7 tittclto. 
eXiyero fie 6 äpdpiag 6 virb to vdwp KeKpvf.i[xevog Mavrjg. Pollux 
says that the scale-plate, KOTraßelop, as he calls it, hung from 
the ceiling, and he compares it to the plate of a candelabrum, 
Xvyviov E7ridefia. 

The second species, di di-vßafm', is less difficult to comprehend. 
On the surface of a vessel containing water a number of small 
empty bowls and such like things were set floating ; into these 
the wine was spirted in order to sink them. Athen, xv. p. 667 : 
"Erepop d' IcftIp elcog Traidiäg Ttjg ep XeKapy. avTr\ V vdarog 7rXr)- 
povTai, ewLpel te eV avTrjg 6E,vßa<pa Kepa, e<f a ßdXXoPTeg rag 
Xarayag eK Kap^rjfflojp e-rreipwPTO Karadveip. The other accounts 
are to the same effect, with the exception of that given by Pollux, 
who says : to de tl i\p ko'CXx] rig Kal irepupeprig XeKaplg, fjp koi 
yaXKeiop /cat aKa.(J)rjp iKaXovp. ewkei de ttoXü) tw Tag wpag deiK- 
vvptl . . ,rb de ^oXkeiop iireirX^p^TO pep vdarog, iireiv6Xa£e d' avr$ 



Scene VI.] 



THE Gr AMES. 



351 



cr<pdipa, Kai irXäffTiy^ Kai Mavrjg, Kai rpelc fivpivat, Kai rpia d£v- 
ßa<f)a. 6 de vypq. rrj X £l P L T ° v ^OTraßov atyeig Kai tovtiov tivoq 
rvy&iv evdoKifiEC. Cf Schol. to Aristoph. Pax, 1210. The liquid 
so spirted was called \ara£ or XaTctyn, whence Xarayelv. The 
game itself, the entire apparatus, and also the wine that was spirted, 
were all called KOTraßog. Without further entering into the sub- 
ject, or attempting to reconcile the apparently contradictory ac- 
counts, it may suffice to refer to the passages quoted by Athenasus, 
which agree in the main with the description that has been given. 

The game served also as a kind of love-oracle. Prizes were 
sometimes given, and at all events the player won the oZvßatya 
which he had succeeded in sinking. Millingen, Peint. d. vases gr. 
p. 11, supposes, with very little ground, that he has found the cot- 
tabos represented on a vase. Also in Winkelmann's Monum. Ined. 
200, a tall Xv^vlov is seen standing without a lamp ; but what it 
represents is doubtful. There is, however, one relief, Marbles of 
the Brit. Mus. ii. 4, which not improbably refers to the game. 
At the lower end of a couch stands a shaft bearing a large basin. 
Out of this (Combe, however, says behind it, which makes all 
the difference,) rises a second pillar, surmounted by a Hermes- 
shaped figure, on the head of which rests something like a discus. 
This agrees very well with the account of Athenaeus, already 
quoted : Xv^vtov iariv viprjXov tyov tov Mai/j/y KaXovfXErov, t(f 
ov Tr)v KarraßaXXofievrjV edei ttegeiv irXnaTiyya, evtevQev t>' eiriTr- 
tev £<c XsKavrjv viroKEijxtvr}V 7rX-qyEiaav rw Korraßa). 

The xaXfarr^ioc was also a game requiring manual dexterity. 
The account given of it by Pollux, ix. 118, is as follows : f O \xev 
\aXKicrfx6g, vpdov vopna\ia eSel avvrövwq 7repiarrpi\pavTaQ eVi- 
crrpEcpOfjievoy E7ri(TTrjaai tw SaKTvXio' rpo7rw [xaXtcrra rrjg icai- 
diäg vTTEprjdEcrdal tyaai (bpvrrjv rrjv kraipar. This is wrongly 
explained by Prof. K. W. Müller. The manner in which the game 
was really played is described in Scene v. p. 75. The account 
given by Eustathius, ad II. xiv. 291, is perhaps clearer than that 
in Pollux. He says : dW rjv 6 )(aXKi(Tfji6g opdov vofxifrfxaroQ 
Oeteov xciXkov arpo(f)ri Kai avvrovoq irEpihLvriaiQ, /i£0' fjv 'e^ei tov 
irai^ovra fatiyj.iv opdio rw BaKTvXo) to vofxiay-a eiq ocrov rd^og 
npivrj KaTairE(TE~iv. 

The ifxavTEXiyfioQ may also be reckoned in this class of games, 
though success in it depended mainly upon chance. A strap was 



352 



THE GAMES. 



[Excursus III. 



doubled, and rolled up in the shape of a disk ; the player then 
took a nail or some pointed instrument and stuck it between 
the folds, and if, on unrolling the strap, the nail was inside the 
doubling, he had won. Poll. ix. 118 : 'O $e ifiavTEXiyfjibg SarXov 
ifiavrog Xaßvpivd^drjg Ttg karri, irepiarpotyr}, icad' yg e^ei Kadtvra 
irarraXiov rt'jg (HiirXdrjg rvyjüv* el yap fxy) Xvdivrog sfX7repui\r]7rTO 
TÜj lj.iavTL to iraTToXiov, rjrrrjro 6 KaQdg. Cf. Eustath. ad 11. 
xiv. 214. 

The ttetteiu, on the other hand, was a game wherein all 
depended on skill and calculation, and bore some resemblance to 
our chess. There were several varieties of this game, and those 
who have written on the subject have fallen into some confusion 
from neglecting the distinctions. The game with tvegooX is very 
ancient, and Penelope's suitors played at it in the house of Odys- 
seus {Odyss. i. 107) ; but it would be absurd to describe the 
Homeric wETzeia, when the mere name is all that Homer mentions. 
Nor can we attach any value to the explanation given by Apion, 
ap. Athen, i. p. 16, since we cannot ascertain how much is due to 
a later period. Afterwards there were at least two quite different 
kinds. For an account of the first variety see Pollux, ix. 97 ; 
ETreih) c)£ \pfj(pOL f*ev elaiv ol ireao-ol, ttzvte fie EKciTEpog elye rwv 
vrai^övriov £7rt 7T€vre ypafifiüv, eikotioq eiprjrai 2o0o/c\e7, 

Kal irecraa vevrdypa^ia Kai Kvßwv ßoXai. 
tQ)V ()€. irivre r&v EtcaripwdEV ypafxjxCjv fJ-Ear) rig f\v upa KaXov- 
fxivT] ypafifii]. The same, in substance, are the descriptions given 
by Eustath. ad Od. i. 107 ; Schol. ad Plato, Leg. vii. p. 820 ; 
Hesychius ; and Schol. ad Theoer. Id. vi. 18. From these writers 
we learn that each player had five pieces, and five lines to move 
on, and that the piece standing on the centre line was not 
moved except in case of extreme necessity : hence the proverb : 
{<ive~iv tov ä<j> 'lEpäg. But why this move was only made then, 
or what was the nature of the game, is unknown ; and our inform- 
ants appear to have had no very clear notions of it themselves. 
In the language of a later period, the game or the table on which 
it was played was called ^arptKiov. 

There is rather less obscurity about the second kind of kettele 
by which the first appears to have been gradually supplanted. 
This is also called 7r6Xig, or, more correctly, izuXEig. Poll. ix. 
98: 'H Ie lia 7roXXwv iprj<pu>v waidia -kXlvQlov eeri, yjopag it' 



Scents VI.] 



THE GAMES, 



353 



ypappalg '^X ov Sea/fft/ierac" Kai to pkv ttXlvQIov koKeItcu 7t6\lq, 

ThiV CE '<pl](p(i)V EKCKTTTj KVOJV. C ITjpr] flEVOJV (!)£ €IQ £vO TU)V m d/1](f)(i)V 

bpoypoiov mra Tag \p6ag ?/ te-^vt] Trjg iraiciiäg egti 7TEpiXi)\bEi "üi' 
cvo •J>{](pis)v bpoxpoiov TTjv ETEpo-^pov v avaipEiv. It thus appears to 
have been somewhat similar to our chess or draughts. The 
separate squares, which Pollux calls \ojpai, were also denominated 
TroXeic. See Zenob. Prov. Cent. v. 67 ; Plutarch, Prov. Alex. v. 
p. 1254; Plato, de Republ. iv. p. 423. 

The move forward was called deodai ti]v xpijcpov ; moving 
backward, or recalling a move, ävadeadai. Harpocr. s. v. cua- 
dicQai. Plato, Hipparch. p. 229 ; Leg. x. p. 903. To give the 
adversary an advantage was called Kpe'iacrov dicovai. Eurip. 
Suppl. 409 : 

%v jx\v to§' 7],uiu, wanep iv ireacrols, St'Sws 
Kpetaffov. 

This passage seems to hint that the better player gave his 
adversary something at the commencement of the game. 

The chief object of the player consisted in so shutting up 
his opponent's pieces that he was unable to move. Plato, de Re- 
publ. vi. p. 487 : wawEp v~b twv ttetteveiv Sewwv oi teXev- 
tmvteq ci-okXeLovtcll teal ovk tyovmv o,tl cbipwaiv. Polyb. i. 84 : 
ttoXXovc a~OTEfxv6fJLEvoq Kai avy^XEtivv, u>a~Ep ayaOog ttettevti]q. 
Cf. Plato, Eryx, p. 395. According to Pollux, when a piece got 
between two hostile ones, it was beaten or taken away. The 
game was by no means an easy one, and good players were rare. 
Cf. Plato, Polit. p. 292 ; Id. de Bepull. ii. p. 374: ttette vtu<6q 
ce Tj KvpEvrtKoc iKctrCjc ovd' civ elq jevoito, pi] avro tovto ek iraicbg 
e-lt7)<:evii)v, äXXa -apipyo) y^pojpEi'og ; 

The ciaypappicrpbg was a game analogous to, if not identical 
with, that just described. See Poll. ix. 99 ; Eustath. ad IL vi. p. 
633 : TTcucia tic 6 c laypapfjirrpuc. iylvETO ce, <paatr, civtt] kv- 
ßc'iag ovaa clcog Oia twv iv irXivQioig -^{jduov Ebjt:ovTa, Xevkuiv 
te apa Ka\ pEXawwr. Whether the game alluded to in an obscure 
epigram of Agathias, Anthol. ix. 482, was a species of -etteici, 
can hardly, perhaps, be determined. That the Indus latrunculo- 
rurn and duodecim scriptorum of the Eomans originated from the 
Greek ttetteUi, admits of no doubt, though the differences are 
considerable. See Gallus, p. 502. 

The invention of the -evao} was traditionally ascribed to 

A A 



354 



THE GAMES. [Excursus III. 



Palamedes. Alcidamas, Palam. pp. 74, 76. Cf. Eurip. Iplng. 
in Aul. 194. Plato, on the other hand, names the Egyptian 
Theuth as the inventor of the Trerreia and Kvfiela : Phcedr. p. 274. 
These games were universal favourites throughout Greece. See 
Poll. vii. 203; ix. 48. 

Of the games of chance the aarpayaXia/jidg claims the first 
mention. The regular game has been fully described in Gallus, 
pp. 499-502. But the astragals or knuckle-bones were used in 
other games, for instance, in the apriaGfxoc, which was principally 
a children's game. See Gallus, p. 504. There are many antiques 
representing children playing at this game. See Marbles of the 
Brit. Mus. ii. 31. So the children of Medea, in a wall-painting 
in Mus. Borb. v. 33. The game was also called £vya »} a(vya, 
and in vulgar parlance, fiova /cat £vya, or jxov^vya, 'odd and even.' 
See Schol. ad Aristoph. Plut. 816. The same game is described 
in the Paris Gloss to v. 1057 : -noaovg olovrag elirsv ctvrl rov 
TToaa i^etg Kapva. 7rat$ta yap ecrri roiavrr)' dpa^a/nevög ng^ 
Kapvuiv kol ixTEivag rrjv ye~ipa e'pwrct, nova ; /cat av linTvyij, 
Xafxßctvei ova e^et ev tt} \eipL m lav de äfioprr) Kara rrfv cltto- 
Kpiaiv, cckotivel ova av 6 ep(i)T)]crag evpedeiv eywv. There w r as 
another game of skill, not chance, which was played with these 
astragals, or knuckle- bones, and which is still a favourite amuse- 
ment of schoolboys in our own day. Five astragals or pebbles 
were laid on the palm of the hand ; the player then threw them 
up, and tried to catch them on the back of the hand : this was 
called TrerraXidL^eiv. Poll. ix. 126 : Ta le 7revraXtda. rjroi Xt- 
öt'cita,?) xpijfoi, i) aarpayaXonrevre aveppnrrovvro, uhtte ett larpexpavra 
rijv yeipa de^aadai tcl avappityQivra Kara to oniaQevap, 1) el fxi] 
■rcavra eiriararaL, ?} rwv eirioTavrwv E7riKeijj,ev(ov avaipelcrdai rä 
Xonrä TO~ig (HaKrvXoig. He adds that it was more of a women's 
game, ywaucCjv de fxäXXov eanv >/ 7rat3tct, and this, as well as his 
whole account, is corroborated by a monochromatic painting of 1 
Niobe's visit to Latona, where the girls are represented playing 
at this game. Antich. oVErcol. i. pi. 1. 

Lastly comes the regular game of dice, xvßeLa. See Gallus, 
p. 499. This was mostly played for money, a circumstance 
which was frequently urged as an objection against the game, 
since many were ruined by it. See Lysias, in Alcib. p. 541 : 
karaKvßevaag ret ovra. Cf. iEschin. in Timarch. p. 115. 



Scene VI.] 



THE GAMES. 



355 



The places where this game was carried on were called Kvßela, 
and also cncipacpeia, because the original locality was near, or 
in, the temple of Athena Sciras. See Eustath. ad Oydss. i. 107 : 
eat otl i(T7rov^d^£TO i) KvßeLa ov fxovov Trapa HjlkeXoIc, äXXa ical 
'AdyjvaiOLQ * ot Kal kv lepolr adpoi£6fi£i'OL EKvßevor, Kai fiaXLcrra 
kv rw rrjQ 2iKioalog 'AdrjvÜQ rw k~l 2fa'j0«. a<^>' ov Kai ra äXXa 
Kvßevrijpia aKipcupeia wvofiaCero. Cf. the Eti/m. J\[., Suidas, 
Harpocration, and Steph. de Urb., s.v. ^Kipog. All places of the 
kind were afterwards called GKipcapeia. Isocr. Areop. 18, p. 202 ; 
Lucian, Lexiph. 10. We need not suppose that the rrjXla, men- 
tioned by iEschines, in Timarch. p. 79, refers to the aßaKiov or 
dice-board, for the reference is rather to cock-fighting. Still 
Pollux, vii. 203, and x. 150, enumerates this among the opyava 
KvßevriKa. Cf. Eustath. ad Odyss. i. 107. 

There was another game in which Treao-ol and Kvßoi were both 
used at once. Plato, de Repull. x. p. 60-4: uxnrep iv -xriocrti 
KvßutVj irpbg ra TTETiTWKOTa (ßel) rtdecrdai ra avrov irpay/dara, 
oir-q 6 Xoyog kpel ßeXrtar civ 'ix £lv ' ^ n reference to this, Plu- 
tarch, de Tranquill. Anim. 5, says : Kvßsla yäp 6 Hkartav rbv 
ßior a-eiKanev, kv w Kai ßaXelv del ra Trp6<r(f)opa, Kai ßaXovra 
ypwQai koXwq rot£ ttegovgl. See Anthol. Pal. ix. 767. A 
similar game is referred to by Ovid, Art. Am. ii. 203, A host of 
other games, many of. them requiring neither izeacrol nor Kvßoi, 
are classed by Pollux and others under the common name Kvßda. 



EXCUKSUS TO SCENE VII. 



THE SLAVES. 

ONE of the most striking anomalies in the character of the 
Greeks is, that though they acknowledged above all other 
nations the value of personal freedom, and kept a jealous guard 
against everything that threatened it from within, and were ready 
to resist to the death any encroachment made upon it from without 
— still they did not recognise the equal claims of all to this bless- 
ing, but withheld it from millions of their fellow- men, whom they 
made mere passive instruments of their will, and reduced to a 
condition little superior to that of domestic animals. This strange 
contradiction may be partly due to their assumption that the bar- 
barians were creatures of a naturally inferior order to themselves ; 
though there was nothing in the habits of those nations which could 
excuse such arrogance. But the root of slavery lies everywhere, 
and must be rather sought in the general disinclination to menial 
labour, and that abhorrence of servitude, based on false notions of 
liberty, which first made the possession of slaves desirable. In 
process of time this grew into an imperious necessity, which 
refused to take into consideration the justice or injustice of the 
case ; and as there now existed a class of men which had, by 
birth and education, become divested of all the habits and feelings 
that were regarded as the essential characteristics of an eXevdepoc, 
the notion of their belonging to a different race of mankind seemed 
justified and strengthened. 

And this explains the fact, that even Plato, benevolent and 
humane as he was, never dreamt of excluding the slave- element 
from his ideal of a state which was to include nothing inconsistent 
with nature or with reason ; and hence, too, he thought it necessary 
to give different laws for the free-man and the slave ; so that, 
where verbal censure was sufficient for the former, the latter was 
to receive corporal chastisement ; and where the free were fined 
for an offence, the slaves were executed. No doubt such a dis- 
tinction seemed desirable, to mark the difference between a slave 
and his master, and great severity might be also necessary to keep 



Scene VII.] 



THE SLAVES. 



357 



down a class of men who had few feelings in common with those> 
above them, and who in numbers were far their superiors. Ari- 
stotle, profound, but dispassionate, could not blink the question, 
4 What makes the slave a slave ? ' though he does not trouble 
himself to enquire whether, in its origin, slavery presented any- 
thing irrational, and contrary to the universal rights of men ; but 
proceeds to show, from a comparison between the present charac- 
ters of the two, that the relative position occupied by the slave is; 
that which is his due. Of course he falls into numerous contra- 
dictions, as, for instance, when he starts the question, irorepov 
iariv aperi'i rig dovXov itapa rag opyaviKctg Kai liaKoviKag ciXXrj 
Tifiiu)Tipa rourwr, oiov aoxppofrvvrj Kai avdpia Kai ^LKaioavvri . . . 
sire yap sen, ri dioiaovai t&v iXevdepu)i> ; eire pi] earn', ovtiov 
ävdpd)TTO)v Kai Xoyov kolvwvovvtojv, cltottov. De Republ. i. 13, 
p. 1259. His solution, which is' quite in keeping with the notions 
of his age, is worth nothing, as the premises are false. Assuming 
that slaves belong to an erepoy yevog, he supposes the existence 
of a special äperij SovXiov, while he entirely ignores the TrpCjrov 
xpevdog of the case. 

The question as to the abstract injustice of slavery, he disposes 
of by an artificial argument, wherein he shows that it is ever the 
natural destination of the Kpeicrcrov to rule over the y^eipor, as the 
soul over the body, the husband over the wife, and he thus arrives 
at the conclusion, that there are also tyvaei dovXoi. He adds : 
tan yap (f)v(ret dovXog 6 Zwajxevog aXXov elvai (f)to Kai aXXov 
ioriv). Aristotle, moreover, pronounces a slave to be merely a 
piece of property ; de Republ. i. 4 : Kai b $ovXog Krij/xa ri e/uxpv- 
y()v, and makes him in fact little more than a machine possessed 
of life ; Eth. Nicom. viii. 13, p. 1161: 6 yap SovXog £[j,\f/v)(pv 
opyavov, rb opyavov atyvyog dovXog. The verses of Philemon 
(Fragm. p. 410, Mein.) contain a sounder judgment than all the 
reasoning of the philosopher : 

KaV dov\6s eOTi (7/ Tis) (T&pKd T7]U aVT7]V e^et * 

(pvaei yap ovdels dovKos iyevf)6ri irore • 
7) S' av Tvxv rb aujxa KaTtZovKuKraro. 

And °gain, p. 364 : 

Kav SovXos y Tis, ovSkv ^ttov, SeairoTU 
dvOpuTros ovt6s Iütiv, av avßpuTros Trj. 

The Greek slaves were in a far more tolerable condition than 
those at Eome, as we shall presently see. Sparta forms the only 



358 



THE SLAVES. 



[Excursus. 



exception, with respect to the inhuman barbarities practised 
against the Helots. See Plutarch, Lyc. 28 ; Xenoph. de Rep. 
Athen. 1, 11. The abuse made by the Spartans of their power is 
entirely in unison with the character of that people, as is shown 
by Limburg Brower, Hist, de la Civil. Mot. et Relig. d. Grecs, iii. 
p. 261. But it is not our purpose to consider the state of a nation 
living, like the Helots, in serf dorn to another race ; and hence the 
Thessalian Penestse, the Heracleote Mariandynas, and the Cretan 
Clarotas or Aphamiotse, will be also excluded from our notice. 
Cf. Plato, Leg. vi. p. 776 ; Poll. iii. 83. 

With regard to the origin of slavery, the Hellenes are said to 
have possessed no slaves in the earliest times. Thus Herodotus, 
vi. 137, speaking of the Athenians, says, oh yap elvai rovrov rov 
yjpovov cr(f)t(TL KO) ovM rdlg aXXoig"EXXr](Ti oixirag. See also a 
fragment of Pherecrates, apud Athen, vi. p. 263. In the Homeric 
period, however, we find slave universal ; but at that time the 
slaves were mostly captives, doptaXwrot, who served their captor ; 
though this was not universally the case, for captives are made 
articles of saL in Homer. See Odyss. xv. 483. In the march of 
civilization, when predatory excursions had grown less frequent, 
there was no method by which slaves could be obtained except 
by purchase. But dopiaXaj-ot and apyvpcjprjroi or ^pvawvrjToi 
were always distinguished. Isocr. Platceens. 9, p. 406. By 
degrees, however, the Hellenes grew ashamed of enslaving their 
own countrymen, and it became customary to set captives free 
for a certain ransom, which, if they were too poor to pay it, was 
often discharged by wealthy burghers, as a sort of Leiturgia. 
At the same time the traffic in barbarians and others increased 
proportionably. Timaeus, apud Athen, vi. p. 264 : Ok i\v 7ra- 
rpiov rdlg "EWtjciv vtto apyvpit)vr]Tii)v to iraXaibv diaKOVtlcrdai. 
Theopompus, apud Id. p. 265 : Xlot irptoroi r&v 'EXXijvwv ^letcl 
QerraXovg rai AcuceSaifioriovg kj(pi)aavTO dovXotc, ti]v /xevtoi Krrjaw 

CLVTWV OV TOV aVTOV TpÖTTOV EKELVOLQ . . . XiOl ^£ ßdpßctpOVQ KEKTTJVTCLL 

tovq ohirag tat rifirjv avrwv KaraßaWovrEg. The principle, that 
none but barbarians should be held as slaves, is nowhere more 
strongly enunciated than in Plato, de Bepubl. v. p. 469 : Mj?^e 
"EWrjva apa ?ov\op EKrijadai (ju'ite avrovg, Tolg te aX\oig"E\Xr]crii' 
ovtu) (Tv/jßovXEVEiv; Cf. Id. Leg. vi. p. 777. 

At Athens, as elsewhere, there was a regular slave-market, 



ScEra VII.] 



THE SLAVES. 



359 



where the slaves stood ready for selection. Harpocr. KvkXoi, 
Aeivnpyog iv rw /caret Y^aXXaiayjpov. kvkXoi exoXovvto ol tottoi, 
ev oig ettwXovvto tlveq. wvofxacrdrja-av de cltto tov kvkXo) TtEpiE- 
(TTavcLL tovq TnoXovfXEvove. The place is also called by Pollux, 
iii. 78, irpaTYip Xldog, which is analogous to the Latin phrases, 
lapis, de lapide emtus, unless this refers to sale by auction. The 
slaves thus exposed were naked, or had to strip at the desire of 
the purchaser. Lucian, Eunuch. 12 : ol (xev rjZiovv airolvaavTaQ 
avrbv uxTTTEp tovq n pyvpu)vr]T0VQ Etz idKO'K e~iv . The law also made 
the seller responsible for any concealed defect. Plato, Leg. xi. 
p. 916 ; Dio Chrysost. Orat. x. p. 300. The market seems to 
have been held on fixed days, as for instance on the eV?? /cat via 
or vovfinvia. See Aristoph. Equil. 43 : 

ovtos tt} Trporepa vovixrivia 
iirpiaro dov\ov, ßvpaodeipyv YlacpXayoua. 

On this the Scholiast remarks : iv Ie Talg vovjieviaig ol lovXoi eVw- 
Xovvro /cat ol o-TpaTrjyoi E^EiporovovvTO. So Alciphr. Epist. iii. 38 : 
Qpvya oIkettju lyw Trovrjpbv, og airißr) toiovtoq exl tiov aypüv. wg 
yap TYj evv) /cat via /car' EKXoyrjV tovtov Enrpia^v, ^ovjj.r)}'iov jxev 
evQvq EdEfjirjy KaXEladat. The prices of course varied according to 
age and qualities. Ample details will be found in Böckh, Public 
Econ. of Athens, p. 67. The most usual prices were from one 
to ten minse ; though old and useless creatures went for even less, 
while on the other hand trustworthy men who could act as fore- 
men or overseers occasionally fetched far higher sums. Xenoph. 
Memor. ii. 5, 2 : TJ>v yap oIketwu 6 \xkv rrov <5vo jxvCjv a£,iog 

EGTLV, 6 C)' Ol/t)' 1]fXLfXVaiOV, 6 ()£ 7TEVTE flvGjV, 6 ATCU C)£/Ca. Nt/Ctag 

c)' b NiKwpaTOv XiyeTai E-KiGTonqv eiq Tapyvpia Trpiarrdai ra- 
XavTov. Plato, Amat. p. 135 : /cat yap tekto va jiev ay irpiaio 

7TEVTE ?l E% fJVÖJV &KpOP ' Ctp^LTEKTOVa £)£ OVO*' CLV fAVpilOV C)0a)(U<D ^. 

The story runs that when somebody asked Aristippos what he 
would charge for instructing his son, he demanded one thousand 
drachmae ; on which the father answered, that he could purchase 
a slave for that sum. Plutarch, de Educ. 7. Of course slaves 
who were artisans by trade varied much in value, according to 
their skill, and the difficulty of the craft they followed. Demosth. 
in Aphob. i. p. 816 : juay/i tpoTTOiovg (/car£\t7rev 6 wanip) rptct- 
KOVTa /cat dvo rj Tpslg, tovq fxkv ävä tcevte fxväg f/ /cat rove: 
o' ov/c eXuttovoq rj rpiCov jxvwv äfyovg . . . kXipottoiovq c)' e'ikogi tov 



360 



THE SLAVES. 



[EXCFKSTTS. 



ctpidjiov TETTapaKOVTCL fxvwv vTTOK£L}ievovQ. Two min £e would thus 
be the average, and this was also the price paid in another in- 
stance : Demosth. adv. Spud. p. 1030. Slaves employed in 
ordinary field or house-work were naturally worth much less. 
It does not appear that the Greeks ever paid such enormous sums 
as were sometimes given in Rome. See Gallus, p. 201. 

Next to the purchased slaves, called by Plato, Polit. p. 289, 
ävafj.(f)iaßrjr{]T(og covXoi, came those born in the house, ohoTpißag. 
Suidas : oiKorpixp, covXog oiKoyEvijg. Ammonius : Ohorpiip Kai 
oltCETTjg öiatyipEi. oiKorpi^ jiev yap 6 kv rrj oiKiq diarpetyofjievoc, 
ov iifieig OpsTrrov KaXov/j.£v' oiKerrjg 3e 6 dovXog 6 wvyrog. Trapa 
f)£ SoXwvt kv role, at,ocriv oiKEvg KEKXrjrai 6 olKorpixp. They were 
either the offspring of the master and a female slave, or of two 
slaves, and in this case were called ctfxftdovXoi. Eustath. ad 
Odyss. ii. 290. If the parents were ohorpißeg, their offspring 
were called ohorplßaioi. Poll. iii. 76. The relative number of 
such slaves, and the frequency of slave-marriages, has not been 
ascertained. Men frequently lived with a female slave as 7ra\- 
Aao) (see Excursus on The Women), and the children resulting 
from this intercourse were only free by exception. See Demosth. 
in Aristocr. p. 637. With regard to the intercourse of the slaves, 
a mere intimation occurs in Xenophon, CE con. 9, 5 : jjl^te tekvo- 
'Koihivrai ol oIketcli cu ev Tr\g i]/j.ETEpag yvtofxrjg. Also Plato, Leg. 
xi. p. 930, says : dovXr) p.£v kav av/ufullrj covXa) ?) iXEvdipo), rj cltte- 
Xevdepa), 7ravru)g rov ()e<jtt6tov ecttio rfjg SovXrfg to yEvvwfXEVOv. 
kav Zi rig kXEvdipa dovXtp avyyiyvrjrai rov c^Eanorov egtu) to 
yiyv6/J.Evov rov SovXov. kav 3' k'i avrov SovXtjg i) ek ZovXov eavTfjg 
Kai TTEpxpavkg tovt i], to fxkv rrjg yvvatKog al yvva~cK£g Eig uXXrjv 
ywpav EK7T£fjL7r6vT(t)v avv T(0 xarpi' to ()£ rov äv^pdg ol vo/ao(f)vXaK£g 
avv rrj y£vvr}<ra<rn. 

An insolvent debtor was liable to become the slave of his 
creditor, before the time of Solon, who forbade this davEifeiv 
Eni crwfiaTi, though the practice seems to have continued 
in other states. See Isoer. Platzens. 19, p. 414 : /jiiKpwv eveku 
(rvjjLßoXaiiov ()ovXev£lv. It was also the case in Athens when a 
captive in war did not repay the ransom which another had 
advanced for him. Demosth. adv. Nicostr. p. 1250 : on Kai ol 
röfiOL keXevovoi, tov Xvaafiivov ek twv ttoXe^luv Eivai rov Xv- 
OtJTtx, kav fxrj cnrodidä) ra Xvrpa. 



Scene VIL] 



THE SLAVES. 



361 



The number of slaves was very considerable, not only in 
Athens, but throughout Greece. According to Ctesicles, apud 
Athen, vi. p. 272, at a census of the population of Attica taken 
under Demetrius Phalereus, the number of free burghers was 
found to be twenty-one thousand, of resident aliens ten thousand, 
and of slaves four hundred thousand. Hence the statement of 
Thucydides (vii. 27) becomes intelligible, that in the Decelian 
war, a vdpcnroEwv ttXeov i) $vo jjLvpiadeg ■nvrofxoX^KEcrav. According 
to Timseus, Corinth possessed 460,000 slaves, and iEgina, as we 
learn from Aristotle, 470,000. But the number at Chios appears 
to have been the greatest. See Thucyd. viii. 40. For an estimate 
of the proportions of the free and slave populations, see Böckh, 
Public Econ. of Athens, pp. 30-39, and Wachsmuth, Hellen. 
Alterthumsk. ii. 1, p. 44. Slavery was not introduced into 
Phocis and Locris till a late period, according to Timseus, apud 
Athen, vi. p. 264, though little reliance can be placed on this 
author. 

Although the number of private slaves possessed by individual 
burghers was sometimes very considerable, yet the Greeks seem 
to have fallen far behind the Komans in this respect. See Gallus, 
p. 203. The father of Demosthenes possessed fifty slaves, as that 
orator informs us ; in Aphob. i. p. 823. In other instances the 
number was far greater. Thus Nicias let out a thousand to the 
Thracian mines, and Hipponicos six hundred. Plutarch, Nie. 4 ; 
Xenoph. de Vect. 4, 14 ; Böckh, Public Econ. of Athens, p. 37. 
Aristotle's friend Mnason also had a thousand. Timasus, apud 
Athen, vi. p. 264. In early times few were retained in the 
house, most of them being employed in various handicrafts. At 
a later period, however, domestic slaves became much more 
numerous. See Aristot. de Republ. ii. 3 : äairep ev ralg oiketl- 
Kalg ÖLCHcovlaig ol 7roX\ol depa.7roi'T£Q ev'iote yfipov v7rr)pETod<ri tiov 
i\arr6v(ov. Cf. Dio Chrysost. Orot. xiii. p. 434. There is no 
systematic account of the number of domestics in a large estab- 
lishment, though a few hints may be gathered from the following 
passages. Thus according to Plutarch, Apophth. Bey. i. p. 696, 
Xcnophanes complained to Hiero, fxoXiQ oiketclq (ivo tpe&eiv, 
which was certainly a mark of great poverty. Again, the family 
of iEschines, consisting of himself, his wife, mother, and three 
children, was waited on by seven attendants, and this is brought 



362 



THE SLAVES. 



forward as a sign of very straitened circumstances. iEschin. 
Epist. 12, p. 698. So an escort of four slaves by which the 
hetaera Gnathaenion was attended to the Piraeus, is mentioned 
as insignificant ; Machon, ap. Athen, xiii. p. 582 : 

Tlavrjyvpeccs ovarjs irod' 7] TvaQaiviov 
els Heipaia Kareßaive wpbs \ivov riva 
i/ATtopov ipacn^v ebreXais eir a(TTpdßr]s, 
ra vavr'' exovcr' bväpia. fxed' kavTT\s rpia, 
Kai Tpety depcnraivas kcu viav titQ^v fxioLV. 

To go out without a single attendant was a sign of great indi- 
gence. See Aristoph. Eccl. 593 ; also Lysias, in Diogit. p. 903, 
where a complaint is made of the children being dismissed, uv 
f-ie-ci cxkoXovOov. And when Phocion's wife allowed herself to 
be attended by only one female slave, it was considered so un- 
usual, that it even came to be mentioned in the theatre. Plu- 
tarch, Phoc. 19. Men also had often three or more slaves to 
attend them when from home. Deraosth. in Mid. p. 565 : Kai 
rpelg cikoXovOovq y Terrapag avrog e^v Zia rijg äyopäc aoßel. 
Xenoph. Memor. i. 7, 2 : on Ikeivoi (tkevt] re koXo. k£ktt}vtcli kcu 
clkoXovOovq 7voXXovg 7repidyovraL. In later times the escort was 
probably much more numerous. Lucian, Imag. 2, speaking of 
the appearance of a lady of distinction, says : Qepaizda Ik ttoXXi), 
Kai äXXr) Trepl avrijv 'KapaaKEvy) Xafiirph, Kai evvovyuv n 7rXrjdoc, 
Kai äßpai 7tävv 7roXXai. But it is not always clear whether this 
author is portraying Greek or Roman manners ; in this case, 
however, the lady was of Smyrna. From these instances we 
may fairly conclude that even at an early period the number of 
domestic slaves was very considerable. 

But of the fifty to one thousand slaves that are mentioned as 
the property of one master, the majority were employed as arti- 
sans, either for their master, or on their own account, paying 
him a daily sum. The great difference between the Eoman and 
Grecian systems consists in the fact that the Greeks looked on 
their slaves as a capital yielding interest, while at Rome they 
only attended to the wants of their master, or ministered to his 
luxury and pride. See Athen, vi. p. 272 : 'AMa 'Pw/ucuW 

EKCLGTOQ . . . TtXeLOTOVQ OffOVQ KEKTTj UEVOQ OIKETCIQ. KCU yap fXVploVQ Kai 
DMTfJLVp'lOVQ Kai ETI TzXeLOVQ Ie TVa^LTToWoL KEKT7) JTCU, OVK £7Tt TTpOffOCOlQ 

oe, waiTEp 6 ribv }LXXr}Vii)v 'CclttXovtoq Nt/aac, aXX ol ttXeIovc tu>v 
'Vu)}ia'ni)v (rvfXTrpo'iövTag 'iyovzi tovq tzXeicttovc. It is true that the 



Scene YLT.] 



THE SLAVES. 



303 



Konian slave also worked in the familta urbana as a mechanic 
or artist, but only to supply the immediate wants of his master ; 
while the Greek was an operative supported by the proceeds of 
his labour. Aristot. de Repubi. iii. -4, p. 1277: covXov c e'icr] 
rXc/oi \iyofxev' ai yap ipyatrtat —Xeiovc. tav tv f.ieooc tDari^fovtnv 
oi x£pvf]TEc. ovtol c' Eialf, iucnrEO crrjuairei rat rovrofx avrovc, 
ol ifwJTfc a— 6 r(Lv y^ELpoji', kv olc 6 t jdi'avcroc te^vlt^c itrrii'. 
JEschines mentions the daily sum which each had to pay. In 
Timarch. p. 118 : \(op\g ce oiketciq h]iiLovpyovc r>7c tncvrorofUKtiQ 
re-^j'TiQ tvvia ?*} dixa, wr ekciotoc rovru) cv' SSoXovc citteoeoe t>~]c 
■JjUEoac, b c' rrysfjuop rov epyatrrripiov roiwooXof. A similar 
arrangement was made with regard to those working in the 
mines. Xenoph. de Vect. 4, 14 : ort Norme ~ote 6 Niktjpcitov 
kxrqaa.ro iv to~lc apyvptoiQ \iXiove ardooj-ovc. ovc ekeIvoq -tocria 
rw Qoqifcl itefiiadtaerev, io' u) 6ßo\ov fxev citeX?] ekcigtov rrje 
ijfXEpac a-ocLCovai. See also the arcpärroca fiifjQooopovvTci men- 
tioned by Isaeus, de Ciron. Tiered, p. 219. Cf. Plato, Leg. v. 
p. 742. TThen a slave undertook on his own account the labour 
of a harvest or vintage, his case was the same. See Demosth. 
adv. Nico&tr. p. 1253. It would even appear that slaves were 
occasionally allowed to hire farms on their own account. See 
Plato, Leg. vii. p. 806. 

The second method was to make the slaves work as artisans 
in their master's shop or factory, his profit being derived from 
the sale of their wares. Thus the father of Demosthenes pos- 
sessed two workshops; Demosth. in Aphob. p. 816: /.uixatpo- 
-owvc fxev rputKoi ra rat cvo q «o' roLÜKorra fiväg 

AteXeIc eXauSai s rov ivLavrov ri]v -oovocov. kXli'Ottolovc c' e'ikocti 
roy apiQp.hr TErraoaKO rra uviLr biroKELj-iEvovc, ol cÜicekci präg 
uteXe'iq avrw r:po(TEOEpov. Cf. Id. in Oh/mpiod. p. 1370; 
Xenoph. Memor. ii. 7. 6 : iii. 11,4. This was most likely the 
method pursued when the manufacture undertaken required a 
large fixed capital. 

If the master cultivated his lands himself, as Ischomachos 
did (Xenoph. CEcon. 12, 2), he employed numerous slaves under 
an overseer, i-irpo-oc, who was himself also a slave, and on 
whom the entire management frequently devolved, che possessor 
dovoting himself to public duties, or other employments. Aristot. 
de Repubi. i. 7 : a yap rov covXov i-iTrao-dai ce~l -oleIv, . . . auroi 



364 



THE SLAVES. 



[Excursus. 



£e TroXiTEvopTai f/ (f)i\o(TO(j)ov(nv. The house- steward was called 
-afxiag; indeed this word is often used as synonymous with 
olicovofiou and EiriTpoirog. This rafxiag or rapid superintended 
all the domestic arrangements, and kept the household stores 
under lock and seal, giving out what was required. See Xenoph. 
CEcon. 9, 11; Aristoph. Vespce, 612. He received, for this pur- 
pose, a signet-ring from his master. Aristoph. Equites, 947 : 

KaL vvv cnroSos rbv ZaKTvhiov, ws ovk Irt 
e/j.01 Tafiievaeis. 

The ra/ulag must not be confounded with the k-KiTpoTrog and 
oIkovohoq mentioned by Lucian, de Merc. Cond. 12. The refer- 
ence is in this case to Roman customs ; and the oiKovofioc, who 
is also paymaster of the household, answers to the Roman dis- 
pensator. See Gallus, p. 204. Of the other domestic slaves 
each had his peculiar duties. Among them may be mentioned 
the olvo^oog, the ayopaarqg (see Excursus on The Markets and 
Commerce, p. 287), the vdpotyopog (Lucian, Vit. Auct. 7), and 
the Xacraiofopog (Plutarch, Apophth Beg. i. p. 723). 

A word or two now on the female domestics. Their number 
was naturally less than that of the men. Some of them were 
ernpkyed in manufacturing articles for sale. Thus in iEschines, 
in Timarch. p. 118, we have mentioned : yvrij apopyiva fViora- 
jjLEvr} ipyai^EadaL ical 'ipya Xettto. Eig rr\v äyopäv EK(f)Epov(Ta. The 
number thus engaged could not, however, have been large, and 
most of the feminine labours, as weaving, embroidering and the 
like, were also performed by men. In wealthy families a con- 
siderable number of women were probably employed in personal 
services, and we should recollect that multitudes of articles which 
Ave are accustomed to purchase ready-made, were in those times 
prepared at home. In addition to the male slaves, we only find 
cvo ÖEpcnraivag Kai 7rcu?tW?/r mentioned as belonging to the slender 
establishment referred to by Isa?us, de Ciron. Her. p. 219 ; but 
in more opulent houses several females were employed at the 
mill, and in the kitchen, as well as in keeping things clean and 
tidy. Then there were the spinners, nurses, chambermaids, and 
lady's-maids, Koppwrptai. Of these last, one often held a more 
confidential position near her mistress, and was called äßpa. 
See Suidas : also Eustath. ad Odyss. xix. 28 : sort Ie aßpa Kara 
Havaaviav >/ avvrpo<])og kcu napa \ E ~ l P a ÖEpcnraiva. Cf. Alciphr. 



SCExYE VII.] 



THE SLAVES. 



365 



Epist. i. 34. Female slaves born in the house were called arjiddeg. 
Poll. iii. 76. A general term for female slaves is dovXapia. See 
Lucian, Lexiph. 25. 

There were no learned slaves, as at Rome, nor any slaves who 
merely ministered to pleasure, as dancers, actors, or musicians. 
This, however, was the case at a later period, when the influence 
of Roman manners began to be felt." See Lucian, Amor. 10: 
XapiKXeT ye fxr/v rroXvg opyecrrpiZiov kcu /j,ovcrovpyu)v e'Itteto. Yet 
the rich kept blacks and eunuchs ; the former from mere vanity 
and love of show. Theophr. Char. 21 : (fxiKpofiXorifiov) ewi- 
/j.eXr)dfjvat o-mog avrw o ukoXovOoc AW!o\L 'karat. But the eunuchs 
were prized for their reputed fidelity. See Herodotus, viii. 105. 
Cf Heliodor. JEthiop. viii. 17. Hence they were employed as 
treasurers; Plutarch, Demetr. 25 : ETneiKÜg yap elwdecrav evvov- 
Xovq ex eLV ya^o(f>v\aKas. In Lucian, Imag. 2, we have a irXrjdog 
evvovxui', and the porter in the house of Callias is an eunuch. 
Plato, Protag. p. 314. There is no ground for the supposition 
that they were kept to guard the women. 

The artisan- slaves were naturally more independent than 
those employed in domestic services. The latter were provided 
by their master with clothes, food, and even wine. See Aristoph. 
Vespa>, 442. This was not the case with the artisans, except 
when they were working on their lord's account : when they only 
paid him a fixed sum per diem, they found themselves in every- 
thing. The master, nevertheless, had to make good all damage 
that his slaves might do to others, as was enjoined by a law of 
Solon. Lysias, in Theomn. p. 362 : oiKijog Kai dovXrjg rrjv ßXa- 
ßrjv ocpEiXeiv. Cf. Demosth. in Nicostr. p. 1253 : Meier and 
Schümann, Att. Proc. pp. 477, 573. Upon the whole the posi- 
tion of the Greek slave, in reference to his master, was far pre- 
ferable to that of the Roman, and this is principally to be 
attributed to the character of the Athenian, -which led him to 
establish a confidential relation between himself and his domestic. 
Hence the mute obedience of the Roman, and the familiar gar- 
rulity of the Greek slave. See the amusing anecdote related by 
Plutarch, de Garrul. 18. P. Piso had ordered his slaves never 
to speak about anything unless when asked. On one occasion 
he had invited Clodius to a banquet. The guests arrived, all but 
Clodius. Piso repeatedly sent the slave who had carried the 



366 



THE SLAVES. 



[Excursus. 



invitation to look if he were coming. At last he asked him 
whether he was sure he had invited Clodius. ' Quite sure,' 
replied the slave. ' Why doesn't he come then ? ' inquired Piso. 
' Because he declined the invitation,' answered the slave. ' And 
why didn't you tell me that before ? ' ' Because you never asked 
me,' was the slave's reply. Plutarch adds : Ovrwg jxev 'Pwfia'kog 
uifcerrjg' 6 'Attlkoc epei reo ZeaKorrj (tkcl-ktuV) e<f>' olc yeyo- 
vaotv at cJtaAutrfic, ovTwg /xiya npog izavra 6 eßio-fxog sort. Cf. 
Aristot. de Republ. v. 11, p. 1313 ; Xenoph. de Republ. Ath. 1, 
12. Euripides, Phoen. 390, asserts that the greatest hardship of 
a slave's fate was being denied the -rrapp^ata : 

10. tl (pvydaiv to Swrxfpe's i 

ITO. %v fiev /j.4yi(TTov, ovk ex et ^^p^aiav. 

IO. hovXov to§' eiiras, /xr) Aeyeiv, a Tis (ppov€?. 

This is however of but limited application, and as far as Athens 
is concerned, is contradicted by Demosthenes, Phil. iii. p. Ill : 
vfxelg Ti]v itappnalav cVt fiiv tCjv äXXwv ovrio koivy)v oiecrde delv 
elvai tzcmtl TO~ig ev tt) 7rd\£t, ojctte Kai toIq £eVot£ Kai rolg dovXoig 
avrrjg [jLEra^EdcjicaTE. Kai woXXovg av rig oiKErag t^ot Trap' v/j.~iv 
j-iETCi TcXEtovog EL,ovcrlag, on ßovXovrai, Xiyovrag Tj iroXiTag Iv 
ivLaig Th)v äXXuv woXeiov. Of course the position of a slave 
depended a good deal on the character of his master, and on the 
extent to which the slave was an accessory to dubious trans- 
actions. See Lucian, Asin. 5 : AovXoi yap ra t)£<T7rorwv iiri- 
oravrat feat jcaXa Ka\ atrr^pa. Plato requires a master always to 
preserve a grave deportment in the intercourse with his slaves. 
Leg. vi. p. 777. 

But if these people were allowed more liberty at Athens, this 
did not proceed from the recognition of their natural rights ; and 
even the laws for their protection are due to other motives than 
the love of justice. Xenophon, de Republ. Athen, i. 10, says that 
it was forbidden to strike a slave at Athens, for fear of hitting 
a free-man by mistake, as these, in dress and appearance, were 
not superior to the slaves and the metceci ; but this regulation 
applied only to strange slaves, and not to one's own. It appears 
to have been allowable to institute a ypa(f>r) vßpEiog for injury 
done to a slave. See iEschin. in Timarch. p. 41 : "Av rig 'Adrj- 
v'aitov eXevQepov 7rat()a vßptar], ypa^Eo-du) 6 Kvpiog tov 7ratt)o£ npog 
rovg dEafJ-oOirae, k.t.X. Evoypi Ie taTioaav toTigZe Talg aiTiaig /cat 



Scene VII.] 



THE SLAVES. 



367 



ol Eig ru oiKETiKct ffwfxaTa e^afiapravovreg. Also Demosth. in Mid. 
p. 529 : 'Eav rig vßpicrrj E'ig ru a, ?} 7rat£a, Tj yvva~iKa, i) avdpa, twv 
kXEvQipwv i) twv SovXwv, rj -Kapävo\xöv tl 7roir]a-rj elg tovtwv tivü, 
ypatyeadu) irpog Tovg decrjjioderag 6 ßovXöfXEvog 'Adrjvaiwv, olg e^egtiv 
k. t. X. The idea entertained by Meier and Schümann, Att. Proc. 
p. 321, that a ckr) alulae, could be instituted, but not a ypatyrj 
vßpEiog, and that both the orators referred to one and the same 
law, seems erroneous. In Demosthenes, in Nicostr. p. 1251, a 
free-born lad, Tzaiddpiov aoror, is sent into a garden to demolish 
a rose-bed, and this seems to militate against the assumption that 
a ypa(j)}) vßpEwg might be brought for an assault upon a slave ; 
for the complainant adds : iv eiirep KaTaXaßwv avTov eyw irpog 
6pyi)v li]aaLfXL >} 7rarai;at^{t, wg dovXov bvTa ypa(f){]v ue ypd\paivTo 
vßpeojg. But if we investigate the matter more narrowly, it will 
appear that the inference is inadmissible ; because it is not a 
question of vßpig at all, since the criteria are wanting, viz. the 
apyEcrQai ^Eipwv a^awi', and the Trpoir-qXaKia^xog, See Aristot. 
Rhet. ii. 24, p. 1402. There is no doubt that if a slave had been 
dispatched to devastate the garden, and the owner had chastised 
him, an action of vßpig could not possibly have been supported : 
there would have been a better pretext for one on account of 
maltreating the free-born lad, though this would have had small 
shadow of justice. 

Neither does it seem probable that Xenophon, or whoever was 
the author of the treatise de Republica Athenensium, alleged the 
above-mentioned reason for the law against striking slaves, merely 
out of hostility to the Athenian democracy. See jEschin. in 
Timarch. p. 42 : ov yap virep twv oiketwv iinrovdaKEV 6 vo/jofleY^e, 
aXXa ßovXojxEvog ijfxag iQLaai ttoXv cltte^elv Trjg twv iXEvdipwu 
vßpewg, TrpoGEypa^E, Elg Tovg dovXovg vßpt^eiv. Cf. Plato, 

Leg. vi. p. 777. With regard to the difference between the 
punishments imposed on the slave and the free-man, the leading 
distinction appears to be that in every instance a corporal penalty 
is inflicted on the former, while in the case of the latter this is 
only the last resource. Demosth. in Timocr. p. 752 : rat firiv el 
BeXoite o-KEipaadat Trap vfjüv avTolg, w avdpeg ck/caorcu, t'l ZovXov i) 
eXevOepov Eivai SiatyipEi, tovto fxiyirrrov av EvpoiTe, oti TO~ig fXEv 
covXoig to awfxa twv äoiKr}fxu.Twv cnrdvrwv vKEvdvvov eort, To'tg 
c)' tXEvdEpoig vcrTaTov tovto 7rpo(T7]KEi KoXa^Eiv. Hence the differ- 



368 



THE SLAVES. 



[Excursus. 



ence in the kinds of evidence required in a court of justice in 
behalf of the one or the other. Antipho, de Choreut. p. 778 : 
Kai k^etrj per rovg eXevdepovg opKoig /ecu tt'kjteglv avayKafciv, a 
rolg eXevdepoic ^xiyiara Kai mpl ttXe'mttov egtiv. e^eit) rovg 
fiovXovg EvipcLig ärayicaig, v(f w)', /ecu y\v fieWuxriP cnrodavElvdai 
KaTEiTrovrEg, ofxwg ävayKa^ovrai raXrjdr] XiyEW. One of the most 
degrading features of the slave's position was that when maltreated 
he was not allowed to defend himself. Plato, Gorg. p. 483 : ovce 
yap ctvdpog tovto y iari to irddrjfxa^ to ctdiKElcrdai, äXXa di'Spa- 

TTÖSoV Tll'OC, U) KpE~LT70V 7£0m'j'CU ECTtiv 7/ £tjv, OtTTig CL^tKOV UEVOg KO.L 

TrpoTrtfKaKi^öjXEvog ju>) owg te egtlv avrbg avr<p ßorjdslu, /j.rjcE a\X(o, 
ov av Krfdrjrai. If the injury were done by a stranger, the master 
might take the matter up, and lodge a complaint, since the slave 
himself could not sue, or be sued ; but the only defence he had 
against his owner's cruelty was by taking refuge in the Theseion, 
or at some other altar, whereupon the master might be forced to 
sell him. See Petit, Leg. Att. p. 258 ; Meier and Schümann, 
Att. Proc. pp. 403, 557. Public slaves, who had no master to 
bring an action of ahta, appear to have sought protection in a 
similar manner. See iEschin. in Timarch. p. 83 : r// ce vff-Epaia. 
virepayavaKrijaag rw Trpäyfxari 6 HirraXaKog kp-^Erai yvfivdg Eig 
rt)y dyopav /ecu Kadt^Ei Eiri tov ßco/ioy top rfjg fxrjrpog raiv Se&v. 

The custom of scattering sweet-meats, mra^uo-juara, about 
the house on the entrance of a newly-purchased slave, seems, at 
first sight, to contrast strangely with this ill-treatment of his 
person. Demosth. in Steph. i. p. 1123 : Kai r) ra KaTa^yafxara 
avrov KarE^EE rod\ fjvka iwvrjdr), ravrn gvvoikeiv. Aristoph. 
Plut. 768 : 

(pepe vvv love eftr« Koixiaca Karaxvar/xara 
ojcnrep veavr]Toi(Tiv 6(f>6aXfxo7s iyw. 

But this was done, not on the slave's account, but for the sake of 
a good omen, as the Scholiast tells us. Cf. Poll. iii. 77 ; also 
Harpocration and Suidas, s. v. Karaxvo-fiara. There was also a 
custom of beating and driving a slave out of doors, on a certain 
day in the year, as a personification of want and worthlessness. 
Plutarch, Symp. vi. p. 851 : /ea\e7rcu BovXijuov Et,EXa(jig' Kai rG>i> 
oiketöjv eva rvizTOVTEg äyviaig paßdoig diä dvpu>v EfeXavvovcriy 
E7TiXEyovT£g,"lL'£io ßovXt/iov, e(t(o 5e 7r\ovrov Kai vyiEiav. 

The method of using slaves as witnesses is quite in accordance 



Scene VIL] 



THE SLAVES. 



369 



with the rest of the treatment they experienced. Their simple 
testimony passed for nothing, unless extorted by the rack, except 
perhaps when they came forward as jj.r)vvrai, in cases of heavy 
crimes, such as murder ; see Plato, Leg. xi. p. 937 ; Antipho, de 
Ccede Vol. p. 633. Thus Demosthenes in Onet. i. p. 874, says : 
covXojv de ßaaav Lcrdevrwv ovDeveg ttojitot t^Xey^drjaa )', (i)Q OVK 
aXndf] to. Ik rfjg ßaaavov thror. Also Isseus, de Ciron. Her. 
p. 202 : Kai b-nrorav DovXol Kal eXevdepoi TcapayevuvTaL Kal c)er] 
evprjdfjval ri ru>v ^rj-ov/J-evior, ov ^pfjade ra~ig rtov eXevdepoJv fxap- 
rvptaic, äXXä rovg dovXovg ßacravi^ovreg ovtio ^teIts tvpeiv tyjv 
aXi]Beiav t&v yey£vr}jj.ei'o)v. This was called ek tov aojfiarog, or 
iv rw depfxaTi tov eXeyypv didovai. Demosth. adv. Timoth. 
p. 1200. The possibility of obtaining evidence of this kind tended 
to depreciate the judicial value of the voluntary testimony of free- 
men. Thus Lycurgus, in Leocr. p. 160, says: ßaaavi^eiv Kal 
roig epyoig jjlciXXov r) roig Xoyoig 7riarev£iv. The orators of course 
decry or extol such evidence, just as it suits their purpose. Thus 
Antipho, de Choreut. p. 778, declares it worthy of confidence, 
and again de Ccede Herod, p. 720, rejects it as unsafe. 

The punishments inflicted on slaves were almost invariably 
corporal. No mention occurs of any that were merely ignomi- 
nious, as the Eoman furca. See Gallus, p. 223. Beating with 
rods, thongs, or whips, was very common. As negroes have been 
flogged till a pipe could be leisurely smoked out, so, if not in 
Greece, at least in Etruria, a somewhat similar barbarity seems 
to ha^e been practised. Plutarch, de Cohib. Ira, 11 : ^Apiarore- 
Xrjg i(TTopei Kar avrov tv Tvpprjvia fxacrriyovaBat roiig oiKtrag 
Trpbg avXov. 

Fetters, ir&ai, were often fastened on the feet, not only by 
way of punishment, but also to prevent the escape of the slaves, 
especially of those who worked in the fields or mines. Athen, vi. 
p. 272 : Ka\ al TroXXal %e avrai 'ArriKal jxvpiaDeg tu>v oheraiv 
htlefxivaL elpya^ovro ra ^xiraXXa. The 7rodoKaKr] or 7rodoKaKKr) 
was a cumbrous fetter employed as a punishment for offenders. 
See Lysias, in Theomn. p. 356; Demosth. in Timocr. p. 733. 
Cf. Suidas, s. v. Identical with, or similar to this, was the ^olvd,. 
Aristophanes puns on its double sense of a measure and a fetter. 
Vesp. 440 : 

ovs iyw 'ö/5a£a nXdtiv Terrap es rr]v xotviKa. 
B B 



370 



THE SLAVES. 



[Excursus. 



Something of the same kind was the atyaXoc. Poll. viii. 72. The 
IvXov was an elaborate apparatus, in which the culprit was fixed, 
with his neck, hands, and feet, in five different holes. Aristoph. 
Equites, 1049 : 

Srjcrai <r' 4k e'Aeue irevTecrvpiyya) £vAw. 

See Scholiast on the passage. Suidas is wrong in taking this to 
be synonymous with the nodoKaKr}. The icXoioc, again, was some- 
thing of the same kind, but only fastened the neck and the hands. 
Xenoph. Hist. Gr. iii. 3, 11 : ek tovtov jjlevtol ijdr] ^ede/xevog rat 
rw X £ ^P e Kcti T0V Tp a \ r ]Xov kv /cAotw, fxaariyov/jiEvog rat kevtov- 

fJLEVOg ailTOQ T£ KCLl OL fi£T CLVTOV KCITO. TTjV TToXlV TTEpiTiyOVTO. 

See also Lucian, Toxar. 29 : rat irov^piog £l\zv, olov elkoq ^afxal 
raöeuoWra rat rrjg vuktoq ovdk ttooteIveiv roc ctkeXt) dwdjuEvov kv 
rid IvXo) KCLTaKEtcXEMTfih a.' rrjg fikv yap i]/j.£pag 6 icXoiog ijpiCEi rat 
f] eripa yßip 7T£7r€^?7/xeVj7, Eig Ik rr)v vvicra eSel oXov rarac^f^e- 
(T0at. From this passage it appears that this instrument did not 
necessarily fasten the hands, and would then be merely a collar 
for the neck, the same as is elsewhere called TTEpilipaiov. Lucian, 
Lexipli. 10. According to the Scholiast on Aristoph. Pint. 476, 
Kvfiov is identical with icXoiog. These punishments were also 
judicially imposed on freemen in the case of certain crimes ; but 
they were the usual correctives applied to slaves. The Tv/jirara, 
however, (Aristoph. Plut. 476 ; Lysias, in Agar. p. 480,) the 
(rTpißXat, and the rpoxog, (Antiph. de Venef. p. 615,) are the 
instruments of the ^/jLiog or Srj/jiotcoivog only. 

Branding was a very common punishment, especially for run- 
ning away, theft, and similar offences. Thus Aristoph. Aves, 759 : 
dpa-n-Errjg Effriy/xivog. A mark of some kind was branded on the 
forehead, and many strove to conceal it under the hair. Diphilos, 
apud Athen, vi. p. 225 : 

k6ixt]V rpecpwv fiev irpwrou Upav tov Qeov, 
ws <pT}(Tiv. ov 8ia tovt6 y', ctAA' io~Tiy/j.4vos 
irph tov fieTtanov irapaTviTao-jA avT7)V e^et. 

Captives taken in war were sometimes thus dealt with in cases of 
peculiar animosity. See Plutarch, Pericl. 26 : Ol ^k Sayutot rovg 
al-)Qxaku)TOvg twv 'Adrjvaiiov ävdvßpi^ovTEg egtl^ov elg to {xetoj- 
ttov yXaürae' rat yap kiCEtvovg ol 'Aö^ratot oafxaivav. 

The penalty of death could only be inflicted with the sanction 
of the law, and not merely at the will of the master, as among the 
Romans. Antipho, de Ccede Herod, p. 727 : nanoi ovSk ol rcvg 



sce>-e vn.] 



THE SLATES. 



371 



CEG-örag cnroK-dvavrEQ) kav £7r' avro(f>wpa) Xrjcpdojmv, ouc)' ovtol 
dvi]aKOV(TLV vtt' av-üv twv TrpoarjKOVTUjy, äXXä Trapahihoaoiv avrovg 
Ti] ap-^ij Kara. v6p.ovg vperipovg irarpiovg. See also Eurip. Hecub. 
289: 

vöjJLOS 8' iv v/mu roh t iXevdepois tco? 
nal roiai SovXols aL^aros /cetYcu irepi. 

It is difficult to determine to what extent the character of the 
slaves themselves might render necessary such harsh treatment ; 
for it is from the accounts given by their masters that we gather 
all our information on the subject. It would be absurd to deny 
that among the multitudes of slaves in Greece there were not a 
great number of intelligent and worthy, nay, even noble-minded 
persons. Thus Plato, Leg. vi. p. 776, says : ttoXXol yap ahX(pü>v 
rjcrj covXol vat v'leojv rial Kpelrrovg Trpog äperr)v izäuav yevöfxevoi 
aecrojKacn leairörac Kai KTi]fxara rag te oiK)]<JEig avrüjv ÖXag. 
Aristotle, too, despite his theory, is obliged to confess that nature 
sometimes errs, and accords to slaves the qualities of freemen : 
De Eepubl. i. 5. That the affecting instance of Tyndarus in The 
Captives of Plautus was founded on fact, we cannot doubt. On 
the other hand, it is no doubt true that there were many who, 
by the degradation of their nature, their want of fidelity to their 
masters, and their vices of all kinds, might seem to deserve their 
lot. See Plato, Phced. p. 69. 

But the real blame lay often with the master, and the badness 
of the slave was an index of the character of his owner, and of his 
domestic arrangements. Plato, Leg. vi. p. 777 : TaOra &) diaXa- 
povreg EKaoroi rolg ctavoZ/yUaeru', ol /jlev ttigtevovgL te ovCev yivEi 
oIketCjV) Kara ce dnpiwi' (pvcriv KEvrpoig Kai fiacm^LV ov -pig fuovov 
aXXä —oXXaKig cnrEpya£ov-ai covXag rag \pv%ag rwi' oiketCov ' ol 
av ravav-ia cpwat tovtojv iravra. Cf. Xenophon. QLcon. 3, 4. 
The ordinary sentiments of the slave are nowhere better portrayed 
than in the dialogue between iEacos and Xanthias, in Aristoph. 
Bancs, 745 : 

A. fxdXa i-rroTTTeveiv 8ok<£, 

orav KaTapdaw/xaL Xddpa rw SeairoTT]. 
E. ri 5e rovQopvfav, r\v'iK av -nX^yas Xaßkv 

TToXXas avirfs 6vpa£e ; A. Kal rod' 7j5o,uai. 
H. ri 5e -noXXa irpdrruv ; A. ws, /j.a Ai, ovSeu old' lydi. 
5. ' Ofxoyvie Zet) ■ Kal irapaKovuu decriroTaiv 

Stt' av XaXwoi ; A. Kal /xaXa irXe7u 3) /xalvo/jLai. 
H. Ti 5e roh dvpa(<z raura KaraXaXuv • A. iyw ; 

/j.d Ai\ aAA 1 brav Spw tovto. KaK/xialvo/xai. 

B B 2 



372 



THE SLAVES. 



[Excursus. 



Cf. Plutarch, Non Posse Su-w. 8. It was from this coarse and 
grovelling way of thinking usual among slaves, that every ignoble 
desire was called fjdovi] avdpa7ro^o)drjg. Plato, Epist. vii. p. 335 ; 
Aristot. Eth. Nie. iii. 10, 11 ; Plutarch, Amat. 4. They seem to 
have been considered incapable of noble feelings, and their chief 
praise was to commit no crime. Philostr. Vit. Apoll. Tyan. iii. 25 : 
ziraivov iroiovvrai r&v civdpcnroSiov to fii) kXetttelv avra. 

Eunaway slaves were not uncommon, even when there was no 
war to encourage their desertion. See Plato, Protag. p. 310; 
Xenoph. Memor. ii. 10, 1. On this account, when out of doors, 
the slave preceded his master, instead of going behind. Theophr. 
Char. 18 : teal tov 7rat£)a li aKoXovQovvTa keXevelv avrov oirurdev 
jjt) ßadi^eiv, äXX e/j.7rpoardev, 'Iva (pvXdrrrjraL clvtu, f.U] kv rrj 6()u> 
a.7ro()pa(jrj. Slave-rebellions actually took place once and again, 
(Athen, vi. p. 272 ; Plato, Leg. vi. p. 777,) and that such out- 
breaks were constant causes of apprehension, we see from Plato, 
de Republ. ix. p. 578. 

Slaves were sometimes manumitted by the state as a reward 
for certain services, such as informing against criminals, or good 
conduct in war ; but the master was always indemnified. Plato, 
Leg. xi. p. 914. At other times they obtained their freedom by 
paying their owner the sum which he had given for them. See 
Petit, Leg. Att. p. 259 ; Meier and Schümann, Att. Proc. pp. 405, 
559. Nevertheless these freed-men, cnreXevdepoi, always re- 
mained in a sort of dependence on the master, and the neglect of 
their duties gave rise to the Slier) enrovraatov. This explains the 
law proposed by the orator Lycurgus, Plutarch, Lee. Orot. Vit. 
iv. p. 377 : jJLY)dev\ e^eivai 'AdrjvaLiov, fjLrjde tuiv olkovvtwv 'A0^- 
vrjfTiv, eXevdepor (Ttofxa Trptaadai ett\ dovXeia ek tGjv aXMTKOfievuyv 
avev Trjg tov irpoTtpov herriroTOv yvwjurjg. These cnrtXevQepoL always 
remained lovXoi, if not okerai also. See Athen, vi. p. 267 : 
AuMpepeii' de (J)T](tl Xpvannrog dovXov oiketov . . . £)ia to tovq cltt- 
eXevdepovg fiEV ZovXovg etl elvai, oiKETag c)e tovq fxi] Trjg KTrjaewg 
cKpetfjLEvovg. They certainly often continued wholly in the service 
of their former master, (Isasus, de Philoctem. Her. p. 134,) and 
were then perhaps in a better position than if they had tried to 
support themselves independently. So a fragment of Philemon 
(Mein. p. 418) : 

$1 Qrjv raireivtoS /cat kclkws eXevdepov. 



Scene VII.] 



THE SLAVES. 



373 



Still their feelings toward the irpoararrig were very frequently 
not of the most friendly kind. Demosth. in Timocr. p. 739 : 
■Kovrjpiöv Kai a\api<TTiav olnerwv rponovg e^ovreg. Kai yap E/ceii'&Xr, 
<5 a. c)., oaoi av iXevdepoi yiv(i)vrac ov rijg sXevdeptag yaptv eyovcri 
Tolg cecnroraig, aXXa fAiarovcri juaXtora avQpioiriov onravTiov, on 
avv'ioaaiv avrolg fiovXevffaaiv. 

In conclusion, it may he remarked that, besides the slaves, 
there were many of the poorer classes, especially among the £eVoi 
or /neroiKoi, who performed the same services for hire, juktOiotoi. 
Plato, de Republ. ii. p. 371 : ol h) ir^Xovvreg r//r rfjc lay(yog 
■\pelav, ri]v Tifxr)v ravTrjv jitadov KaXovvreg, KeKXrjvrai, ojg eycöfxai, 
/j-iadwroL Id. Polit. p. 290 : ovg ye dpuffxev fxiaOwrovg Kai dijrag 
■xaaiv eroljxovg vTcr^perovvrag. Cf. Aristot. de Republ. i. 11. Such 
people were hired, not only as artisans and farm- servants, but 
also as domestics. Thus Plato, Lys. p. 208 : eort rig fjpwxog, 
irapa rov irarpog fxiadbv (jjepwv. The women who engaged them- 
selves as nurses have been mentioned already, and the out-door 
attendants were also hired sometimes. Theophr. Char. 22 : 
fjuadovadai elg rag e&Sovg waidiov ctKoXovdrjaov. Occasionally the 
services of a poor relation were made use of in this capacity. 
Isceus, de Dicceog. Her. p. 94. Lastly, there were messengers, 
like our ticket-porters, waiting about the market-place at Athens, 
who were ready to run errands or do jobs at a moment's notice. 
Poll. vii. 132 : Ivo yap ovtcjv tu>v koXujvwv, 6 fxsv i7nreiog tKaXtiro 
, . . 6 o 7\'v kv ctyopa irapa to JLvpyaaKeiov, ov avvrjeaav ol fjitadap- 
vovv-tg. Cf. Suidas and Harpocration, s.v. KoXiovirrjg. 



EXCUKSUS TO SCENE VIII. 



THE DOCTOES. 

AN account of the medical practice of the Greeks, or an esti- 
mate of the scientific acquirements of their physicians, would 
require a knowledge of medicine itself, as well as a deep study 
of the medical literature of the ancients. But such an attempt 
would be foreign to the object of this work, which professes only 
to describe the details of daily life. Yet it will not be uninstruc- 
tive to cast our e} r es for awhile from cheerful scenes to the sick 
chamber and the bed of suffering, and to learn the means of 
succour resorted to on such trying occasions. We shall describe 
the doctor's person and ordinary appearance ; we shall investigate 
his position in society, the repute in which his art was held, his 
behaviour towards the sick, the amount of his fee, and we shall 
see how he at onetime paid visits, at another received his patients 
at home. These particulars will be collected not so much from 
the medical writings of antiquity, as from the incidental notices 
which are found elsewhere. 

In the first place we may remark that the science of healing 
and its professors were regarded in a much higher point of view 
in Greece than at Korne. See Gallus, p. 207. The arts of heal- 
ing and divination were, in the very earliest times, considered as 
most intimately connected with each other ; and this notion pre- 
vailed in a later age. See Eustath. ad II. i. 63 : Koirt] tvojc Ian re^vi] 
larpLKi) Kal pi-mi Since, moreover, the science was regarded as 
of divine origin, and since the doctors continued, in a certain sense, 
to be accounted the successors of Asclepios, this belief naturally 
increased the respect for the profession. Inherited from the son 
of Apollo by the Asclepiadse, by them transmitted to their suc- 
cessors, the art was ever accounted divine ; and, greatly as the 
iarpitcy) rex^V °f later times differed from the simple treatment 
pursued of yore, the doctors always looked on Asclepios as their 
irpoyovoc, and themselves as his tKyovoi. Plato, Symp. p. 186 : 
■Kavra to. TOtavra tovtoiq (rote ivavrwig) fVioTT/Oetc epwra ifi- 
7roir}irai Kai bjiovoiav 6 ijfiETEpog irpoyovoQ 'A(tk\t]-i6c } ujc (paaiv 



Scene VIII. ] 



THE DOCTORS. 



375 



o'lde ol 7roir}Tcti Kai lyu) Treido/j,ai, (rvvioTY\GE r-qv yjpsTepav rkyv7\v. 
Cf. Id. de Republ. iii. p. 406. 

Many however looked on the art and its professors with great 
contempt. Thus of Pausanias, the Lacedaemonian, we read in 
Plutarch, Apophth. Lac. i. p. 921 : Kpariarov £e eXeye tovtov 
larpov elvai rbv jut) Karao^-rrovTa rovg appuxTTOvvrag, äXXa ra^- 
icrra da-rrrovra. Again, Aristophanes, JSfubes, 332, designates 
them e s swindlers ; and in Plutus, 407, we read : 

Tis Stjt' larpos £(TTi vvv £i> rrj Tr6\ei ; 
ovrf. yap o /xiaOhs ovdev ecrr 5 , ovd 1 7] rex vr l- 

Athenaaus, also, calls them charlatans and pedants ; ix. p. 377 : 
Mtyac 5' earl <ro(f)L(TTriQ Kal ov^ev ijmov tojv larpwv elg aXa^ovelav 
/cat b irapa lidXTLwarpa) fiayeipog. Cf. xv. p. 666. The caricature 
too in Plautus, Mencech. v. 3—5, is perhaps from a Grecian original. 
Yet it would be unfair to infer from these passages that the pro- 
fession generally was looked down upon in Greece. Incompetent 
doctors there were, no doubt, as now ; but there were others 
possessed of great experience and skill. See Antipho, Tetral. iii. 
p. 689 : vvv ce ttoWcüq fyiipaig varepov TC0vt\p<3 larpw E7nrpe(pdelg 
cita rr)v tov larpov /jo^drjpiav, Kal oh diet Tag 7rXi]yag cnteQave. 
7rpo\ey6vT(t)v yap avro) rwv aXXwv larpwv, el ravrrjv rr)v dEpaneiav 
BeparrEvcroiro, on lacnfiog ojv (lia(p6api]croiro, c*i v/uäg rovg avfißov- 
Xovg dia(pdape)g ijiol avoortov tyKXrjfxa TrpocrißaXev* 

At Home it was usual to have a house-physician in the 
number of the slaves, those who healed for money being looked 
on with distrust. The elder Cato contented himself with a recipe- 
book, commentarius, which probably contained all sorts of pre- 
scriptions for particular cases. See Gallus, p. 208. In Greece, 
also, there were numerous works on medical subjects, as we see 
from Xenophon, Memor. iv. 2, 10 : noXXa yap Kal larpwv ea-ri 
avyy pa. fxfxara. Yet these general treatises were not held suffi- 
cient for the individual cases that might occur, and this larpev- 
£(xßaL Kara ypapijiara was considered useless. A doctor was 
therefore consulted on every occasion. See Euripides, apud Stob. 
Tit. C. 3, p. 308 : 

Upbs TTjv vocrov rot Kal rbv larpbv xpeuv 
I56vr axeladai, /xr] ^iriraKra cpdp/xaKa 
8t8(W, eav fj}] ravra ry vöaep Trpeirr]. 

Cf. Aristot. de Republ. iii. 16, p. 1287 : on to Kara ypajjifxara 



376 



THE DOCTORS. 



[EXCTTKSTJS. 



larpevecrdai <f>avXov, ciXXä Kal alperwrepov xpfjardaL tolq e^ovtri 
rag Tiyvag. He adds, however, that when the doctor was sus- 
pected of having been tampered with, the ypajxjxaTa would be 
then consulted. Cf. Plato, Polit. p. 298 : ov pev yap k6eXi]criocTiv 
ypiov tovtiov eKarepoi aio^etv, bfxoiiog Bi] aw^ovaiv ' ov <T av Aw- 
ßäadai ßovXrjda>at : Xwßiovrai rkfivovreg Kal Kaiovreg . . . Kai Kai 
TeXevriovTeg ?/ irapa ^vyyevwv i) rcapa tivojv k^Bpiöv rov KZfxvovTog 
XptifJ-cira fxiadov XapißdvovTeg cmoKTivvvaaiv. The doctor, if he 
wished to play false, had the law in his favour, as it naturally 
acquitted him of all responsibility in case anything happened 
to his patient. See Antipho. Tetral. iii. p. 694 : et JT in Kal vtto 
toxi larpov cnredavev, wg ovk drredavevj 6 jxkv larpbg ov (povevg 
avrov kcrriv, 6 yap vopiog drvoXvei avrov. Also Philemon, apud 
Stob. Tit. CIL 6, p. 333 : 

fx6vw 8' IcLTpw tovto Kal avvrjyopcp 

Qwtlv, airoKTeiveiV [xkv, h.-KoQvr\(7Ksiv Se fxr], 

Plin. Nat. Hist. xxix. 1, 6 : 1 Medico tantum hominem occidisse 
impunitas summa est.' Cf. Plato, Leg. ix. p. 865. Still, in cer- 
tain cases, they seem to have been legally accountable for their 
treatment. See Aristot. de Republ. iii. 10, p. 1281 : Scnrep ovv 
larpov ()e~i Zilövai rag evdvvag kv larpolg, ovrio Kai rovg äXXovg 
kv TO~ig bfxo'ioig. 

It also appears that a permission from the state to practise 
was always required, and even though no public examination took 
place, yet every one desirous of being allowed to practise, had to 
show that he had been the pupil of a medical man. See Xenoph. 
Memor. iv. 2, 5: 'Apfxocreig cY av ovtoj Trpooifxid^eadai Kal rolg 
ßovXofxei'Oig 7rapa rfjg 7r6Xewg larpiKOV epyov Xaße~iv. kiririiDeiov 
yap avtolg eirj toxi Xoyov äp^eadai kvrevdev' 1 Hap' ovdevbg fxkv 
7rio7rore, io avcpeg 'Adrjvdioi, T))v larpiKijv reyv^v e/j.adov, ov£)' e£//- 
rr\aa SiociaKaXov kfiaiira) yeveadai rwv larpiov ovdeva ' diareriXeKa 
yap (pvXarrofievog ov jiovov to jxadelv ti 7rajoa rwv larpuv, a.XXa 
Kai to do$ai fXEf.iadr]Kevai rrjv reyi'V v ravrrjv. 0/j.ojc ce fioi to 
larpiKOV epyov b^ore' 7reipa.croi.iai yap kv vpiv diroKivDweviov fxavdd- 
veiv? That this larpiKov epyov refers in this instance to a public 
salaried appointment does not seem probable, though the fact 
cannot be disputed that there were medical men regularly re- 
tained in the pay of the state. Thus in Aristoph. Acharn. 1029, 



Sce^e VIIL] 



THE DOCTORS. 



377 



DicEeopolis says to the countryman, who begs him for some 
ointment for his eyes : 

a\\\ £> Tv6ur]p\ ov SrjfjLoarievuu rvyxavca. 

At the same time he directs him 7rpog tovq UlttciXou. The Scho- 
liast says : dripoaia yeiporovov^iEvoi larpol Ka! ^rj/noaioi 7rpo~iKa 
eQepäivevov. Cf. Plato, Gorg. p. 455 : otclv irepi iarpwv aipeaecog 
7) rij ttoXsl ZvXXoyog. But Plato also distinctly mentions the two 
classes ; those in the pay of the state, and those not. Polit. p. 
259 : £i ~(p rig rihv cr)f.iO(7Lev6)'TO)V larpwv Uavog avfxßovXeveLv, 
loiuTEvojv avroQ. So Strabo, iv. 1, 291, speaking of the intro- 
duction of Greek customs into Gaul, says : ao^iarag yovv viroce- 
yovTCLi rovg fxei> tc7a, roue £e at 7r6Xeig koivtJ juLLadovfxevai, Kadäirep 
Kai larpovg. Democedes, also, had practised for a year in iEgina, 
on his own account, before he was taken into the public pay. 
Herodot. iii. 131. The salary was sometimes, as in this instance, 
very considerable. Democedes at first received from the iEgi- 
netans a talent per annum. Next year the Athenians sent for 
him, and paid him one hundred minse, and at last Poly crates of 
Samos secured his services at a salary of two talents. See Bockh, 
Public Econ. of Athens, p. 120. 

In addition to this salary, the patient paid a fee, as w r e see 
from Aristotle, ib. : apvvvTai tov fiiaBbv rovg Kafivovrag vyiaaav- 
rec. We certainly cannot draw the inference from this passage 
that the fee was conditional upon recovery. Besides the general 
expression yiadog, there w r ere other more honourable terms for 
the fee, as, for instance, atoarpa and larpeia. Poll. iv. 186 : 
idiiog cie iarpip fjev auxrvpa, crwriipia Kai larpeia. Sometimes the 
doctor demanded his fee in advance, before he attempted the cure. 
Thus Aspasia, wife of Cyrus the Younger, when a girl, had a 
tumour on her face: AetKPv&i yovv avTr/y 6 7rarrjp larpu>. 6 ce 
vizeayero läaaadai ei Xtißoi rpeig a-Tarrjpag. 6 de ecparo fit) e\eLV. 
6 £f larpog pufie avrbg evirope'iv <papf.ia.Kov. jElian, Var. Hist. 
xii. 1. See also Achill. Tat. iv. 15. Occasionally, the reason 
for this procedure was, because the doctor had to provide the 
remedies at his own expense, as we see from the passage in iElian; 
and this is confirmed by Plato, Polit. p. 298. 

The physicians were under the necessity of dispensing their own 
drugs, as there were no apothecaries' shops where the prescrip- 
tions could be made up. The booths of the (papfxaKonwXai were 



378 



THE DOCTORS. 



[ExcTJKStrs. 



of an entirely different nature. These people were nothing better 
than quacks and mountebanks, who, among other things, vended 
specifics, compounded by themselves without the aid of a quali- 
fied doctor, and which were adapted merely for common disorders. 
They also cried their nostrums about the streets. Lucian, pro 
Merc. Cond. 7 : to cT 6\ov ktcuvu rw tyapfxaKOTrwkr) eoiKag, og 
a.7T0icripvTT(t)v ßr)\og cpapjiaKOV, Kai avriKa ttcivgeiv TOvg iraffyovrag 

VTTUTyVOVflEVOQy CLVTOQ jJLETCllv (TTThJjXEVOQ VTTO ßr)\6g itydLvtTO. See 

Plutarch, de Prof, in Virt. 8. They probably carried serpents 
about with them, to aid their mysterious feats of jugglery; at 
least this would appear to be the meaning of the fragment of 
Aristophanes, preserved by Pollux, x. 180 : 

KaL tovs jUev 6(peis, ovs innre/HTTeis 
4v kI^tti ttov KaTa<T7)/j.r}pai, 
Kai iravaai (papfxaKowuXuv. 

Among other wares they dealt in burning-glasses, as we see from 
Aristoph. Nub. 766 : 

2T. ^577 irapa. rolcri (papixaKoiruXais tV XiQov 
ravTrjy ewpas, t^v /coA-V» tt]v ZicHpavi), 
a.<p' fis rb irvp aiTTOvat ; 2H. tV vaXov Xeyeis ; 

Indeed the word (päp^aKov has so many significations, that it is 
not clear whether the (papfxciKorplßai, mentioned by Demosthenes, 
in Olympiod. p. 1171, were employed in grinding drugs, colours, 
or something else. 

The regular doctor always made up his own medicines, often 
mixing them with something sweet, to conceal the unpleasant 
taste. Plutarch, de Educ. Puer. 18 : Kadcnrep larpol rä 7rixpa 
tG)V (fxipfiaKiov toIq yXvKecri "^yfxolg Kara/iLyvvvreg riji' repipiv etti 
to arv/JLfepov Tirapohov evpov. Cf. Xenoph. Memor. iv. 2, 17. 

Some patients called at his larpeiov, or ipyaaTijpiov, as it was 
also called ; others he visited at their own dwellings. See Plato, 
Leg. iv. p. 720 : larpEvovai -KepLTpe^ovTeg Kal iv TO~ig larpeloig 
Trepifxevovreg. Such an larptiov was at once a bathing establish- 
ment, apothecary's shop, and surgery ; hence boxes, Trv&hg or 
KvXtKifee, (Athen, xi. p. 480; Eustath. ad Odyss. v. 296,) cupping- 
glasses, syringes, bathing apparatus, and so forth, were to be seen 
scattered about. A very complete picture of such a shop occurs 
in a fragment of Antiphanes, apud Pollux, x. 46 : 



Scene VIII.] 



THE DOCTOES. 



379 



Ka.Te<TKSva<Tfi4vos 
KtyXTrpSraTOV larpcTov iv x a ^ K0 ^ *&w 
Xovrripioiaiv, i}-a\'nrTpois, kvXik'ioiv, 
(TiKvaiaiv, viroderoKTi. 

The doctors had also their assistants or pupils, who carried their 
instructions into effect. Plato, Leg. iv. p. 720. Thus we find 
Timarchos with Euthydicos, a doctor in the Piraeus. See iEschin. 
in Timarch. p. 65 : ovrog yap Trpwrov iravTuv jj,ev, eVeic))) d^X- 
Xayrj et: rratdojv iica6r)TO iv Heipaiel, iirl rov JZvdvdtKov larpeiov, 
7rpo(f>äa£L jjlev rrjg ri\riiQ fiadrjrrjg. To these larpe~ia those persons 
resorted who wished to take some medicine on the spot, for a 
slight indisposition ; Plato, Leg. i. p. 646. But others also came, 
who were labouring under severer complaints, Lamachos, for 
instance : Aristoph. Acharn. 1022. 

The assistants seem to have been partly slaves, and these had 
principally to attend to those of their own class. That a slave 
could set up as doctor on his own account does not appear to 
have been the case. A very interesting passage about these 
slave- doctors, from which it appears that they were not remark 
ably delicate or conscientious in their treatment of their patients, 
is to be found in Plato, Leg. iv. p. 720: ' Ap ovv /cat E,vvvoe7g, 
on hovXwv /cat iXsvdepiov ovtujv tu>v Kafxvovriov iv ra~tg ttoXevi^ rovg 
fxev fiovXovg ar^E^ov tl ol (HovXoi ra 7ro\Xa tarpevovcri TrepiTpe-^ovreg 
ical iv Toig larpeioig TrEpifiivovTEg ; /cat ovte riva Xoyov ekÜgtov 
tteoI vo(TY]fxaTog ekclgtov Twv oiketwv ovdelg tCjv towut(ov larpCjv 
SiduHTLV, ov& a7z oh e\et a i' TrpooTai,ag 3' ai/rJ ra ho^avra iE s/jl- 
TTEipiag, wg aicpißwg Elhiog, KaQarrep rvpavvog, avdadwg olyErai 
a.7roTrr}()ricrag Trpog äXXov Ka/xvovra olicETrjv. Freemen, on the 
contrary, especially the more wealthy, had none but freemen for 
their medical attendants, who proceeded to work in a very careful 
and conscientious manner. Plato, ibid. : 6 hi iXEvdepog <bg ettI to 
ttXeigtov ra tüiv iXEvdipiov voarj/iiara QEpairevEi te Kai EirLtTKoirtl. 
hat ravra eEeTa^wv air ap^fjg ical Kara (pvaiv tw kch^xvovti koi- 
vovfxevog avra> re /cat Tolg (j)iXoig äfia jxiv avrbg fxavOdvEt n napa 
twv vo&ovvtwv, iifxa de Kadoarov olog te iffrt, hiddaKEi tov cmtOe- 
vovvra avrov. 

It was a rule of Hippocrates that a physician should maintain 
a becoming exterior, avoiding everything likely to cause an un- 
pleasant impression on the patient. The hair and beard were to 
be carefully trimmed, and his dress to be even elegant. See Galen, 



380 



THE DOCTORS. 



[Excursus. 



in Hippocr. Epid. xvii. 2, p. 138 : mi irpbg tovtolq ye avrbg 6 
iarpug, ov irpioTOv re mi fxaXLcrra rag re -^eipag e\eiv Bel m- 
BapwrcircLQ mi to irpocrwirov rag rptj(a.g eiri re tov yeveiov mi 
Ke<f>a\f}Q. etyetrjg %e mi tcl aXXu fiopia tov awjxaTog, Coairep ye 
Kai T))y eadijra XafxTrpav. His deportment should be equally- 
devoid of servility and of self-importance, he should be calm and 
collected, and very guarded in expressing opinions as to the state 
of the patient, This wholesome advice was not always observed, 
according to Galen ; he says, p. 144 : larpoi de riveg eltrtp, ot 
fJ.eyj>i roaovTOv /jLiopalvovaiv, wg mi rote Koi/j.u)fievotg eTreMTievai 
/JLeTGL ip6(f)0v 7rodQv, (fxvrfjg fxei^ovog, v<f wv eriore SieyepdevTEi; ol 
voaovvreg ay ay clktov gl k.t.X. He also tells a story of a physician 
who, when a sick person enquired the chance of his recovery, 
answered him with the line : 

Kardavt Kai TlarpoKhos, oirep aio -noKtCbv ajx^ivcav. 
Galen adds : evioi %e tiov vvv larpiov, . . . rpa-^eiog mi clvtoi Ttpoo- 
(pepovrai ro~ig voaovaiv, tog /j.MTrjdrjva.1, Kadairep aXXoi rtveg eE 
vivevavTLOv dovXoirpeTrcog coXafcevovreg it, avrov tovtov Karetypo- 
v{]6rj<rav. Lucian, adv. Indoct. 29, gives an account of the strata- 
gems of incompetent practitioners who sought to blind people's 
eyes to their incapacity by the elegance of their apparatus : on 
mi ol ap.aBeararOL twv larptoy to avrb vol TTOLOvaiv, eXexpavTi- 
vovg vapQ-qnag mi atKvag äpyvpäg Trowv/Jievoi, mi Gfi'iXag \pvao- 
KoXX{]-ovg' o-kotclv Ze yj\i\(ja<jQai rovroig Bey, ol /jtev ovfie 6~tog 
-%oi] jiETa-^eLpicraaQaL aira \aaai. 7rapeX6tov ()e rig elg to jxiaov 
Twv ^xejjiaQ^KOTOJV (pXeßoTOfJ.ov ev /naXa rfKOviifxevov tywv, tov tclXXcl 
jiegtov cnr^XXa^e rfjg odvyrjg tov vovovvTa. Cf. Xenoph. CEcon. 
15, 7. 

The Greek physician was likewise a surgeon. In Plutarch. 
de San. Tuend. 15, we have an account of a bold attempt at 
opening the larynx of a man who had swallowed a fish-bone- 
The operation, however, proved fatal. It has been usually as- 
serted that the ancients considered it a irpay^xa äyocriioTaTov to 
dissect a human body. But instances do occur, though we are 
told of none made especially for scientific purposes. See Steph- 
de Urb. s. v. 'Av(Wta, where it is related that the Lacedemonians, 
having made the hero Aristomenes prisoner, cut open his body to 
see whether it contained anything extraordinary : ävaTefiovreg 
eo-Koirovy, el Trapa rovg Xonrovg lari tl. mi evpov arrrXay^voy 



Scene VEX] 



THE DOCTORS. 



381 



it,r)\\a.yfjiEvov, kcu tjjv Kapclav latrelnv. See also Pausan. iv. 9, 5 ; 
Eustath, ad II. I 189. 

It was not till long afterwards that the science of healing be- 
came divided into separate branches, such as the arts of oculists, 
dentists, &c. See Lucian, Lexipli. 4. The passage in Dio Chry- 
sostorn, Orat. viii. p. 277, is hardly explicit enough to enable us 
to determine whether this was the case as early as the time of 
Diogenes the Cynic. He says : tXeye davfia^etv, on el fxey ecprj 
oeovrag läcrdaL, -ncivreq av avrio Trpoarjeaav oi deojjei'Oi ocovra 
eEeXeadai. /cat, v)) At'a, el vitecr^ero SfdaX/iovg dapcnreveiv, 7rav- 
reg avOpiorrot 6(pda\fiovg avrto eireZe'iKWOV v/jlolcoq ce el airXrjvog 
?/ 7ro(5aypa.g ?/ Kopv^rjg eldevai (pap^iaKov . Cf. Gallus, p. 208. 
The larpuXe'nr-aL seem to have been distinguished by their at- 
tempting to cure diseases by means of embrocations, combined 
with bodily exercise and strict regimen. See Plato, de Republ. 
iii. p. 406 : 'HpdZucog yap . . . /xt'£ac yvp,va(JTi<i]v larpixrj, k, t. X. 

The Greek doctors were perpetually encountered by difficulties 
arising from the stupidity, distrustfulness, and blind superstition 
of the time. Thus when the plague was raging at Athens, during 
the Peloponnesian war, it was confidently believed that all the wells 
had been poisoned ; see Thucyd. ii. 48 : ware rat eXeyßr] 
wc oi UeXo-ovrijcnoL cpctpfxaica enrßeßXijKOUv eg ret (ppeara. Still 
more general was the superstition that certain persons, by incan- 
tations, tying of magic knots, and other secret arts, were able to 
afflict people with diseases, jxayevriKi) or cpapf.iaKeia, the dif- 
ferent nuances being termed jiayyaveia, yor)-eia, and so forth. It 
is worthy of note that even Plato, who often mentions this belief, 
could not wholly bring himself to attribute it to mere superstition. 
In one passage, de Republ. ii. p. 364, he does seem to pronounce 
it an imposture; but in the Laws, where he treats the subject 
more at large, he appears to be undecided on this point. He 
distinguishes between two kinds of (pappaKeia ; of which the first 
is Gtofxan (Twfxara KaKovpyovaa, i. e. by means of poison. Of the 
other he says: uXXn Ze ?/ fxayyaveiag re tlctl kcu eTrcodnlg . . . ravr 
oiiv Kai Trepl ra roiavra £,vfxiravTa obre paZwv oiriog irore ~e- 
(bvtce ytyroWfcetr, our', Et rig yvoir], TzeiQeiv eb-ereg erepovg. His 
law on the subject is as follows : ear Ze Karaceaecriv 1) eirayioyaTg, 
}/ naiv e—o)ca~ig, ?/ rwv toiovtlov (f)apf.iai<eliov torrLywvovv coErj 
ofioLog elrat ßkaTTTorri. J^eg. xi. p. 933. 



382 



THE DOCTORS. 



[Excursus. 



Under these circumstances the use of counter-charms, a\t£t- 
tyap/jLciKa, was very natural. Plato, Polit. p. 280. Sympathetic 
cures were frequently tried ; see Theocr. ii. 91. An important 
passage occurs in Demosthenes, in Aristogit. p. 793 : a\V if olg 
v/uelg rr)v fxiapav Qeooojpßa, tt)v Arjfxv&a, rrjv tyapjiaKiha Kai av- 
rrjvj col to yivog curav cnreKTeivaTe, ravra Xaßtov rä tyapfiaKa 
ical Tag £7rwBac 7rajoa Trjg OepaTraivrjg avrrjg . . . fxayyavevti Kai <be~ 
vclkI&i Kai Tovg kTrikr]7TTOvg <pr)criv läadat. The usages customary 
on such occasions are enumerated in an interesting fragment of 
Menander (Meineke, p. 42) : 

Uepiaa^drucrdu a' at yvvaiices, Iv nvitXcp 
/cat irepideiooa&Taaav, anb Kpovvuv rpiuu 
vSari irepißpav , i/j.ßa\wu a\as, (paKOVS. 

These were called TrepiKaOapTypta, and the accompanying songs 
or charms, eVwSa/, were considered essential to success. Thus 
Socrates says ironically : /ecu eycj fxev tnrov, otl avro fiev eirj <pv\- 
Xov rt, en-uSr) di Ttg eni rw tyap/jaKtp sir), i)v el fiev rig eVci^Ot 
ä/ua Kai XpÜTO avTtö, TtavTaTtaaiv vyiä troioi to (f)dpfiaKOV ävev 
£e T?\g enwdfjg ovdsv 6(pe\og eirj tov (j)v\\ov. Plato, Charm. 
p. 155. Those who practised these arts were called (pap/iawl, 
(bapfxaKideg, yorjTeg, &c. Cf. Eustath. ad 11. xi. 739 ; ad Odyss. 
i. 260. 




EXCURSUS TO SCENE IX. 



THE BURIALS. 

AVERY prominent feature in the Greek character was the 
pious conscientiousness with which they discharged those 
duties which were held to be due from the living to the dead. 
Among other nations of antiquity we find, it is true, a more 
pompous ceremonial, and usages more loudly expressive of grief, 
ending even in the bloody tragedy of self-sacrifice ; we observe 
moreover a gloomy and superstitious veneration for the carefully- 
treasured relics of defunct kindred ; but that modest piety which 
discharges the last labour of love to the departed, tending care- 
fully the sepulchre, and testifying by often-recurring gifts an 
enduring recollection, is nowhere so distinctly traceable as among 
the Greeks. Originally, no doubt, a prudential consideration of 
the pernicious effects which the non-burial of the dead might 
have upon the living, may have given rise to the superstition that 
the unburied dead wandered restlessly about the earth. But as 
early as the time of Homer this discreet notion had been forgotten, 
and it was undoubtingly believed that an honourable interment 
was the happiest lot for the departed, and to provide it the most 
sacred duty of the survivor. Hence the wish expressed by Odys- 
seus, when his bark is wrecked, that he had fallen before Troy, 
for then he says, rw jc' tkaypv Krepewv. In later times, also, 
splendid obsequies were held to be essential to human happiness : 
Xeyu) toIvvv, ctei Kai 7ravrl, /ecu iravTaypv koXXkttov sivat ävdpl 

TtXoVTOVVTL . . . V7TO TWV CLVTOV EKJOVWV KoXwQ KCU ^6£yaAo7TjO£7rW£ 

Tatyrjvai. Plato, Hipp. Maj. p. 291. 

Hence, except in cases of peculiar animosity, it was a rule among 
the Greeks not to deprive a fallen foe of the rites of sepulture. 
Thus in Euripides, Suppl. 524, Theseus is made to say : 

veitpovs 8e tovs 6av6vras, ov ß\dnTuu ir6\iu, 
ou5' avhpoKixr\Tas Trpoa<pepwu ayeovias, 
Odipai SiKaica, Thv HaveKK^vcav vo/xov 
a&QtiV. t'l roiroop ecrrlv ov /caAws %X 0V ? 

In cases where passion and hatred caused a departure from this 
rule, the procedure met with strong disapprobation. See Isocrates, 



384 



THE BURIALS. 



[Excursus. 



Platceens. p. 416 : eort ovk "mtov kclkov i>{>3' Öfioiov roiig Tedveiö- 
rag ratyrjg eipyeedai ml tovq ^(övrag iraTpföog aTroarepeicrQaL kol 
ribv clXXojv dyaduiv air dvTiov, ctXXct to fxev deivorepov role KuiXvovmv 
rj Toig arvyovaiv, k.t.X. And a notion actually existed that 
animals, and even insects, were capable of a like respect to the 
dead of their kind. Cf. Plutarch, de Sol. Anim. 11. 

How much more natural therefore was it that in civil life the 
duty of sepulture was looked on as a very holy one ; so that when 
the law absolved children from all other duties to unworthy 
parents, it still made it incumbent on them to provide for them a 
suitable interment. So the law of Solon cited by iEschines, in 
Timarch. p. 40 : /mi] eTrdvay Keg eivai rw iraihi fjßfjffavTi rpetyetv rbv 
7rarepa, fi^re o'ikyiviv iraptyeiv, og av eKiiiadojarj kraipelv uTroda- 
vovra Qairriru) Kai räXXa ttole'itu) to. vojxi(6}JEva. Individual 
instances of neglect, such as that mentioned by Demosthenes, in 
Erat. p. 786, are referred to in terms which sufficiently show the 
horror with which such unnatural conduct was generally regarded. 
See also Lysias, in Phil. p. 883 ; Isasus, de Philoctem. Hered. 
p. 143 ; de Nicostr. Hered. p. 78. But all these were examples 
of abandoned people, and mostly outcasts in the public esteem. 
Ordinary feeling imposed even on strangers coming across a 
corpse, the duty of at least covering it with earth, should a formal 
interment be found impracticable. iElian, Var. Hist. v. 14. 
Again, the very words used to designate funeral rites, such as ret 
c//aua, vojja^ia or vofxtt, opera, 7rpocr{]Korra, show that obsequies 
were supposed to be claimed by the departed as their due. 

The barbarous usages that accompanied the interments of 
earlier ages were gradually changed during the march of civiliza- 
tion. Plato, Min. p. 315 : üvirep Ka\ rjfxäg avrovg oivda irov Kat 
avrbg aKOvioV) ototg vofjcoig e^puifxeda irporov irepl rovg airoQavovrag 
tepeid re irpoa^aTrovreg -rrpb rrjg SK(popäg rov veKpov kol ey^yrpicrTptag 
per air Efxir 6 fievoi. ol 3' av EKeivwv irporepoi avrov Kal tdaicrov iv 
-rj oiKtq rovg diroQavovrag. ij/Jte'ig fie tovtwv ovder Troioxifxev. At 
Athens this change was in a great measure wrought by the law of 
Solon. See Demosth. in Macart. p. 1071 ; cf. Plutarch, Sol. 12 ; 
Lyc. 27. 

The best detailed account of the funeral ceremonies is that given 
by Lucian, de Luctu, 10 ; and there is no reason to suppose that at 
that period any material changes had taken place. The first thing 



SciSTE IXJ 



THE BUEIALS. 



385 



done on a person's death was to insert an obolos in his mouth as 
a vavXov for the ferryman of Hades : ettelMv tlq airodavrj rati' 

OIKELtoV, 7rpu)TCL JJ.EV (pipOVTEQ 6ßoX6v £Q TO tTTOUa KaTedtjKaV CIV7W, 

fjiiG-ftoi' r« TropdfxeH vavnXiac yEvr\<j6\izvov. Thus in Aristophanes, 
Ban. 140, Dionysos is attended by Xanthias, and therefore has 
to pay for two : 

iv irXoiapico TWPovrm a av^p yspwv 
vavTTjs 5ia£ei, 8d' oßcoAw yacQbu Aaßcov. 

This vavXov was also called ZavaKrj. Hesychius : AavciKrj, voyna- 
fiariov tl ßapßapucbv (IlepaiKoy) Zvvuuevov iz\eov oßoXov oXiyw 
tlvL. eXeyeTO ce /ecu 6 tchq vexpoig cidofievog oßoXog. 

A curious confirmation of these passages was obtained on 
opening a grave in Cephallenia, when the coin was discovered 
still sticking between the teeth of the skeleton. Stackelberg, 
die Gräber der Hellenen, p. 42. The dead were provided there- 
with as soon as possible, it being thought that their transit would 
be thus expedited. See Lucian, Catapl. 18 : etcu/cetc, to Xaptov, 
eojXov ifir) veicpbv aTcoXiUTravtoV. afxeXei ypa\pojj.ai ere 7rapav6fX(ov 
kirl tov PadafjLavdvog. 

According to Lucian, de Luctu, 11, the corpse was next washed, 
anointed with the most precious perfumes, crowned with flowers, 
and dressed in a splendid garment: Meto, tuvtu M XovaavTEc 
avTovg, tog ovy^ itcavfjg Trjg kcitlo Xifivrjg Xovrpov eivai Tolg eke7, Kai 
fxvp(o tui KaXX'iGTh) ^iaavTEg to (Ttofia wpog dvatooiav ij^rj ßia- 
£6fJLEi'Oi'j Kai (JTE(p(xvLO(JcivTEg Tolg topaioig avdeai, 7rpo~i8evTaL Xctf.t- 
irpiog afjupiiaavTEg, 'Ira fxt] piyÜEV ZrfXovori irupa rr\v ocior, \xy\ok 
yvjxvol ßXe-rcoi.vTO rw Kepßepu). These offices were not performed 
by a hireling and stranger, as the Soman pollinctor, but by the 
nearest female relatives. Isseus, de Philoctem.. Her. p. 143 ; de 
Ciron. Her. p. 209. Hence the demand of Antigone, Eurip. 
Phamiss. 1667 : 

cb 5' aWa veKpa Xovrpb. irepißa\e?v fx ea. 

The corpse was always dressed in white. It may be objected 
that Plato appears to mention this as a distinctive mark in the 
obsequies of an hpEvc, Leg. xii. p. 947. There are, however, many 
other passages which show that this was always the colour used. 
Archilochus, ap. Plutarch, de And. Poet. 6 : 

Et fcetVou Kt(pa.\))v Kal x a p' l * vra 
"Hcpaicrros naQapolciv eV ei/xacriv aix<peKovi\6ri. 
C C 



386 



THE BUK I ALS. 



[Excursus. 



Cf. Pausan. iv. 13, 1 ; and Artemidor. Oneirocr. ii. 3 : 'Ardpl ce 

VOCFOVVTL XeVKCt '^X ELV t f J - arui dcLVCLTOV TTpoayopEVEL dlO. TO TOVQ 

arrodavovrac kv XevKo'ig EKfyepeaOai ' to ce /j.e\clv I/jlcltlov glott)- 
piav irpO(Ti]}J.aivEL. ov yap oi a-oQavovTEg, clXX' ol ttevQovvteq rovg 
airodv^GKOvTac tolovtolq yotovrat IfiarioiQ. In Lucian, Philops. 
32, some youngsters endeavour to frighten Democritus by dressing 
themselves vcKpiKcog EcrdrjTL fxeXaivy, but this, despite the verdict 
of the Scholiast, ort tovq vekoovq ol -rraXaLol uEXaivaig CToXalg 
afjujtLEvvvtrav, is no argument against the statement above ; be- 
cause death, as well as night, and her children, dreams, was 
also imagined to be fiEXafjOTETrXog. Eurip. Ale. 860 ; Aristoph. 
Ran. 1336. 

The use of garlands appears to have been universal. See 
Aristoph. Eccles. 538 ; Lysist. 602. These were brought by re- 
lations and friends, especially on the demise of young persons. 
So in Alciphron, Epist. i. 36, an hetsera complains : iyio ce ?/ rü- 
Xaiva 6pi]vo)d6i', ovk tpaGrijv, £X W > GTEtyavia \xoi /cat poca, ojcnrEp 
aujpü) Tcupu -E/J.-EI. They were composed of the flowers in season, 
GTEcbavwaavTEg To'ig (bpai'oig avdEai, as Lucian says. The leaves 
of the parsley, aiXivov, appear to have been more usual than any- 
thing else. See note 7, p. 135. 

It is also asserted that a honey-cake, heXitovttcl, was given 
to the corpse. In Aristoph. Lysist. 601, we have : 

fj.e\iToi>TTav £ya> teal St? p.a^w. 
Xaßl ravrl Kai arecpduuxTai. 

The Scholiast says : ?/ fj-EXiTov—a eSicjoto rolg vsxpolg tog Elg Toy 
JsjEpßepov 9 Kai ößoXog tÜ 7ropd/j.£i } <TTE<pavog, tbg tov ßiov Ztnyoi- 
vKTfjiEvoig. That this explanation is right is however far from 
certain. 

The corpse was thus laid out (-TrpoTidEadai, ^podsaig) on a 
bed (kXIvt)) in the house. The Scholiast on Aristophanes, Lysist. 
611, says : rovg vEKpovg yap ol apyaioi TcpoETiQEaav irpo tlov 
dvpüv Kal eko-tovto. But this was certainly not the case at 
Athens, and by a law of Solon it was expressly commanded, tov 
a-odavövTCL irpoTidEadcu kvSov, 6~Log av ßovXrfTai. Demosth. in 
Macart. p. 1071. This ceremony seems to have been not only 
a piece of pageantry, but also in some respects a measure of police. 
Poll. viii. 65 : teal at TrpodiaEig (je o*td toxjto kylyvovTo, wg bpü-o 
6 vEKpbg, fxi] tl ßiaiiog KEirovtiE. It served also to guard against 



Scent: IX.] 



THE BURIALS. 



387 



the burial of a person in a trance. Plato, Leg. xii. p. 959. For 
an account of this Trpodea-ic, see Aristophanes, Eccles. 1030 : 

vTotTTopeaai vvv irpara ttjs opiydvov, 
teal KXriixaQ' virodov ^uyuhdaacra rerTapa, 
Kai raiviwcrai, Kai irapddov ras XriKvdous, 
vdaros re ncnddov rovarpixKov irpb T7js Qvpas. 

This custom of laying the bed with opLyavog and broken vine- 
branches does not appear to be elsewhere mentioned. Near the 
bed were placed earthen vessels painted, which were called by the 
general name Xqicvdai. Cf. ibid. v. 538 and 99-4. The icXtVij was 
an ordinary bedstead, with a Trpoo-KecpciXaiov to support the head 
and back. Lysias, in Eratosth. p. 395 : aXXa r&v plXoov 6 fxev 
ifiarioVj 6 ce -pocrKetyaXaiov, o ce 6,tl exaarog ETvyev, eCioxev elg 
n)v zkeLvov ra©?/ v. The face of the corpse was turned to the 
door, am -üpöQvpa rerpa/uLfxevog. Eustath. ad Iliad, xix. 212. 

Before the house-door was placed a vessel of water, called 
apcaviov, in order that visitors on leaving the house might purify 
themselves ; and inasmuch as the house of mourning, with all 
belonging to it, was considered polluted by the presence of the 
corpse, this water had to be obtained from another house. Poll, 
viii. 65 : kcu oi i—l rijv oiKiav toxi irei'öovi'Tog cl^lkvuv^xzvol et,iöv- 
teq EKaQaLpovro vcan rrepippawo^evot. to ce irpovKeiTO kv ayyetw 
K:pa\iiid tci a.XXr]g olxiag KEKOjj.LafiEvov. to Ze oaTpaKOv ekoXe~lto 
apcäviov. See also Hesychius and Suidas, s. v. apcaviau 

The relatives and friends, as well as others not particularly 
connected with the deceased, were present in the house, and 
around the bed the females lamented and wept. The best notion 
of such a scene may be derived from Plato's regulations as to the 
burial of an lepevc, though we must bear in mind that the descrip- 
tion is probably ideal to some extent. Leg. xii. p. 917 : teXevti)- 
aam ce —podicrttg te kcll £K(f>opag Kai drfKag £ia(j)6povg eivai t£jv 

ClXXüJV TToXlTlüV. XeVKijV fJLEV T)]V GToXl]V £X £LV TCLffaVj 6p7]l'(OV CE 

Kai ocvpjxwv \wplg yiyvearBai. Kopuiv ce %opbv irevTEKaicEKa Kai 
appevtov eTepoi> TrepiiaTaiievovg Trj KXirt] eKdrepovg olov vfxvov rre- 
Tcoir\\xevov eiraivov eig Tovg lepeag iv fxepei EKCtTepovg q.ceiv, evcai- 
fjLOvL'CovTtg ojcrj cia iram^g Ti]g i)jj.ipag. In more ancient times the 
scenes of woe were offensively exaggerated ; but Solon curtailed 
the ceremony, and forbade the excessive lamentations of the 
women. Plutarch, Sol. 12, and 21 : 'Afivyag he KoivTOfiEvu)v kui 

c c 2 



388 



THE BURIALS. 



[EXCUESTJS. 



ro Qpr}veli> 7rE7roir}fXEva.) Kal to kojkveiv aWov kv ra^dlg erepojv 
aqzikzv. kvay'ii^Eiv ßovv ovk e "taufv, ovce crvvTidivai ttXeov Ifia- 
ruov TpiCjy. It is doubtful, however, to what extent this law was 
complied with. The chorus of virgins at the gate of Agamem- 
non indulges in all the more extravagant manifestations of grief, 
such as beating the breast, lacerating the cheeks, rending their 
garments. JEschyl. Choeph. 20-28 ; cf. Eurip. Hecub. 642. 
The poet, it is true, may have only been faithfully portraying 
the customs of early times, or indulging in an allowable poetical 
exaggeration ; but there are other reasons for supposing that these 
rude manifestations of woe prevailed till a later period. Thus 
Plutarch praises his wife for omitting them on the death of her 
child. Consol. ad Uxor. 3 : Kai tovto Xiyovviv o'nrapaysvofjiEvoi 
Kal davfiaCovmi'j wc oiioe ifxanov avEiXijipag 7rErdifJ.ov, ovM aravrrj 
TivcnrpoatiyayEQ i] dtpairaivio-iv afxop<piav Kal aiKiav. Cf. Lucian, 
de LuctUj 12 : Olfxojyal £e ettI tovtolq kcu kukvtqq yvvaiKiov, Kal 
Trapa ttcivtiov daKpva, Kal aripva rvnrofJLEva, Kal (nrapaTTOfXEvr) 
kojat), Kai (poivMraSfXEvanrapEiai. Kai ttov ku\ itrOijg Karappiiyvvrat 
Kal Kovtg ettI rfj KEtyaXrj TraacrETaL, Kal ol £wy~£g oiK-porEpoi rov 
vsKpov. ol fxlv yap yajial KaXivdovPTai 7ro\Xa.Kig, Kal Tag K£(j>aXag 
ciparrovan npog to elacpog. The ancient works of art also bear 
out this representation ; see Mus. Capit. iv. 40. A law of Cha- 
rondas went beyond that of Solon ; it forbade all manner of lamen- 
tation and weeping for the dead. Stob. Tit. xliv. 40 : Xp>) oe kqI 

TbJV TeXeVTWVTMV EKaCTTOV TLjJ.äl', fit) ^UKpVOLg, fXTj^E OLKTOLg, oXXa 

jjanijurj ayadT] Kal tj} twv kot' etoq (hpaicjv Eirupopq.. Solon also 
enacted that, except the nearest female relatives, no women under 
sixty years of age should enter the house before the interment. 
Demosth. in Macart. p. 1071 : ywratra Ze p) £l£~ivai elcrievat 
elg to. tov atrodavorTog, [J.rjZ'' uko\ov6e~iv airodarovTi, OTav eig ra 
aijjiaTa ayrjTat, EVTog e^kovt etüv yEyovviav, 7rX?)v oaai ivTog 
aveipiacajv Eiai. 

The laying out of the corpse took place on the second day after 
death. An early burial was thought to be pleasing to the defunct. 
Eustath. ad Iliad, viii. 410 : veKpov fXElXiyfxa juei' r/ wKEia Tacpfj. 
And in Homer the shade of Patroclos demands of his friend. — 

dame #TTt Taxi-VTa, 7rv\as 'AtSao irep-qcrw. 

II. xxiii. 71. Cf. Xenoph. Memor. i. 2, 53. Also Isseus, de 
Philoctem. Her. p. 143, mentions it as a matter of grave reproach 



SCENT! IX.] 



THE BUEIALS. 



389 



that the corpse had been allowed to lie two days without any 
preparations having been made for the TrpodEatg. This indeed is 
not mentioned in the law of Solon, which however is very imper- 
fectly quoted by Demosthenes ; though the deficiency is amply 
supplied by Antipho, de Chor. p. 782. 

On the following day the EK<popa legally took place. Accord- 
ing to Plato, Leg. xii. p. 960, the early morning was the time, 
npb ijpipag eE,u) rijg 7r6\eu)g eivai, and this is corroborated by 
Demosthenes, ibid. : EKtyipEiv $e rbv aTtoQavorra rrj vaTEpa'iq, rj 
av TrpodQvrat, irplv ijXiov Hkyjiiv. In other places, and perhaps 
in later times, the burial took place as early as the second day. 
See Cailimachus Epigr. 15 ; Diog. Laert. i. 122. On the other 
hand, Timoleon's burial is put off several days, to allow of the 
arrival of distant friends. Plutarch, Timol. 39. 

The corpse was carried to the place of interment upon the 
kX'ivtj. Who the bearers were is doubtful : it is not likely that 
there were special vEKpodairrai for the purpose, though a passage 
in Pollux, vii. 195, would seem to imply that this was the case; 
elev 3' av TivEQ Kai veKpocpopoi Kai rattle. No early writer 
mentions them, and it would seem more probable that relatives 
performed the office. In particular cases, when an extraordinary 
distinction was designed for the dead, youths (ephebi) were 
specially selected for the purpose. Plato, Leg. xii. p. 947 : ewOev 
ö' etc tt}V d^rjv (pepeiv avrr)v fiev rrfv icXivrjv ekcltov twv vewv 
tüv iv Toig yvpvaaiotg, ovg av ol Tzpoui]KOVTEg rov TeXevT^cravrog 
iiro-^ovrai. Also Plutarch, Timol. 39 : kol to Xe^og ol \brj<p<o tCjv 
veariffKiov TrpoKptQevreg E(f>epov. The corpse of Demonax was borne 
by sophists. Lucian, Demon. 67 ; cf. Plutarch, Philop. 21. 

Hired dp-qvulol preceded or followed the corpse, like the prce- 
ficm, the coruicines and tubicines of the Romans. Plato, Leg. vii. 
p. 800 : oiov ol irepl rovg rsXevTrjaavrag piadovpEvoi KapiKrj tlvl 
puvarj TrpoTrifnrovaL rovg TeXevriirravTag, It is remarkable that 
Plato uses the masculine gender, whereas women, Kapivai, are 
elsewhere mentioned. Hesychius : Kapivai, dprjvwdoi /xovaiKal, 
al rovg veKpovg rw 6pi]va) tt apaix Ep.iT ova at irpbg rag ratyag Kai ret 
Ktßtj. 7rapEXapßdvovro Be al airb Kapiag yvvaii:eg. Comparing 
this passage with Pollux, iv. 75, it appears that they were flute- 
players. Lucian also, de Luctu, 20, mentions a hired dprjvtvcog, 



390 



THE BURIALS. 



[EXCUKSTTS. 



though probably he is referring to the -KpoQeaig rather than to 
the sKcpopa. See Schol. ad Aristoph. Vesp. 289. 

The rest of the procession consisted of the relations, and others 
who chose to join it; the men before, and the women behind, 
according to Solon's law, apud Demosth. in Macart. p. 1071 : 
ßa^t^eiv (He rovg avZpag 7rp6(r6ei>, orav eKtyepoji'Tai, rag $e yvvaiKag 
G7ncrdev. Plato arranges his funeral procession much in the same 
way: Ttpiorovg Ze irpo'Uvat rovg rj'ideovg, rrjv iroXtjxiKriv (TKevrjv 
ei'^e^vKorag enaarovg . . . Kai rove äXXovg wcravrcjg. iralcag ce 7repl 
avT)]v T)]v k\ivt]v tjxirpodBev rb rcarpiov fxeXog i^v/uyely. kol Kopag 
hizouivag e^OTTiadev oaai r av ywaintg rijg 7raido7roir]cre(i)g cnrr]X- 
Xayfizvai ruy^arw^t. Women who were not at least first cousin's 
children to the deceased were not allowed to follow, except in the 
case of those above sixty years of age. Demosth. ibid. : p??' 
aKoXovdelv awodavorrt, orav elg ra dZ/juara äyrjrai, krrbg k£i]KOvr 
iriov yeyovv'iav, ttX})v baai ei'rbg av£\pia^wv elrriv. The case of a 
daughter following her step-mother is mentioned by Lysias, de 
Cced. Erat. p. 11. The rule seems also to be violated in Terence, 
Andr. i. 1, 90. 

There has been a great deal of discussion as to whether the 
corpse was buried or burnt. Lucian, de Luctu, 21, says, 6 fxev 
"EXXrjv eicavaev, 6 ce Heparig edaxpev, and this sweeping conclusion 
is adopted by Böttiger without reserve or limitation. Wachs- 
muth, on the contrary, says, ' In the historical period interment 
was universal.' Hellen. Alter thumsk. ii. 2, p. 79. But neither 
are right ; for, in the first place, there is abundant evidence that 
burning the corpse was not restricted to the heroic age, but was 
practised in every period. See Plato, Phced. p. 115 : Iva. Kpiruv 
pcLOV (j)eprjj teal fxrj, bpwv fxov rb aibiia y Kaouevov i) Karopvrrbfxevovy 
äyat'aKTy V7rep efxov, wg deiva arret Traayovrog. See also Plutarch, 
de Aud.pöet. 6. So Isaaus, de Nicostr. Her. p. 78 : ovr eicavtrev, 
ovre ojaroXoyyaev. And the legend of Solon's ashes being strewed 
about Salamis, although pronounced by Plutarch äir'idavog irav- 
rcnraaL kcil fxvdwhng, shows that his cremation was pre-supposed. 
But to come to historical facts, we read that Timoleon was 
actually burnt. Plutarch, Timol. 89 : ri)g KXivrjg eiri ri)v Trvpav 
rsQdrrqg. Cf. Id. Philop. 21 : rb Ze crw/xa Kavnavreg avrov, Kat 
tcl Xeixpava crwdevreg elg vZpiav. Also in Lycon's will, apud 



SCEKE IX.] 



THE BURIALS. 



391 



Diog. Laert. v. 70, it is ordered : Trepl de rfjg eK(popäg Kal Kavcrewg 
exLije\edr]T(0(Tav BouXwv Kal KaXXTvoc fxera tCjv awijdwv. Cf. 
Plutarch, Dec. Or. Vit. p. 405 ; Lucian, Nigr. 30. How then, 
in the face of these examples, can it be affirmed that interment 
was exclusively practised at any period ? 

On the other hand, there is the clearest evidence to show that 
the dead were also inhumed in the proper sense of the word. 
The word dcnrreiv, it is true, proves nothing, as it is applied to 
all modes of sepulture, and is even used with regard to ashes 
after burning. Dionys. Hal. Ant. Rom. v. 48 : efieXXrjaav avrbv 
. . . Kauiv re Kal dairreiv. The proper expression for inhumation 
is KciTopvTrew, as in Plato, Phced. p. 115, supra, where it is op- 
posed to tcaieiv. It is doubtful whether aopol, rrveXot, Xrjvol, and 
dpolrai, mean actual coffins for unburnt corpses, or receptacles for 
ashes. Cf. Homer, Ilias, xxiii. 91 ; xxiv. 795. But all doubts 
respecting a later period are removed by a fragment of Phere- 
crates, apud Pollux, x. 150, where Karopvrretv is used in con- 
nexion with Xrjrol ; see also Aristoph. Lysistr. 600 ; Vesp. 1365 ; 
Eurip. Suppl. 531. That inhumation was customary in very 
early times is shown by the tales of opened graves. See the 
legend about the bones of Theseus, which were brought from 
Scyros to Athens, in consequence of a Delphic oracle. Plutarch, 
Thes. 36 : evpedrj de 6)]Kr) re fxeyaXov aufxarog, aix/irj re 7rapa- 
Keifxerr) ^aXici) Kal Ityog. But the custom is proved to a certainty 
by the contest between Athens and Megara for the possession of 
Salamis, where the claims of each party were based on the dif- 
ferent modes of burial. Plutarch, Sol. 10 : Qaxrovat he Meyapelg 
irpbg eu) rovg vtKpovg crrpefovreg' 'AörjvaHoi de 7rp6g eairepav. 
'Wpeag 6 Meyapevg evicrrafxevog Xeyei, Kal Meyapeag irpog eaize- 
pav Terpa/uLfieva to. aojfj.ara rwv veKpiöv ndevai. Cf. .ZElian, Var. 
Hist. v. 14 ; vii. 19 ; Diog. Laert. i. 48. Also Pausanias, ii. 
7, 3, speaking of the Sicyonians, says, to /j.ev ow\xa yrj Kpvirrovcri. 
At Sparta also, the custom of inhumation was the prevailing one. 
Plutarch, Lyc. 27 ; Thucyd. i. 134. 

These passages prove beyond dispute that burying and burn- 
ing were practised coevally. In Lucian's time also, burying 
must have been customary, notwithstanding what he says (6 jiev 
E\A?7v eKavcre, k. t. X.), for otherwise there would be no point in 
his proverbs, rbv erepov Ttola iv n? eropw t'x w,/ > (Hermot. 78,) and 



392 



THE BUEIALS. 



[Excrrtsr/s. 



olofievoQ E7riß)iaeiv avrov tov aopov. (3Iort. dial. vi. 4.) Cf. 
Appuleius, Metam. iv. p. 277; and x. p. 699, where a Greek 
original is probably alluded to. 

But setting aside all this weight of documentary evidence, 
the co-existence of both methods is proved incontestably by the 
excavations of ancient Grecian graves. In Magna Grascia se- 
veral unburnt skeletons have been discovered surrounded by 
earthen vases. Böttiger, it is true, is loth to admit that these 
were Grecian corpses, but this objection has been set at rest by 
the discovery, in Greece itself, of undisturbed skeletons, in addi- 
tion to the remains of corpses that have been burnt. See Stackel- 
berg's invaluable work, Die Grübe}' der Hellenen. One custom 
might, no doubt, have been more common than the other at any 
particular period ; but neither was totally superseded till the 
extension of Christianity by degrees put an end to burning. 

In some cases the coffins were of wood. Thus in Thucydides, 
i. 34, Xapvatceg Kvitaplacrivai are mentioned. More usually, how- 
ever, they were the work of the potter. For their forms, see 
Stackelberg, PI. 7 and 8. According to him, the oldest form 
was a three-sided prism, constructed of tiles, which Avere some- 
times ornamented with arabesques : as in PL 5 and 6. The coffin 
of a child given in PI. 8 is very interesting ; it is in one piece, and 
is a regular 7rueXoc or fiaicTpa, oval aüd trough-shaped, and var- 
nished black, with a red stripe running round. Those discovered 
at Capua and Nola are rather vaults of masonry than coffins. 
They were constructed of stones or tiles, with slabs placed on 
the low vertical walls so as to form a kind of gable roof. But 
there were also coffins of stone in Greece; and if we may trust 
the genuineness of the letter produced by Pollux, x. 150, the 
remarkable properties of the lapis sarcophagus from Assos were 
known in Plato's time. Cf. Plin. Nat. Hist. ii. 96 ; xxxvi. 17. 

There are no certain accounts as to whether the body was 
burnt at the place of sepulture, or at a spot appropriated to the 
purpose, Kavarpov. If Terence, Andr. i. 1, 100, is to be received 
as an authority, the former was the case : ' sequimur ; ad sepul- 
chrum venimus ; in ignem imposita est.' Timoleon's corpse, how- 
ever, does not appear to have been burnt at the place of sepulture. 
The remains were collected and placed in a cinerary made of clay 



SCENB IX.] 



THE BUEIALS. 



393 



or bronze. See Isseus, de Nicostr. her. p. 78 ; Sophocl. Electr. 
54, 747. 

The tombs, dfjKai, ra^ot, fivrj/jLara, fivrj/nela, and o-j^ara, were 
not all placed in one common spot appropriated to the purpose. 
In ancient times, according to Plato, a person's own house was 
used as his place of sepulture, in order that the remains of the 
defunct might be as near as possible to his friends. Plato, Min. 
p. 315. But it was afterwards forbidden to bury within the 
city, chiefly, no doubt, from an idea of the contamination arising 
from the contact or neighbourhood of corpses. This was the 
case in Athens at least, and Sicyon, though the feeling was far 
from being universal throughout Greece. Lycurgus, in order 
to accustom the Spartans to survey death without fear or aver- 
sion, allowed or rather commanded burials within the city. 
Plutarch, Lycurg. 27 ; Apophth. Lac. i. p. 954. This, however, 
is only in keeping with the other peculiarities of Spartan cus- 
toms and legislation. Cf. Thucyd. i. 134. At Tarentum all the 
graves, in obedience to an oracle, were in a particular quarter of 
the city. Polyb. viii. 30 : To yctp -irpog tw jxipog rijg tCjv Tapav- 
rivbiv ttoXeojq fxvrjjjLartov earl TrXfjpEQ dia to tovq teXevtiivclvtciq en 
ical vvv QaTTTEcrdai Trap clvto~iq iravTaq kvrbg t&v TEiy&v Kara ri 
\6yiov apyaiov. This was likewise the case at Megara ; Pausan. 

i. 43, 2 : elal fie rafyoi Mtyapewv \v tt\ 7r6Xet. Timoleon's ashes 
were buried in the market-place of Syracuse, and a gymnasium, 
called after his name, was built over the spot ; Plutarch, Timol. 
39. Many other instances might be adduced. On the other hand, 
Plutarch, Arat. 53, speaking of Sicyon, says : vojiov ovtoq ap- 
ycLLOv, fjirjoeva OcnrTEcrdai reiywv evtoq, layypcLQ te tw v6\iu) }>EWi}>ai- 
fxoviag 7rpo(Tov(Tr)g. The very necessity of a special law, however, 
shows that burial within the walls must have been usual else- 
where. But at Athens even the cenotaphs of the fallen warriors 
were outside the walls, on the road to the Academy ; (Thucyd. 

ii. 34; Pausan. i. 29, 4 ;) and at Delos, from the time of Peisis- 
tratos, no graves were allowed in sight of the temple, and, after 
the sixth year of the Peloponnesian war, nowhere at all on the 
island. Thucyd. iii. 104 : tote $e irana kicadapdr} rciw^e rpo7rw* 
öfjicai oaai i]<rav twv teOveujtmv kv A//\w, izdcac, avEtXov, kul to 

XoiTTOV irpOElTTOV, fJirjTE EVaTroQvi}(TKELV EV TT] v(](Tü>, jU7/r£ ivTLKTElV, 

dAA' kg T))v f Pi)veiai> diaKOjui^Ecrdau 



394 



THE BURIALS. 



[Excursus. 



Those Athenians who possessed a piece of land, frequently 
left directions to have themselves buried in it, and hence the 
graves were often in the fields; see Deraosth. in Euerg. p. 1159. 
A more usual choice, however, was by some frequented road- 
side Thus the family sepulchre of Isocrates was near the Cyno- 
sarges, and that of Thucydides by the Melitic gate. Plutarch, 
Dec. Or. Vit. p. 363. So too on a child's tombstone we read, 

%v yovees irevdovi/res iirl rpioSov KarsQatyav, 

See Corp. Inscr. p. 545, no. 1003. But for those who neither 
possessed such ground, nor the means of purchasing it, there was 
a public place of burial. At Athens this was the space between 
the Itonic gate and the road to the Piraeus, and the gate leading 
thither was hence called the Grave-gate, — 'Hpiai ttvXui. Theophr. 
Char. 14 : troaovg o'Lei Kara rag 'Hpiag 7rvXag e^errjve^dat VEKpovg' 
Etym. M. : 'Hpiai irvXai 'Adijvrjiri <)ia to Tovg vEKpoi/g EKcpipeadai 
ekel etti tcl rjpta, 6 eotl Tovg Tatyovg. Cf. Pollux, ix. 15 ; Har- 
pocr. s. v. 'Hpm. 

These tombs remained the inviolable property of the family, 
and no stranger was ever allowed to be buried therein; so that 
even before a court of justice this was brought forward as evi- 
dence of consanguinity. Demosth. in Eubul. p. 1307 : f.6a\pE 
rovrovg Eig ra Trarpüa fiv^fxara, ojv ooonrip Eicri tov yirovg koivu)- 

VOVai. KoX TOVTIOV OvBslr OVK CnTElTTE 7TW7rore, OVK EKU)Xv(T£V, ov dtKrjV 

eXci^e. KctiTOi rig av egtlv, oarig Eig tci TvaTpüa jiviipctTa Tovg fir)t)£v 
kv ykvEL irpoariKOVTag tlQevcll iacrai. Id. in Macart. p. 1077 : aXXa 
kal fxvfj/j.aTog ovTog koivov airaori TOig curb tov 'BovaiXov yEvop.E- 
voig, k. t.X. Burying in another's grave was forbidden by a law 
of Solon. Cic. de Leg. ii. 26 : 'de sepulcris autem nihil est apud 
Solonem amplius quam, ne quis ea deleat, neve alienum inferat.' 

The construction of these tombs has been completely ascer- 
tained by excavations. Setting aside the mere heaps of earth or 
stones, ^w/tiara, KoXtüvai, Tv/j.ßoi, they may be classified in four 
principal divisions: shafts, crTfjXai — regular columns, KiovEg — small 
temple-shaped edifices, vaiSia, or ypüa — and horizontal grave- 
stones, Tpn-KE^at. Cicero, de Leg. ii. 25, extols the ancient simpli- 
city of Old- Athenian burials : but his account is not corroborated 
by any Greek author. Above the hillock a stone monument was 
usually erected, and this frequently at so great an expense, that, 
after Solon's time, it was found necessary to curb the practice 



SCEXE IX.] 



THE BURIALS, 



395 



by law. Cicero, de Leg. ii. 26 : { ne quis sepulcrum faceret ope- 
rosius, quam quod decern homines effecerint triduo.' Cf. Plato, 
Leg. xii. p. 959 : %wfj.a W \wvvvvai vxbvXorEpov irivre ävcpööv 
epyov, kv Trei'6' j]/j.£paig a.7rorEXovjj.£vov. XiOiva ce kivicrriip.ara fxi) 
fjiel^io rroielv T] oaa ley^Eadai ra rov TEreXev-rjicoTog {-/fcw^uia ßlov, 
fxrj TrXet'w r£rrdpu)v fjpwiKojv arlyuv. This sumptuary enactment; 
does not seem, however, to have remained long in force, as great 
sums continued to be spent on the erection of monuments. Thus 
one — a modest erection — is mentioned as costing twenty-five 
minse ; Lysias, in Diogit. p. 905. So Phormio erects one to his 
wife at an expense of more than two talents; Demosth. in Steph. 
i. p. 1125. Of the monument to Isocrates, we are told by Plu- 
tarch, Dec. Orot. Vit. p. 364 : avrü) ce 'Icrotcparei irrl rov \xvr\p\a- 
rog hrr\v kiiov TpuiKOvra Tr-qyjov, i<f oi) GEiprjv irrjyjöv e~tcl avfjßo- 
Xikwq. According to Cicero, ibid., Demetrius Phalereus again 
tried unsuccessfully to restrain this sumptuousness. 1 Sepulchris 
autem novis finivit modum : nam super terras tumulum noluit 
quid statui, nisi columellam tribus cubitis ne altiorem, aut men- 
sam, aut labellum, et huic procuration! certum magistratum 
prasfecerat.' 

The (TTvXat, in their strict signification — for the word often 
denotes tombs generally — were slabs of stone standing upright, 
rather than pillars. Upon these usually rested an k-Ldrifxa, 
sometimes gable-shaped, sometimes rounded like a coping-tile, 
and mostly ornamented with arabesques. Often too they were 
adorned with reliefs or paintings. Pausan. ii. 7, 4. See Stack- 
elberg, PI. 1-6. The Sicyonian grave-stones were all of one 
peculiar form. Pausan. ii. 7, 3 : Xidov H ei7oiKoCofjir](Tavreg Kpij- 

7Tt()a KtOVCLQ E(pL(TTCL(XL KCLl E7r' ClVTcTlQ eVi'ör/^Ua TTOLOVGl KCtTCl TOVQ 

cierovg juaXiora rovg kv rolg vaolg. 

The regular columns, rioveg, very frequently occur on vases. 
See Stackelberg, PI. 44-46; Millin, Peint. d. Vas. i. 16 ; ii. 29, 
51 ; Millingen, Peint. d. Vas. 39. The mensa mentioned by 
Cicero was a cubical or other four-cornered stone, having a flat 
surface above, while on the sides there were perhaps reliefs. See 
Plutarch, Dec. Orat. Vit. p. 364: i)v ce kcu avrov rpawE^a 7rXn- 
rr'iov Eyovaa Trotvräg re ra! rovg litacrKciXovg avrov, kv oig /cat 
Topyuiv Eig crtyalpav cia-rpoXoyiajV ßXlrcovra, avrov re rov 'Lcro- 
Kpärnv TtapEcrwra. The lobelia are probably identical with 



396 



THE BURIALS. 



[EXCTTKSTJS. 



the 7rve\oi or Xyvol, and so perhaps are many of the so-called 
sarcophagi. 

The inscription contained, in addition to the name of the de- 
ceased, a few notices about his life in an epigrammatic form, admo- 
nitions addressed to the survivors, and frequently imprecations on 
any one who should touch or desecrate the tomb. For example, 
see Böckh, Corp. Inscr. p. 531, no. 916 : TLapacLcts)iii Tolg Karax- 
6ovio[_t^g 6eo~ig tovto to ypüov (pvXavaew, UXovtiovi Kat AyfxyTpt 
tea) TLep(X£(f)6rr] Kal 'Ep[i]vv<n Kai Träcri roig Kara\j)£flovioiQ deo~tg. 
el rig airoKoajxyaEt tovto to ypuiov y avaaTOji\_io~\(JEL y ti Kat 
ETepov fiETaKLvyaet y avTog y dt äXXov, fiy yy ßarrj, fuy daXavaa 
ttXiotij [torcu], a\Xa EKpt^wdfjfTETat TzavyEVEt. iraat roig Kanolg 
TTElpav du)P£i kuI (f)p£iKy Kat 7r[v]p£^rk> Tpiraia)"^ Kat rerapro/w Kai 
kXityavTt. Kat baa kuko. Kat [oXidpia'J ytvETat, TavTa yEvicrdio tio 
ToXfiijoavTi ek tovtov tov ypüov fiETaKtvrjaai Tt. Also ib. p. 541, 
nos. 989, 990, 991; and Gallus, p. 522. Many directed that 
slaves should keep watch by the tomb. Lucian, Nigr. 30. In 
some places, however, the epitaphs were usually short and simple. 
Thus Pausanias, ii. 7, 3, speaking o£ Sicyon, says : ETriypafx/j-a 
c)£ akXo fJLEV ypa(j)Ovcrip ovg^ev, to 5f bvojia i<f kavTov Kat oh 7ra- 
TpodEv vTTEnrovTtg keXevovcti tov vEKpov yjdpEiv. Lycurgus would 
not even allow the name to be inscribed. Plutarch, Lye. 27. 
One Diodoros wrote a special work tzeo\ ^.vyjxaTwv. Plutarch, 
Themist. 32 ; Dec. Orot. Vit. p. 406. Age seems to have made 
no difference, for monuments with inscriptions were erected to 
children who died in early infancy. Corp. Inscr. p. 544, n. 997 ; 
p. 500, no. 632 ; p. 535, no. 942. 

Various effects were put into the tomb along with the corpse, 
such as earthen vessels, and certainly the XyKvQot which had served 
at the irpödeatg, in like manner as, in case of burning, they were 
placed on the pyre. This was a very ancient custom, as is seen 
from what Agesilaos found on opening the reputed grave of 
Alcmene. Plutarch, de Gen. Soar. 5. Within were discovered : 
xpiXXiov j(clXkovv oh piya Kal dvo hfxfyopEEg KEpafJEtot yyv 'kyovTEg 
kvTog virb yjpovov XEXtQwfxzvyv yly Kat (TVfXTTE-Kyyviav. To whom- 
soever this grave belonged, it was at all events one of very ancient 
date, as is shown by the brazen tablets inscribed with strange 
characters. The invaluable collections of painted vases which 
we possess were all discovered in tombs, and the style of the 



Scene IX.] 



THE BURIALS. 



397 



painting shows that the practice endured over the best period of 
Grecian art. The time of the decline of the custom can be known 
only from conjecture- It is certain, however, that it was so 
utterly forgotten in Greece at Caesar's time, that when, on the 
rebuilding of Corinth, graves were discovered containing such 
vessels, these were regarded by the Romans as curiosities, and 
eagerly bought up. See Strabo, viii. 6, 23. 

In the walled graves of Magna Gra?cia these vessels either 
stand round the corpse, or hang on the walls ; so also in the 
earthen coffins. In the coffin of a child which has been already 
mentioned, p. 392, there were fifteen vessels of various shapes, 
among which were four large lecythi, as well as four sitting* 
figures of earthenware. Mirrors, trinkets, and so forth, were 
also put into the tomb. See Stackelberg, PI. 72. 

The burial was followed by a funeral-feast, irEpthnrvov. Lu- 
cian, de .Luciu, 24: ett\ iräcri ()£ tovtolq to TrepiCEnrvov, rai Trap- 
tiaiv ol Trpoa^KovTEQ /cat tovq yoviag TrapafivQovvTai tov teteXev- 
ty]k6toc 7 /cat TveLQovcri yevcracrdai 0)g ovk ct^Bwe, fxa At', ovd' avrovg 
avaytca^oiiivovQ, aW ifir) vtto Xl/jovj rpiiov klfjg i]/j.epu>p cnrrjvdr)- 
Korag. See Cic. Leg. ii. 25. It was naturally held in the house of 
the nearest relative. When Demosthenes was selected to deliver 
the funeral oration for those who had fallen at ChEeroneia, their 
parents and brothers agreed to celebrate the TrzpLltnrvov at his 
house, he being regarded as the representative of all. Demosth. 
de Coron. p. 321 : aXXh oiov itoieiv avrovg to Trepidenrrov, wg nap* 
oiKEWTaTu) tCjv teteXevtt]k6t(i)v, (on-KEp raW eiojOe yiyvEtrdai, tovt 
ETToi-qcrav 7rap' kjioi. Cf. Id. in Macart. p. 1071. On these occa- 
sions the de eased person was regarded as the host. Artemidor. 
Oneirocr. v. 82 : "Eöoe [xev yap rolg (rvfxßiwTaig /cat Eig tcl tüv 
enrodavovTwv etcrievai /cat de i-kve~lv. ?/ oe vivoloyj] XiyETai yEviadat 
bird tov cuvoQavovTOQ Kara rtp/v tijv cat tojv avfxßnjJTwv elg Toy 
inrodavovTa. Cf. Plutarch, Frag. v. p. 881. 

On the succeeding days various sacrifices took place. Poll, 
viii. 146: UpodicEig, EKfopai, rptVa, eWara, rpta/ca^fg, ivayin- 
fxuTa, x oa '> ra vwofiitrfiiva. First come the rpt'ra, which hap- 
pened on the third day. Aristoph. Lysistr. 611 : 

(/.civ iytcuXeis, '6ri oxjyjL irpovOe/xecrOd <re; 
aAA' is TpiT7)v yovv 7]fj.4pav <rot trpep vdw 
?j£et irap' 7]/j.uy to. rp'iT ineaKevaafieva. 



398 



THE BURIALS. 



[EXCTJKSTTS. 



ScHol. : ETTEidri rrj rpirrj to tCjv vekolov apiarov ityipETO. But 
the most important sacrifice was the kvara or evvara, which took 
place on the ninth day, and formed the conclusion of the regular 
obsequies. iEschin, in Ctesiph. p. 617; Isseus, de Ciron. Her. 
p. 224. In what the evara consisted does not clearly appear, 
though from Plautus, Aul. ii. 4, 45, it would seem to have been 
ä formal feast prepared for the dead. Cf. Id. Pseud, iii. 2, 4. 
But the mourning of the survivors was not yet complete. See 
iEschin. in Ctesiph. p. 468 ; Plutarch, Demosth. 22. At Athens 
it probably terminated on the thirtieth day, as may be inferred 
from Lysias, de Ccede Erat. p. 15 : eco^e Is p.01, (5 avdpeg, E\pifxv- 
Oiojadai, rov adeXfov redveuirog ovtcio rpiaKOvd' iifxipag. Cf. Poll, 
i. 66 ; and Harpocr. s. v. Tpiatcag. At Sparta Lycurgus ordered 
that the mourning should finish sooner ; Plutarch, Lycurg. 27 : 
Xpovov c)£ Trivdovg oXiyov izpouüpiaEV, y/jepag evCEKW rij ci dwCE- 
jcarp dvvavrag eZel AyprjrpL Xveiv to irivdog. With regard to the 
custom at Argos, see Plutarch, Quast. Gr. 24. 

The outward signs of mourning consisted in a studied avoid- 
ance of everything betokening joy and happiness; the usual dress 
was laid aside, and even the hair was cut off. From the very 
earliest times the customs of cutting off the hair and putting on 
black garments appear to have prevailed. See iEschyl. Choeph. 
7 ; Eurip. Helen. 1087. 

lyw 5' es oIkovs ßaaa ßovTpvxovs re/j.w, 
ir4ir\uv re Ksvkuv (xeXavas avTaKXa^opai. 

Iplrig. in Aul. 1416 : 

/a^t' ovv 76 rbv ahv ir\6Kafj.ou e«:Te/z7?s rpixhs, 
fx7}T afi<pl (xcafia fieAavas a/xiriaxj] weTrAovs. 

Cf. Isa3us, de Nicostr. Her. p. 71. These customs endured till 
a very late period. Plutarch, Consol. ad Ux. 4 : Kovpag avyxy- 
pt~iv 7rev61fxovg Kai ßa(päg Effdijrog fXEXaivng. Athen, xv. p. 675. 
Thus also on the death of any very popular personage, as a 
general, it sometimes happened that all the army cut off their 
hair and the manes of their horses ; a custom also practised by 
the barbarians. Plutarch, Pelop. 33 ; Herodot. ix. 24. So Alex- 
ander on the death of Hephaestion, had the folly to cause the 
battlements of several towns to be razed. Plutarch, Alex. 72 : 

EvdllC fjLEV ITTTTOVg TE K£~ipai TTCLVTag ETTL TTEvQeI Kai ijfXlOVOVC EKE- 

Xevge ml twv 7TEpi£, ttoXeuv cl^eXXe Tag k-rraX^Eig. Cf. Id. Pelop. 



SCEKB IX.] 



THE BUKIALS. 



39S 



34 ; and iElian, Var. Hist. vii. 8. After all this, it is not easy 
to understand the meaning of a passage in Plutarch, Qucest. Rom. 
14, where he says : rat yap 7rap' "EAA^crty, orav Ivarv^ia rig 
yevwrai, Ktipovrai fiev at yvvaliceg, KOfxioai <5e ol avSpeg, ore rdlq 
fiev to Kelpeadat, rate £e to tcofiäv <rvvr)dsg eariv. In this asser- 
tion he is supported by Artemidorus, Oneirocr. i. 19, though the 
statement appears to be contradicted by Athenseus, xv. p. 675 ; 
by Eustathius, ad Iliad, ii. 6 ; and even by Plutarch himself, de 
Siiperst. 7. These passages appear to be irreconcilable, unless we 
suppose the custom to have altered. 

The mourning dress was, as we have seen, generally black ; 
hence the boast of Pericles : ovdelg $i e//e t&v bvriov 'A0^vatW 
fxiXav Ifiariov TrepteßciXero. Plutarch, Peric. 38. Black gar- 
ments were worn not only in cases of death, but also on other 
occasions of mourning. Lysias, in Agorat. p. 469 : nal xat 
Aiovvaotwpog fxeraTcifx-KeraL rrjy a3f\0?)v rrjv i/jtr)y elg to deo-fiw- 
rripLor, yuralca eavrov ovaav. 7rvQop,evif] t)' ekelvi] a^LKveiraL fxiXav 
T£ l^iaTLOv rifMpuafievr], ojg elKog i]V kir\ r<ö avfipl aurrjg, roiavTt] 
av/jifopä Kzypr)\iiv(t>. Cf. Aristoph. Acharn. 1023. In different 
states, however, the custom varied ; at Argos, for instance, the 
colour of mourning was white. Plutarch, Quwst. Rom. 26 : iv 
£e 'Apyet \evkcl tyopovaiv av TO~tg nivd eert, wg ^ojKparrjg tyrjcrlv, 
hlcLTOKkvaTa. It should also be observed that in every case a 
black himation only is mentioned ; and it is the more probable 
that the chiton was not changed, because dark-coloured under- 
garments were frequently worn in common life. 

The graves were piously and assiduously tended by the sur- 
viving relatives ; the light in which they were regarded is shown 
by the mention of them in the climax of the impassioned harangue 
before the battle of Salamis. iEschyl. Pers. 408 : 

d> 7rcuSes 'EW-qvwv, ire 
eXeuflepoure irarpih\ eKtvOepovre 8e 
vcuSas, yvvcuxas, Oeoiv ire irarpcpuv e5rj, 
6i]tcas re wpoyovoov ' vvv virep irdvTCM aywv 

See also Lycurg. in Leocr. p. 141 : ri yap XPV iradelv tov ekXl- 
TrovTa fJ.£v rr\v narpi^a, /j.)) ßorjdijaavra oe rolg irarpwoig lepolg, 
iyKaraXi-KovTa le. rag twv 7rpoy6vii)v dtjuag ; It was also usual, 
at the Docimasia of the Athenian Archons, to enquire whether 
the candidate had neglected the graves of his forefathers. Xenoph. 



400 



THE BURIALS. 



[Excursus. 



Memor. ii. 2, 13 : Kai, vr) A/a, eav rig rwv yoveojv reXevrnaav- 
TO)v rovg rafovg /arj KOffjxrj, Kai rovro e^era^ei f] TroXig ev ralg 
rS)v apyovriov SoKifxaalaig. Cf. Dinaren, in Aristog.^.&b ; Isocr. 
Platceens. p. 418. On stated days the tombs were crowned and 
adorned with tee nice, and various offerings were made. One of 
the ceremonies in honour of the dead was the yerecria, mentioned 
as a Grecian custom by Herodotus, iv. 26, and which has been 
variously explained. The most reasonable solution of the diffi- 
culty is that which the etymology would indicate, namely, that 
it was the festival on the birth-day of the defunct ; and this is 
confirmed by the will of Epicurus ; Diog. Laert. x. 18 : (tkottov- 
f.ievoi eig re ra evayla\iara rü> re irarpi Kai rrj finrpi, Kai rolg 
ä()eX(po~ig, Kai yj/uuv elg rrjv eldMTjievnvayeadaiyevedXiov yjyJpav eKcicr- 
rov erovg rrj nporipa deKarrj rov Tapr)Xia>)>og. See also Suidas; 
Ammonias ; and Lobeck on Phryn. p. 104. Besides this there 
was another festival held on the anniversary of the day when 
the person died. At Athens also there was a public festival in 
honour of the dead, called veKvaia, Hesychius : Teveaia, eopn) 
Trerdi fiog* AQ-nvatoig ' ol <)e ra veKvaia. Kai iv rrj rj/jiepa rrj yrj dvovai. 
These were what are called cnrotipadeg rjfiepai, by Plato, Leg. vii. 
p. 800. Tim. Lex. p. 41 : 'ATrotypadeg ij^epai, ev alg rolg Karoi^o- 
fxevoig x oa C eirityepoviTLV. 

The process of sacrificing at the grave was called evayi£eiv, 
and the sacrifice itself evayKrjj.a y usually xocu ; and, when com- 
bined with bloody offerings, a'ifiaKovpiai. JEschylus, Pers. 615- 
C24, enumerates the ingredients of which the \oa\ consisted — 
namely, milk, honey, water, wine, olives, and flowers. But this 
was not all, for regular banquets were set out, and burnt in 
honour of the dead. Lucian, Char. s. Contempt. 22 : Tt ovv eKe'i- 
roi crre(j)avov<Ti rovg Xidovg Kai yjp'iovai {-ivpto ; ol ^£ Kai irvpav 
vqaavreg Trpb tCjv -^(Ofiarwv, Kai ßoOpov rivä 6pv£avreg Kaiovrri 
re ravri ra TroXvreXr\ del-irva Kai elg ra opvyfxara oivov Kai /j,e- 
XiKparov, wg yovv eiKaaai, eyyiovaiv. Cf. Id. de Merc. Cond. 28; 
Artemidor. Oneirocr. iv. 81. Solon forbade any but relatives to 
take part in these rites ; he also forbade the sacrifice of heifers. 
Plutarch, Sol. 21 ; Böckh, ad Pind. Olymp, i. p. 112. 

It was considered a pious duty to visit the grave, not only on 
these fixed days, but at other times, from a belief that the presence 
of those who had been friends of the deceased in this life, was as 



Scene IX.] 



THE BURIALS. 



401 



agreeable, as the approach of his enemies was hateful. Isseus, de 
Astyph. Her. p. 232 : rat tov ifxbv Traripa aadsvovvra kwl to 
fiv^fjia riyayoV) ev eld6reg f ort äcnra^oiro avrov 'Aorv0tA.be. 
Again, p. 242, a dying person wills that certain parties should 
not approach his tomb. Cf. Sophocl. Ajax, 1372 : 

ce 8', d> yspaiov <nr4p/xa Aa4prov irarpbs, 
Tacpov juef 6kv<2 rovS' iniv/aveiv iav, 
M^J t<£ QavövTl tovto 8vo~x e P* s tcuu. 

It now only remains to allude to the particular cases in which, 
from religious or political causes, the burial was omitted alto- 
gether, or was performed in an extraordinary manner ; or when, 
it being impossible to recover the body, vicarious ceremonies only 
were performed. Firstly, the bodies of those struck by lightning 
were either left uninterred, or at least were not placed in a tomb 
with others, since they were looked on as struck by the deity, and 
therefore lepovg veicpovg. See Eurip. Suppl. 935 : 

©. rbv fxev Aibs i:\r\y4vTa. Kaitav4a irvpl— 
A. ^ %oopis, lepbv ws uzKpbv, ddipai 64\eis ; 
0. vaL tovs 84 7' aWovs irdvras iv fxia irvpa. 

Also Artemid. Oneirocr. ii. 9 : ovdelg yap Kepavvojdetg arifiog kariv' 
odev ye rai wg deog ri^ictrat . . . oh yap 01 Kepavvwdevreg fjtTariQev- 
rat, aAX.' oirov av vivo rov irvpog Kara\r)(f)daKTiv 7 evravda dairrov- 
rai. Cf. Philost. Imag. ii. 31 ; and Plutarch, Sympos. iv. 2, 3. 
Malefactors also, who had been condemned to death, were left 
unburied, though this appears to have been intended as an aggra- 
vation of their punishment. At Athens there was a place where 
such corpses were thrown, and the same was the case at Sparta. 
Plutarch, Themist. 22 ; Thucyd. i. 134. Traitors to their country 
were also denied burial ; as for instance was the case with Poly- 
nices, Ajax, and also, according to the legend, with Palamedes. 
See Philostr. Heroic. 1 ; Dio Chrysost. Orat.xxxi. p. 580; Thu- 
cyd. ibid. The right hands of those who had committed suicide 
were hacked off, but burial was not refused them. iEschin. in 
Ctesiph. p. 636 : rat eav rig avrbv ^ia^pr](T7]rat, tyjv yzipa Tijv 
tovto Trpdiaaav yup\g tov awfxaTog dcnrTOfj.Ev. Plato thinks that 
such should be buried privately, and without any monument. 
Leg. ix. p. 873 : da-rrreiv aKXeelg avTovg, ^\te ary)Xaig, fiyTE 0Y0- 
/uaoi drjXovvTag rovg ra^ovg. Perhaps such burials took place 
at night, which was certainly the case in special instances ; so 

D D 



402 



THE BURIALS. 



[Excursus. 



Cassandra prophesies concerning Agamemnon ; Eurip. Troades, 
448: 

^ Kaxbs kclkws ro.<p7}crsi vvttrbs, ovk iv fjfiepq. 

Those who had died a violent death were interred with particular 
formalities. To symbolise the pursuit of the murderer, which was 
incumbent on the relations, a lance was carried in front of the 
procession, and stuck upright by the grave, and this was watched 
for three days. Cf. Demosth. in Euerg. p. 1160 : irpwrov fiev 
E7TEVEyKe7v ?>6pv eVt EKtyopä kcu irpoayopEveiv eVt tu yuv//^ian, 
et Tig irpoa^Kiov eort rijg ärdpuirov' tVeira to [xvij/xa ^vXarreiv 
ext rpeig ijfiepac. Cf. Harpocr. s.v. erreveyiceiv copv. Eurip. 
Troad. 1137. When the body could not be obtained, as in the 
case of those who had been lost at sea, a fictitious burial took 
place. Charit, iv. 1 : /cat yap el /j.rj to awp.a evprjrai rov Svcrrv- 
%ovg, dXXa vofiog ovtoq apyaiog 'EW^wy, ware Kal rovg atyaveig 
~u(poiQ Kocr/j.E~iv. Eurip. Helen. 1241 : 

"EWyalv iari v6/j.os, bs &y ttovtcü 6dvr} . . . 
Kivotai QaiTTSiv iv iriirXwv vcpdaixacriv. 

In Chariton the ei^wXov of Chasreas is carried on the kXIptj. 
But he is not a writer to be trusted implicitly on such matters ; 
and perhaps the Roman custom, at the funerals of the emperors, 
of placing the wax effigy of the deceased on the lectus, may have 
given rise to such a fiction. Also in the public funerals of those 
warriors who had fallen in battle a similar representative cere- 
mony took place. Thucyd. ii. 34 : fxia le kXivv kevti ^e'perat 
Efrrpoj/iiEvrf rwv a(f>av(öp, ot av fxri EvpEQ&aiv eg avaipEcriv. Cf. 
Plutarch, Qucest. Rom. 5. 

The chief works on the burial-usages of the ancients are 
Meursius, de Funere-, Guther, de Jure Manium; Laurentius, 
de Fun. Ant. ; Quensted, de Sepidt. Vet. But all these writers 
refer more to the Roman usages than the Greek, and blend both 
together after a strange fashion. Stackelberg's work, Die Gräber 
der Hellenen, Berl. 1837, is of more value than all of them. 



EXCUESUS TO SCENE X. 



THEATEE-GrOINGr. 

OMITTING all enquiry as to the structure of the theatre, the 
method of scenic representation, and the numberless appli- 
ances of the stage, we shall confine ourselves to the spectators, 
and collect a few particulars as to who they were, what was their 
appearance, how they manifested their approval or disapproval 
j of the performance, and how Greek character and manners were 
displayed in the theatre. 

Who then were the spectators ? The answer to this question 
is by no means easy, but nevertheless of much importance to any 
one who would arrive at a just comprehension of the habits of the 
Greek people, since its solution involves our estimate of the social 
position of the women, the efficiency of the educational system, 
and moreover our verdict as to the Athenian drama, and the 
appropriateness of the characters introduced upon the stage. 

Böttiger was the first to assert that the females of Athens 
were not present at the dramatic representations ; and he further 
affirmed that no young Athenian was allowed to visit the theatre 
before his eighteenth year, at which period he was admitted 
amonor the ephebi. These positions were attacked by Schlegel 
and Böckh, and Böttiger has even contradicted himself by inad- 
vertently speaking of women and children being present at the 
theatre. Kl. Sehr. ii. p. 279. Heindorf, Welcker, Voss, and 
! Jacobs, also agree that women were among the audience. Of late 
\ the question has again been mooted by Meier, who thinks that 
8 maidens and respectable women did not often go to the theatre at 
h Athens. And finally Passow comes to the conclusion that the 
t Athenian females were present at tragedies, but not at comedies. 
All the passages bearing on the subject have been again and 
again brought forward in the course of the controversy, but it is 
worthy of remark, that among them all, there is not one posi- 
tively deciding the matter either way. Those who argue against 
the presence of the women rely mainly on the assumed seclusion 
! of the sex, and also on the absence of clear positive assertions to 

D D 2 



404 



THEATRE-GOING. 



[Excuesus. 



the contrary ; while their opponents rest chiefly on sundry pas- 
sages which appear, in their natural sense, to refer to the presence 
of women among the auditors. But before entering on this dis- 
cussion, we would first enquire whether there was anything in the 
nature of the tragic drama which might render it undesirable 
for women to be present. In tragedy itself, that most solemn 
species of poetry, which, full of earnestness and propriety, es- 
sayed to convey to mankind warning and instruction couched 
in the noblest language ; that held up to him the nothingness of 
man, and the might of the deity ; the perniciousness of passion, 
the high value of just and dispassionate action, and the slow, 
yet sure, punishment of transgression ; in short, the sublimest 
picture of human doing and suffering; — in such representations 
nothing can be discovered rendering it unfit for women to be 
spectators. It would indeed be strange if the Greeks, with whom 
poetry was such a generally acknowledged means of forming 
the mind, had denied this advantage to the women, unless other 
reasons existed for this step. It will therefore be necessary to 
fall back on Bottiger's assertion, that it would have been con- 
sidered the height of impropriety for a modest woman to appear 
openly among men. 

We will now investigate certain passages bearing on the sub- 
ject ; and here it will not be desirable merely to confine ourselves 
to Athens, nor to the Aristophanic period alone. First then for 
the later writers on the subject, who are by far the most explicit. 
Thus in Lucian's dialogue, de Saltatione, § 5, the sophist Craton, 
who objects to mimic dances, is made to say, "En yap tovto fxoi 
to Xonrov >'/v, iv ßadei toutu) vrwywvi Kal TtoXiq. rrj Kojxr] Kcidfjadai 
fxeaov iv roig yvvaioig Kal ring jj.ejj.7]v6<tlv EKEtvoig deara'ig, K. r. X. 
And Plutarch, Consul, ad Uxor. 5, praising the evreXeia of his 
wife, says: ovte tu>v ttoXltCjv (ovcelg kariv), oj jjli) deafxa Trapzyeic 
iv updlg Kol Ovulate, Kal dearpoig t))v creavTfjg dfeXelav. But 
these passages prove little, since they allude to a period when 
Greek manners had been considerably modified by Eoman in- 
fluence. Again, Phintys, apud Stob. Tit. lxxiv. 61, speaking of 
the occasions on which it was allowable for a woman to make 
her appearance in public, says: tirtiTa fi)]T£ opfräg dvi(iTap.Evag, 
fiy'ire EGKEpag, dXXd 7rXadovaag dyopäg Karatyavia ywu/JEvav tuv 
r^odov Troiüadat. ÖEwpiag evekcl rtiog i) dyopaafxaj oIki]w. Here 



Scene X.] 



THEATRE-GOING. 



405 



however it does not necessarily follow that this word dewpia re- 
lates to the theatre at all. Cf. Poll. ii. 56. Moreover, the passage 
which Pollux, x. 67, cites from Aristophanes is inconclusive, as 
we are ignorant of the context. The same objection applies also to 
a fragment of Alexis, ap. Poll. ix. 44. Aristoph. Thesmoph. 832- 
841, and Secies. 23, are not applicable to the question. The 
Scholiast's explanation of the latter passage was probably manu- 
factured by himself for the occasion. But a third passage of 
Aristophanes, Hance, 1049, seems conclusive as to the fact that 
noble ladies were present at the representation of tragedies, such 
as the Phcedra of Euripides, and were deeply shocked at the in- 
sults to their sex. 

Much weight, moreover, should be attached to Plato, Leg. ii. 
p. 658. To illustrate the influence of age and education on the 
judgment, he supposes a contest between jugglers, comedians, 
tragedians, and rhapsodists, and then says: el /ueu to'ivvv ra iram 
(TfxiKpa Kpiioi iraiZia, KpivovaiTov Ta Oavfxara airoöeiKvvi'Ta . . . ebv 
de y ol fxei^ovg 7ra7öeg, top rag Koj/xipötag ' rpayoyciav c)£ at re ire- 
TtaiZev^evui tüjp ywaiKÜP Kal to. via /jteipaKia Kal a^eöbp 'laojg to 
Tr\r\doQ -navTuv, k.t.X. If women had been systematically ex- 
cluded from the theatre, it would be difficult to account for their 
preference for tragedy. Equally conclusive is Leg. vii. p. 817, 
where, when the tragedians and actors apply for admission into 
the new state, the citizens reply : fxrj £>) lolyre fjfiäg paöiiog ye 
ovtioq v/uäg irore 7rajo' ij/jfiv eaaeiv <JKY)väg re irr]£,avTaQ Kar' äyopav 
Kai KaXXupiovovg v7roKpirag elcrayofieiovg fxe~i£op <pdeyyo/j.epovg y/j^v 
ewiTpexpeiP vfxiv drjjxrjyopelp irpbg iroüöug re Kai yvvaÄKag Kal top 
TcävTa oyXov k.t.X. The most decisive passage in Plato, however, 
is in Gorg. p. 502 : 2£2. Ovkovp ?/ prjTopiK)) drjfjirjyopia av e'ir), i) ov 
i prjTopeveiv Zokovg'i aoi ol iroirjral ev TO~ig decirpoig ; KAA. "JLjxoiye. 
i 2ß. Niip äpa i]}xe~ig ebpr]Kajiep prjTOpiKijp riva irpbg hijfxor, toiov- 
t top, oiov 7raiö(OP re bjj.ov Kai yvvaiKÜv Kai äiöpu>p, Kai öovXojp kui 
a eXevdepiop, fjp ov irapv aya^ieQa. Here we find it stated in plain 
- words that the drjfiog in the theatre consisted of men, women, and 
if children, of slaves and free. That hetasrae visited the theatre there 
e can be no doubt at all. See Athen, iv. p. 157, where the nick- 
4 name QeurpoTopvprj is applied to Melissa, from her appearance 
J in the theatre being the signal for disturbance. Still none of the 
re u above passages mention as a fact the presence of women on any 



406 



THEATRE-GOING. 



[EXCTTESTTS. 



particular occasion. But fortunately such evidence is supplied 
by an anecdote of Alcibiades contained in a fragment of the 
peripatetic Satyros, ap. Athen, xii. p. 534 : ort xopvyoty ^ojx- 
TrtvMV iv 7Top(pvpl^i, elatcjv slg to Öearpov idav/xa^ero ob fiövov 
vTzb Tiov avdptöv, aXXa /cat V7r6 tCov yvvatKwv. The place alluded 
to is Athens, and the period that of the Peloponnesian war. 

The well-known legend of the fright of the women on the 
appearance of the chorus in the Eumenides, may be a later 
invention or exaggeration, as is the opinion of Hermann and 
Böttiger. It does not come to us on sufficiently good or early 
authority to do us any service in the present argument. 

But on a Greek vase found at Aulis there is a remarkable 
painting of a Grecian theatre (Millin, Peint. d. Vas. ii. pi. 55, 56), 
which, from the view of the temple of the Acropolis above, is evi- 
dently that of Dionysos at Athens. It is in three compartments, 
one of which represents a portion of the stage, and the other two 
the seats for the spectators ; one division of the seats is empty, 
and in the other and larger one, we see two women in the long 
chiton and himation ; one sitting, the other standing. Behind 
them is a third female figure, in a chiton only, and beside her a 
youth in a chlamys. That these figures are made to stand for 
the entire audience will surprise no one who is acquainted with 
the conventions usual in the vase-paintings. This vase then 
seems almost conclusive on the question. 

The women do not appear, however, to have been present at 
the comedy, at least in early times. The passages cited below to 
prove the admission of the boys, afford specific proof that the 
women were excluded, and indeed the grossness of the dialogue 
can only be excused on the supposition that none of the female 
sex were among the auditors. 

Boys were allowed to be present at both comic and tragic repre- 
sentations. This may be gathered, more especially as regards 
tragedy, from the passages of Plato already cited. Leg. ii. 
p. 658 ; lb. vii. p. 817 ; Gorg. p. 502. To these may be added 
Pausan. i. 2, 3 : Xiyerat fxev ot) /cat aXXa ovic aXrjdfj napa rolg 
ttoXXoTiq, ola IffTopiag ävrjKooig ovm kox oTcoaa tikovov svBvg £/c 
7raihojv 'iv re j^opoTg leal rpayvctaig ttmttci iiyovjiivoig. And in 
Theophr. Char. 9, a sign of avain^yvTia is said to be : kcu livoig 
e[e avrov deav ayopdaag fjirj huvg to fiipog ötwpeiv äyecv t)e Kai 



SCEKE X.] 



THEATEE -GOIXGr. 



407 



rovg vlelg elg T7]v vcrrepaiav Kal tov Traioaywyov. It need not 
excite surprise that the women are not here mentioned, since they 
sat apart in a separate portion of the theatre. Another passage 
is Isaeus, de Ciron. Her. p. 206 : aXXa Kal elg Aiovvcria elg äypdv 
rjyev äel ij/J-äg, Kal juer eKeivov {tov Trcnnrov) re eQeu)povfj.ev Kciöt]- 
fxevoi Trap avrbv, k. r. X. With respect to the comedies, clear 
proof may be derived from the comedians themselves. See 
Aristoph. JSfub. 537 : 

us 5e (Tuxppuv iarl cpvcrei, (TKtyaaQ* • 7]tls irpuTO. /xtv 
ovfiev ^Aöe parpafievr] (tkvtivov Ko.Qzip.kvov 
ipvdpbv e'| &Kpov, 7raxw, to?s iraidiois 'Lv 77 yeXus. 

See also Pax, 50 : 

eyu 5e rbv \6yov ye rolcri iraifiiois, 
vol Toicriv avSpioKTi, Kai toIs aSpaai, 
Kal to7s vireprdTOKTiv äv$pdo"LV (ppdcroo. 

Cf. Ib. 766. So too a fragment of Eupolis apud Aristot. Ethic. 
Nie. iv. 2 : yeXCoaiv, a>g opyc, ra 7raihla. Also for a later period, 
see Lucian, de Gymn. 22 : Kal fievToi Kai ig to diarpov avvayov-eg 
avrovg cr][j.ocria Tratdevo/xey vtto K(o/j.u)dtaLg Kal t pay wSf'cuc, äperae 
re avlpibv TraXaiwv Kal KaKiag Qeujxevovg, <hg twv fiev a-KOTperroLVTo, 
iir eKsiva (nrevZoiev. 

It is true that this seems in opposition to the otherwise strict 
discipline in which youths were kept ; and it is not very compre- 
hensible how an Autolycos or a Charmides could have been spec- 
tators of an Aristophanic comedy. The universal license of the 
Dionysia may perhaps have countenanced a departure of this kind 
from ordinary rules. Probably also the custom was not uni- 
versal, and some fathers may have been too careful of their sons 
to allow them to be present on such occasions. 

The spectators then were men, boys, and, as far as tragedy 
is concerned, women. To these, on Plato's authority, we must 
add slaves. Gorg. p. 502. The above cited passage of Theo- 
phrastus shows that the pedagogues, who were slaves, were 
present ; and it was no doubt usual for an attendant, o.k6Xov6oc, 
to accompany his master to the theatre. Moreover, Theophrastus 
( Char. 2 ) introduces the KoXa£ as taking the cushion from the 
slave, and placing it himself for the object of his attentions: 
Kal tov 7rai£6g ev rw ded-pu) atyeXofievog ra TrpocrKecpaXeia avTog 
inroo'Tpojaai. Cf. ./Eschin. in Ctesiph. p. 467. But it is doubtful 
whether these slaves remained in the theatre, and whether others 



408 



THEATRE- GOING. 



[Excrasrs. 



might go thither by themselves. At all events, it was not allowed 
in Eome at the time when the prologue to the Pcenulus of Plautus 
was written (v. 23) : 

Servi ne obsideant, liberis ut sit locus. 
Nor were the pedisequi allowed to remain (v. 40) : 
Dam ludi Sunt, in popinam pedisequi 
Irruptionem facite. 

But at Athens, where the relation between slave and freeman 
was on a different footing, the former may very possibly have 
been admitted, from the period when money was paid for entrance. 

This entrance-money, OeivpLKor, was, from the time of Pericles, 
paid out of the treasury to the poorer classes, and by degrees to 
all the burghers. It amounted to two oboles, which went to the 
contractor of the building, apxi-a-rwv, or to the person who 
rented the theatre, öearpwr^c, who was also called öearpo-uAr/c, 
from his selling the seats. But it seems from Plato, Apol. p. 26, 
that a higher charge was made for the better places (Alciphr. 
iii. 20 : to koXov tov dearpov), and some were as high as a 
drachma apiece. It will be unnecessary to pursue this subject 
further, since it has been very fully discussed in Böckh's Public 
JEcon. of Athens j pp. 219-226. 

That certain parts of the house were assigned to certain 
classes, as at Eome, may possibly be inferred from Aristoph. 
Equit. 704 : 

iSov TrpoeSpiav olov o^ofxai a* iyä) 
4k rrjs irpoeSpias %ax a ' rov Qz&^zvov. 

This inference is confirmed by a passage of Alexis, ap. Poll. ix. 
44, to which reference has already been made : 

ivravda irepl t??v icrx^W 8 ft KepKiSa 
vjj.as Kadi^ovcras dswpeiu, us l^evas. 

See also a very remarkable passage in Demosthenes, in Mid, 
p. 572, where the TrapsSpog of an archon forcibly ousts a person 
who is not sitting in his proper place : erepog aOiKulv -kot tloUv 
vfuv irepl tcl Atovvaia, teal Ka.TEx\ £L P OTOy hv aT ' avrov iraptZpevov-og 
ap^ovTL rw viel, on deav rivog KaraXaßoi'TOQ ij-^aro, kleipyiov 
£K tov deaTpov : and Demosthenes himself thinks that his con- 
duct should have been : Tolg vTr-qphaig ifeipyeiv eitteiv, ovk clvtoc 
tvtztelv. Ulpian, however, explains it, that he had got into 
another person's seat. 

We may assert with confidence that the women sat separate 



Scene X.] 



THEATKE-GOIjSTG. 



409 



from the men, and this opinion is supported by the inscriptions 
of the theatre at Syracuse ; for an excellent account of which the 
reader is referred to a paper by Göttling, in the Rhein. Mus. 
1834, p. 103 sqq. This theatre consisted of three stories, separated 
by passages, cua£w//a7-a, eight feet wide. The whole of the seats 
throughout all three stories were divided into nine Kararofiag or 
Kepfädag, (cuneos,) and the inscriptions on most of them are 
still legible. On the first taprig to the east nothing can be 
deciphered; on the second is inscribed BA2IAI22A2 NHPHI- 
A02 ; on the third, BA2IAI2SAS $IAI2TIA0S ; on the 
fourth, BAD . . . NOS. Proceeding further to the west the in- 
scriptions are more defaced, and on the fifth and s venth Gött- 
ling could only make out a few disconnected letters. Landolina, 
however, who saw the inscriptions toward the end of the last 
century, was able to read on the fifth, or centre one, AI02 OAY 
. . . IOY ; and on the seventh, H . AKAEOSE . #PONlOr ; 
though on the eighth and ninth compartments he could decipher 
nothing intelligible. From this it would seem that on the centre 
and four western compartments there were male names, and 
female ones on the four to the east (those namely to the right of 
the spectator). This can scarcely be supposed a fortuitous 
arrangement; on the contrary, it is probable that the seats of the 
women were denoted by female, and those of the men by male, 
names. These inscriptions were the appellations of the whole 
Kararofii], and do not denote the seats of individuals, as Göttling 
has satisfactorily shown. Cf. Panofka, Lettera sopra una In- 
scriz. del Teatro Syracus. 

The v-n-ripETai mentioned by Demosthenes in the passage just 
quoted, (in Mid. p. 572,) are the paßSotyopot or paßdovxot em- 
ployed to preserve order, and answer to the prcecones of the Eoman 
theatre, who also oust (suscitant) those who are not in their 
proper places. See Schol. ad Aristoph. Pax, 718. 

The representations began early in the morning, and places 
were taken ewdev. Philochoros, apud Athen, xi. p. 461, says: 
'Adnvaioi to~iq £iovvcrLa.Ko~iQ aywtri rd fxev irpwrov fipicrrrjKOTEQ Kai 
ttetcwkoteq kßali^ov kivi tt]v öeav Kai kaTE(pavb)fXEvoL edeojpovv, 
iraph. hi. tov ayüva Tvavra <pvoyoe~iTO Kai rpayrifxara irapf(piptro, 
Kai töiq ypp<no tiaiovatv iviytov tt'lvew Kai ZiriyiDvi(rfXEi>OLQ, or 

i^ETTOpEVOVTO EVtyEOV TTClXlV fXapTVpE~lV ()E TOVTOIQ Kai ^EpEKOCtTTj 



410 



THEATRE-GOING. 



[Excüesus. 



tov KWfxiicov, ort /^Xl 01 r, /£ Ka ^ eavTov ijXiKiag ovk cmjitovc eivai 
rovg dewpovvTciQ. This statement that they breakfasted first can 
only be true of the earliest period, for that it was not so in the 
time of Aristophanes is clear from Aves, 784 : 

ovdiv fVr' &n<:ivov, oi»S' rjBiov, (pvaai irrepd. 
avrlx vfxQu tu>p OearcHv t5f Tis jjv vTroirrepos, 
elra iravwv rots xopoTcri t&v Tpay&Scov 'rjx6*TO, 
€Kirer6/j.evos Ixv ovros ripiarricrev i\6wu oiKaSe, 
Kar' ifxirXrjcrOils i(p' r,fxas avdts au KarinTeTO. 

According to all accounts, however, the performances commenced 
at a very early hour. See iEschin. in Ctesiph. p. 467 : tcai apa 
Trj rj/uepg. yyelro rolg irpiaßtaiv elg to dtarpov. So Demosth. in 
Mid. p. 538 : iyto c)' vir kyßpov viityovrog ewQev . . . vßpi^ofxrjv. This 
practice continued till a late period. Plutarch, Non Posse Suav. 
13 : Tt Xeyeig, <5 'JLiriKOvpE ; Kidctpufdwv ml avXnrwv eiodev atcpoarro- 
fitvog elg to dectTpov ßa^i^etg, k.t.X. Eating and drinking were 
permitted in the theatre ; but many only sat out part of the per- 
formance, while others did not come till late, when the money- 
taker was gone, and they could get in for nothing. The ßdeXvpbg 
did this ; Theophr. Char. 30 : kcli E7ri diav tyivikclIe iropEVEcrdat 
clywv Toiig vle~tg, yviica irpo~iiza a<pia<riv ot deaTpwrat, Others, how- 
ever, were present the whole time. Dio Chrysost. Or. xxvii. p. 
528 : kcli tovtwv (twv ötaröh') ocroi <r<p6c)pa kcnrov^aKOTEg elg to 
Trpctyfia, dtctTEXovcnv ovdev aXXo irpaTTOVTEg El, ewOlvov. 

The audience did not scruple to evince their disapprobation 
either of actors or of individual spectators, by loud whistling 
and clucking. Demosth. in Mid. p. 586 : v/j.Qv ol Oeoj/ievol to~iq 
Aioi'vcrioig eiviovto. Eig to Oiarpov tovtov (Ma^'av) iovp'iTTETE Kat 
ekXu '(ete. &ote a fxiaovg iari <7?7/xf7a tclvt ettole~lte. Cf. -ZEschin. 
in Ctesiph. p. 467. On the other hand, those who were distin- 
guished and beloved were received with marks of universal 
respect. Thus at the Olympic games, when Themistocles entered, 
the whole assembly rose with one accord ; see Pausan. viii. 50, 3. 
Similar demonstrations occurred in other instances. Lucian, De- 
mon. 63. The method of applauding poets and players was by 
clapping the hands and by loud acclamations; this was called dopv- 
ße'iv, or EiricrrifxaLvEiv. Athen, viii. p. 350. See Aristoph. Equit. 
546, where the poet himself incites the spectators to applaud : 

oipea-O' avrcp iro\b rb po&iov, Trapane/jLipar i(p' eVSe/ca kwitcus 
dopvßov XP 7 1< TT ^ 1/ X-qvaC-rqv. 



Scene X.] 



THEATRE-GOING. 



411 



Lucian, de Salt. 83, relates that an actor played the mad Ajax 
so naturally that to ye diarpov cmav ovv£fxe}X)]vei rw A'iav-i, /cat 
E7n)S(i)v /cat tßowv, /cat rag e trö^rae cnrepplwrovi'. This, however, 
seems rather to pertain to the Eoman custom, togam jactare. 
It has been supposed that certain passages were encored, the 
audience raising a loud cry of avdig (da capo). This may per- 
haps be inferred from the analogous case in Xenoph. Symp. 
9, 4 : Ol he avfXTrorat bptovreg afxa fjkv EKporovv, afxa t)e eßtmy 
1 avOic' The ordinary mode of expressing disapprobation was 
by hissing ; thus Demosthenes says to iEschines, who had been a 
bad tragic actor, eleirntreq, eytb t)' icrvpirroy. De Coron. p. 315. 
The audience, however, were not always content with this, but 
sometimes proceeded to beat an actor who displeased them, so 
that the tragic Agon became an ayojv Kepi t^v^*??. See Demosth. 
de Coron. p. 314 : fiiaQwaag aavrbv rolg ßapvaroroig eirucakov- 
fxivoig etce'ivoig vTroKpiTa~ig y 2tjuu\w /cat Sw/cparet, er/oirayaij'torgtr, 
(tvkcl /cat ßorpvg /cat iXaag crvWeyiov &airep o7ro)pwvr]g ekeTvoq Iktwv 
uXXorpiojv ywpiwv, tzXelu) Xafxßa.vu)y and Tovrojv, i) ru>y ctyiovtov ovg 
vfxeig irepi rrjg \pv)^rjg ■t]yu)vt£e(jQe. i)v yap acnrovhog /cat aK^pvKTOg 
vfiiv 6 7rp6g Tovg Öearag TröXepog' v(j> 6)v ttoXXcl rpavfiar el\r)(j)(bg 

eIkOTWC TOVQ ClTTsipOVg 7WV TOIOVTWV KlvZvVU)V OJQ ()£t\oi>C (TKWTTTeig. 

That these rpavfxara are to be taken literally appears from a 
second passage, de Falsa Leg. p. 449 : e/jloi fie SoKeHre aroTrojraroy 
airavTiov av 7roifj(rai, el ore jj,ev to. Qvearov /cat tüv etti Tpota /ca/ca 
r'iyojviZeTO, eHeßciWere avrbv /cat e^errvpiTreTe ek tCov dearpiov /cat 
fiovov oh KareXevere ourwc, ukxte TEXevrtovra rov TpiTay(i)VLarE~iv 
a7roarrrjpai. See the anecdote of the parodist Hegemon, Athen, 
ix. p. 406 : elfffjXOe hi tvote /cat elg to diarpov hidcMTKcor kw/jlo)- 
c)tav, Xidiov eyiov TrXrjpeg to 1/j.a.riov' ovg ßaXXojv eig rt)v 6p\y](rrpay 
Cxairoptlv etto'iwge rovg ÖEarag. /cat 6\Lyov ZloXlttwv et7rg, Atdoi 
fiiv o'ide. ßaXXerto t)' et rig OeXei. For the poet himself some- 
times received a reception of this kind, or was forcibly expelled 
from the theatre, as was the case with Diphilus. Athen, xiii. 
p. 583. 

But it would be wrong to argue from these instances that the 
profession of a player was despised ; on the contrary, talented 
actors were honoured and regarded. See Plutarch, Apophth. 
Lac. i. p. 848. At a later time troops of despised and ill-paid 
actors went about Greece, and they seem even to have consisted 



412 



THEATKE-GOINGr. 



[Excursus. 



of slaves. See Lucian, Icaromen. 29 : (cro^torat) eoucoTeg fiaXurra 
TO~ig rpayiKOiQ eiceivoig viroKpLTalg, wv r}v atyeXrig ra TTpocruireia Kai 
rrjy ^pvaoTraaroy ekeivt}v otoAj/v, to KaTaXeLir6fj.et>6i> kari ye.Xolov, 
avdpu)7uov £7rra dpa^fxwv eg rbv aywva fxejj,iaOu)fievov. Lucian 
does not speak in much higher terms even of actors who were 
in considerable repute. Merc. Cond. 5 : er lore cie fiaaTiyov/xevoi 
tiveq avriov ujc av Taj deciTpw doKT]. Cf. Necyom. 16 ; Niginn. 8 ; 
Dio Chrysost. Orat. x. p. 302 ; Plutarch, de Sera Num. Vind. 9. 
At this period, however, the stage was at a very low ebb. 

If what has been said shows that the behaviour of the spec- 
tators was somewhat coarse, (see Theoph. Char. 11,) yet there is 
at the same time abundant proof of the attention with which 
they followed the piece, and of their fine taste and correct discri- 
mination, which allowed no aayj]]xove~iv on the part of the actor 
or poet to pass without expressions of disapprobation. Cf. 
Plutarch, de Aud. Poet. 12. 

Of course the tragic representations were listened to with more 
gravity and tranquillity than the comedies. The deep impres- 
sion made by the former on the feelings of the Athenian, who 
was easily moved to sympathy and pity, is well shown by what 
Lycon says of Callipides in Xenoph. Si/mp. 3, 11: og vTrepaefx- 
vvverai, on hvvarai xoXXovg icXatovrag Kaöi£eiv. Cf. Isoer. Paneg. 
p. 98 ; Plutarch, de Esu Cam. ii. 5 ; Dio Chrysost. Orat. xxiii. 
p. 427 ; Lucian, de Gymn. 3. The wonderful effect produced 
on the monster Alexander of Pheras by the representation of the 
Troades (or the Hecuba ?) of Euripides, is recorded by Plutarch, 
de Alex. Fort. 1 : 'AXeZardpug hi 6 Qeoaiiov rvpavvog . . . Qewfievog 
rpaywcbv efxiradearepop b(f ijdot'fjg dieredr) npog top olktov' ava- 
Trr](){](Tag ovv Ik tov Oearpov Bärroj' ?) ßadrjv cnrijei, hetvov elvat 
Xeywv, el rocrovTovg airoGfyaTTwv xoXirag ocpdriaerai rolg 'E<ca/3^g 
Kai RoXvEei ng Tratieaiv LizLbaKpvwv. Cf. Pelop. 29 ; ^Elian, Var. 
Hist. xiv. 40. 

In the comedies, on the other hand, the spectators were often 
requested to laugh and applaud, and many poets strove further 
to effect this by throwing nuts and figs among them (Aristoph. 
Plut. 797, Vesp. 58) ; so that it may be supposed there was no 
lack of noise and uproar. 



EXCUESUS TO SCENE XL 



THE DEESS. 

IN the discussion of this voluminous subject, the difficulties 
arise from the superfluity, instead of the paucity of those 
materials — both literary and artistic — which classical antiquity 
has transmitted to us. Indeed, to explain the names and pecu- 
liarities of all the various articles of Greek attire with which we 
are acquainted, would be utterly beyond the scope and limits of 
the present treatise. 

The older writers on the subject, Ferrarius and Eubenius, as 
well as Montfaucon, are out of date, owing to the immense 
amount of material which has been discovered since their time, 
and Winkelmann is far from having exhausted even the special 
department he has chosen. One of the chief labourers in this 
field is Böttiger, whose numerous isolated memoirs are very valu- 
able, though they are deficient in unity of purpose, and moreover 
give no notion of every-day Greek costume. Miiller's Handbuch 
der Archäol. contains many very valuable hints, and his History 
of the Dorians, ii. pp. 271-278, conveys a very satisfactory idea 
of the dress of that people. 

In the following pages an attempt will be made to describe, 
in the first place, the general national dress, and afterwards to 
review the casual peculiarities brought about by time, fashion, or 
foppery. 

Upon the whole, the same remark applies to the Greek dress 
as to the Roman, that its separate portions continued, from the 
earliest to the latest period, essentially unchanged. It was charac- 
terised by great simplicity, which is partly attributable to the 
mildness of the climate, partly to the inborn taste for simple 
nobleness of form. There was no pinching up the proportions of 
the body, no multiplicity of garments drawn one over another, 
and no useless display of heterogeneous ornaments. 

The articles of Greek costume may be divided into two chief 
classes, ivZvfxara ; and e7riß\r]uara or TrepißXrj^iara, generally 
araßoXij. 

The sole h dvfxa was the chiton, and this, at an early period, 



414 



THE DRESS. 



[ExcuPwStjs T. 



was different among the different races, till at last the more useful 
Doric species got into vogue, and perhaps became general. This 
last, as worn by the men, was a short woollen shirt, without 
sleeves ; while the Ionic race, and more especially the Athenians, 
wore a longer linen chiton. It is hard to say whether this was 
in use in Athens before the historic period, or whether it was first 
introduced there from the Ionic colonies. The account given by 
Thucydides (i. 6) must be familiar to every one. Speaking of the 
Athenians, he says: ov noXiig ^poroe, eTreih) yiTÜvag re Xivovg 
ewavcravTO tyopovvreg Kai ^pvawv Teriiywv evepcrei KpwßvXov ava- 
covfievoL twv ev rrj KetyaXrj rpiyCov. caf ov Kai 'Iojvojv tovq Trpea- 
ßvrepovQ Kara, to Ivyyeveg eiwroXv avTW rj (tkev)) Ka-ea^e. 
Müller, however, in his Dorians, ii. p. 278, rejects this testimony, 
and assigns the invention of this chiton to the more effeminate 
inhabitants of Ionia. Nevertheless the Greek historian's account 
is strongly supported by the fact that the epithet eXKe^Tojveg is 
applied by Homer (II. xiii. 685) to the Ionians, among whom the 
Athenians are comprehended. Pausanias (i. 19, 1) mentions a 
rather improbable legend, that Theseus came to Athens in a dress 
of this sort, and was laughed at by the Athenians : ola de x LT & va 
eyfpvrog avTov Trofa'iprj Kai ireirXey fievng ce evirpeTrwg öl rrjc KOfxrjc, 
u)Q eyivero Kara rbv tov AeXcpiviov vabv y oi rijv oreyrjv oikoco- 
fiovvTSQ tfpovro avv yXevacr'iq, ore h) irapBevog ev u>pa yd/jiov irXa- 
j'ärat fxovn. This story is, moreover, at variance with the state- 
ments of Herodotus, v. 88, who assigns a much later epoch for 
the adoption of the Ionic chiton by the Athenian women. 

The time when this antique dress fell into disuse admits of 
more accurate determination. Thucydides says, ov iraXvg -^povog, 
and it is pretty certain that it still was in fashion at the time of 
the Persian war. See Heraclid. Pont. ap. Athen, xii. p. 512 : Kai 
?/ ' Adrji'aihiP ttoXlc, eu)g erpveba, fxeyiaTr] re i)v Kai fxeyaXuibv^o- 
tcltovq erpeepev ävfipag. aXovpyrj \xev yap rifXTrLcryovTO Ifiaria, 
ttolkiXovq t)' vireövvov -^irüivag, Kopv/jßovg o avaeovfievoi twv rpi- 
\ivv -yßvaovg Temyag trepi to hetwttov Kai Tag Kojxag e(popovV 
oKXadiag te avTolg cifpovg etyepov oi iralZeg, Iva p) KadL^oiev wc 
eTv\ev. Kai ovtol i)aav oi towvtol, oi Trjv ev ~Mapadwvt viK^frav- 
reg [iayr)v Kai jxövoi ty}v r»/c 'Ac- tag arrda-rjg cvvajjLLv ■^eLpcofTajj.evoL. 
We have also the authority of Aristophanes, who often combines 
the description of these antiquely dressed forefathers with the 



Scene XI.] 



THE DRESS. 



415 



mention of the exploits at Marathon. See Equit. 1330 ; Nub. 984. 
It is also clear from Aristophanes that at the time of the Pelopon- 
nesian war this dress had gone out entirely, and the \3poch of the 
adoption of the shorter chiton may be fixed at that period when 
Pericles was at the head of affairs. Eustath. ad II. xiii. 689 : 
f*EXP L T"Pj acr '> T VG Uepu:\iov£ arparrj-ylag irohjpEig ei^py X 17 ^" 
vag, (popovvTEQ kcli rETTiyag. 

The chiton, which from this time formed the universal attire 
of the men, had two varieties of form. Poll. vii. 47 : \ltujv Ze, 6 
/lev dju0i/m<r)(a\oe eXevdepiov cyr^xa. 6 ETEpofxcKTyaXog oIketwv. 
It is by no means necessary to suppose that even the a/i^t^acr^rx- 
Xog invariably possessed sleeves ; there were often merely arm- 
holes, though the shoulders were always covered. See Hesychius ; 
Suidas; and Schol. ad. Aristoph. Equit. 882. The erepofxaa-^aXog 
had an arm-hole only for the left arm, leaving the right, with a 
part of the breast, quite bare, and hence it was also called e^utfitc. 
See Hesychius ; Phot. Lex. p. 25 ; Schol. to Aristoph. Vesp. 444 ; 
and Heliod. JEthiop. iii. 1 : to lxev ^w(Tf.ia ekclotu) yiribva Xevkqv 
elg ayKvXrjv drecrrtXXe. x £ ip $e y de^ia avv wfia> feat tta£« irapa- 
yviLvov[iivr\ iviXtKvv diaTo/uoy kireKpalaivev. See also Pausan. v. 
16,2: yiTiov oXiyov inrep yovarog KaörjKEi) tov (bfxov aypi tov 
crrridovg faivovm tov IeIlov. But the efa/jug was not only a chiton, 
but could also serve as an ilicltiov or 7repißXr)[xa. Hesychius, at 
least, asserts this to have been the case : 'Et,it)[uig' x LT ^ v ^ov kgu 
\fxaTL0V. t1)v yap EKaTEpov ^pftctv -KapE~iyEv' xai \iTÜ>va liev dia 
to i^wyvvadai, l/udnov Se, ort to ETEpov fxipog ißaXXETo. Trap' o 
Kai öl KOjfiiKol ote fiEV "Ej^v0t, ore ()£ IlEpißaXov. The same 
meaning appears to attach to a passage of iElius Dionysius, ap. 
Eustath. ad 11. xviii. 595: yiTÜvog E~iZog tcai r; ifafxlg" iiiwfxlg 
yap, tyrjai, ^irwv ajia /cat ifxanov to avTo. Pollux, however, 
states that there were two different garments, both of which bore 
the same name, exomis. He says : >/ ildiiug /eat 7rEptßXn/.ia 
i}\>, ml \itwv ETtpoixacryaXog. This view is supported by the 
artistic remains, one of the most important of which is a relief 
figured in the Mus. Pio-Clem. iv. pi. 11, representing an He- 
phffistos clad in the exomis, which is no chiton, but an indubi- 
table himation. Cf. Stuart and Eevett, Antiq. of Athens, ii. 4, 
p. 36, and iii. 1, pi. 8. On the other hand, instances of the 
genuine x iT ^ )V erepo/i-A^xoXofi occur in two polychromatic vase- 



416 



THE DRESS. 



[Excursus I. 



paintings, given by Stackelberg, Die Gräber der Hellenen, pi. 47, 
48, of one of which the accompanying woodcut is a copy. 




Charon, in the Exomis and sailor's cap ; from a polychromatic Lecythos in 
fetackelberg'a Gräber der Htllenen, Fl. 47. 

The exomis was not only the dress of the slaves, but of the 
working classes generally, and hence it is worn by Hepheestos in 
the relief above mentioned. By Hesychius the erepojjiacrxaXoc is 
called epyariMg, and a Scholion to Aristoph. Equit. 882, says : 
if v ö£ Kai kTepofxaa^aXog 6 tojv epyaräiy, ov T))v play fxaa^aXrjv 
ippawTov. In the Lysistrata the Chorus of old men is clad in 
the exomis; v. 662, tijv tEu/ito' iKtvojfieda. See also Poll. iv. 
118, 119; Plaut. Mil iv. 4, 43. 

There is some difficulty in determining whether the chiton 
was worn next to the skin, a^xiawg npog rrj aapici, or whether 
there was an under garment or shirt beneath it. Eustathius, who 
is always thinking of the customs of later times, when a tunica 
interior had long been worn, frequently speaks ambiguously on 
the subject. See ad II. xviii. 416 ; xvi. 224 ; xviii. 25 : Xtrwva 

ds VVV TO ETTLTToXa'CoV ijlCLTLOV kfr) rat OVIC i'£ avayKr}q TO a/Jii(Tti)q 

kTTiKe-^vfxerov tü awftari, ft yuj) 'urcog fxovoslfxiov krv^ev eivai 6 'A%t\- 



Scexe XL] 



THE DKESS. 



417 



Xevq. It is true that an article of dress is often mentioned, which 
apparently differed from the regular chiton. It is called \l-oj- 
v'ictkoq when worn by the men, and x LT ^ VLOV m the case °f 
women; and though Plutarch once uses the former name for 
both sexes, yet the latter word is exclusively restricted to the 
female garment. Lucian, Lexiph. 25 : ore -^lt^jvlov /jlsv koi tov 
avcpeiov wov Xeyeffdai, SovXapia £e rai rovg appevag ' a tic, ovk 
older, on yiTwviov fikv yvvaiKog ifrdrje, ^ovXapLa H rh dijXea kcl- 
Xovcri. Eustath. ad II. xviii. 595 : 6 £e avcpeiog y^LTwriaKog, 6 
tlveq ETTevcvr-qy, to ce ßpa-xv X<-TtavurKapiov m ^ltloi'lov kcl\ yiTw- 
vapLOv Xetttov trivia. ywaiKslov TroXvTeXeg. See also Plutarch, de 
Gen. Socr. 14: cot ce, w TraTep, MiXqtriav \Xa/j.v^a, Trj £s fJ.i]Tpi 
TcapaXovpybv wvqcroideda. yyrwviov. Cf. Aristoph. Lysistr. 150. 
The word yj.TU)vicn;og is, however, used for an article of female 
dress by Plutarch, MuL Virt. 26, where he says, speaking of 
Xenocrita : TcapeKaXirbaTO rw yiTiovlatcu) to Trpofrwirov, but the 
reason is because the Cuman women had to wear male attire. 
Cf. Alcib. 39. 

As an article of female costume, xitwviov seems to mean an 
under shift, as will presently be shown. But when Böttiger as- 
sumes that the ypriavurKOQ filled an analogous position in male 
attire, and proceeds to explain {xovoyjiTuv of one who only wore 
the chitoniscos, without an upper chiton, and d^'rwv, on the other 
hand, of one who wore no under shirt, he is quite wrong. For 
the chitoniscos is only a short chiton, not a shirt worn under the 
chiton, but, as Eustachius says, eirnroXd^wv. It is the chiton of 
the men, and, as may be proved by many passages, it is the outer 
(or rather only) visible one. Thus Antiphanes, apud Athen, xii. 
p. 545, describing an Academic, says, 

AevK^ x^-ons, (paibs x'tw^'Ckos kcl\6s. 

See Demosth. in Mid. p. 583 : wore /ue, ai a. 'A., (poßnQevTa tot 
vptTepov dopvßor, dolftariov Trpoiadcu /cat /jllkoov yv^xvbv kv tco 
y^TU)ri(TKu) yevivdat. Cf. iEschin. in Timarch. p. 142 : Lysias in 
Theomn. p. 350. An opposite conclusion would seem to be de- 
rivable from Aristoph. Ran. 1067 : x tr ^m 7 ^X m ' ov^'w kpiwv 
vTsevepde. The vTrivtpQe will be found, however, if the context be 
considered, to refer to the paKia or trihonion before mentioned. 
See also Aves, 944. The clearest proof however is from Plato, 
Hipp. Min. p. 368, where the articles of Hippias' wardrobe are 



418 



THE DRESS. 



[EXCÜESTJ8 I. 



one by one enumerated by Socrates. We have signet, sandals, 
girdle, rat to I/jlcitlov rat tov yinovioKov. A third garment, if 
worn, would have been infallibly mentioned. 

Thus, then, the i/jlcitiov, ^Xcura, or ^Xawc, and the xitiov or 
yiTtovivKOQ, appear universally as the two sole articles of male 
dress, and there is no such thing as an inner shirt. And fxoroxl- 
tiov denotes one who wore no irEpißoXaiov over the chiton, i. q. 
olo^iTiov : see Odyss. xiv. 488. Cf. Pythametos, ap. Athen, xiii. 
p. 589. On the other hand, dx'Vwv denotes one who wore the 
himation only, without the chiton, which was often done by per- 
sons of a simple and austere manner of life. See Xenoph. Memor. 
i. 6, 2, where Antiphon says to Socrates : rat 1/na.Tiov rm^ieaai 
ov fiovov (pavXoVy aXXa to avTO dipovg te rat yeijiiovoQi clvvttö- 
hjTog te rat a^iTiov ^taTsXtlg. iElian, Var. Hist. vii. 13, speaking 
of Agesilaos, says: ykpwv r/o^ Cjv dvv7r6dr)Tog 7roXXdicig rat ayiriav 
7rpopet, top Tpißiova 7repißaXX6fievoQ avror, rat tclvtu. luQivog ev 
upa. xftjLi£|Giw. Cf. Plutarch, Apophth. Lac. i. p. 838. And Dio- 
dorus Siculus, xi. 26, says of Gelon : ä^iTuv ev tprtw TrpoaeX-. 
0wv, k.t.X. It would indeed have been an unexampled instance 
of Tpv<pr) for a Spartan, who from his twelfth year had been clad 
only in a tribon, to put on a double chiton. See Plutarch, Lyc. 
16 : Tev6/j.evoi £e dw^EicaETElg avEv yiT&vog i]drj SieteXovv, ev IfxaTiov 
elg tov kviavTov XajifiavovTEg. Cf. Diog. Laert. vi. 13 ; and vii. 
169. 

The E7rißXr)/j,a or izEpißXr^fxa of the Greeks, the ifxdriov 
'EXXrjvixdv, as Lucian (de Merc. Cond. 25) calls it, in contra- 
distinction to the Eoman toga, was a large square cloth. This 
is expressly stated in the story of those Greeks who, under the 
Koman rule, had adopted the toga, and which they again ex- 
changed for the national dress, in order to escape the oppressions 
of Mithridates. Posidonius, ap. Athen, v. p. 213 : tG>v c)' aXXwv 
'Pwfialiov ol fiEV dsiov aydX^iaffL Trpo<nrE7rTU)Kacnv f ol Ze Xoiiroi jxe- 
Tafx^LEddfXEvoL TErpdyivva ifxaTia Tag i'E, äp)(fjg 7raTpidag irdXiv 
ovo\xd 'Covai. See Gallus, p. 410. The method of adjustment was 
exactly the same as in the older and simpler way of wearing the 
toga, described in Gallus, pp. 412, 413. It was first thrown 
over the left shoulder, and then round the back to the right side, 
and then above the right arm or below it, and again brought over 
the left shoulder or arm. This was called iivl h^La avaßdXXEa- 



SCEKE XI.] 



THE DKESS. 



419 



dat or afxirL(T^v€i(jQaL ; and according to a man's skill or awkward- 
ness in doing it, was he pronounced genteel, or clownish and 
un-Greek. The token of the äveXevdepog and cnraidevrog is ex- 
pressly stated by Plato, Thecet. p. 175, to be avaßaXXeadai fir) 
eTTiaraaßat £7ri^£^ia eXevOipwg. Cf. Athen, i. p. 21 : "EfxeXe M 
avrolg /cat rov KOfjfiiwg avaXa/jißaveiv ri]v iaörj-a ical rovg fxy) 
Toiiro Troiovyrag egkutttov. See also Aristoph. Aves. .1565, where 
Poseidon says to the barbarian : 

ovtos, tl Spas ; 67r' äpcffrep' ovtcos ajxiri^ei • 
ou fxeraßa\e7s Oolfxdriou us *ttI 8e£ja ; 

At an earlier period it was the fashion, as with the Romans (cohi- 
bere brackium), to keep the right hand in the garment, evrbg ri\v 
%elpa e-^ety), a rule which does not apply to orators alone. iEschin. 
in Timarch. p. 52 ; Demosth. de Falsa Leg. p. 420 ; Müller, 
Handb. d. Arch'dol. pp. 85, 468. Many adhered to this ancient 
custom; Phocion, for instance, as we are told by Duris, apud 
Plutarch, Phoc. 4. 

The himation reached properly to the knee at least, and a 
shorter ävaßoXrf was considered unbecoming. Theophr. Char. 4 : 
(aypoiKOv) avaßeßXrj/jievog avco rov yovarog Kadti^avew, uiare ra 
yvjxva avrov (paireaBai. Philetserus, ap. Athen, i. p. 21 : 'A^Kpi 
arepvoig (päpog ob Kadfaeig, /J.rjS' aypoiKug ai'u) yovarog ä^i^ei; 
Usually it reached even lower. Quint. Instit. xi. 3, 143 : ' Togas 
veteres ad calceos usque demittebant, ut Grseci pallium.' Cf. 
Böttiger, Vasengemälde, p. 56. Still, when Athens was at her 
zenith, so long a garment would have been thought a mark of 
luxury and pride. Plato, Alcib. i. p. 122 ; Demosth. de Falsa 
Leg. p. 422 : feat Zia rrjg ayopäg 7ropeverai, dolfxariov Kadeig a\pi 
rihv crfvpüiv. Even in Lucian's time it was thought a sign of 
rpvff]. See Amor. 3 : (paiSpa fxip icrdtjg ^iyjpt iroSuiv rr)v rpv(f»)y 
detfxivr}. 

The Spartans wore a short mantle of coarse texture, called 
rptßojy or rpißwviov. Those who aped Spartan customs, the 
A.a.Khivi'(ovT£Q) and the philosophers of the cynic and stoic schools, 
naturally adopted it also. See Thucyd. i. 6 ; Plato, Protag. 
p. 342 ; Aristot. Ethic. Nie. iv. 13 : Müller, Dorians, ii. p. 279. 
Of course a good deal would depend on a man's means and con- 
dition, and the lower classes would frequently content themselves 
with such a garment. See Isseus, de Dicaiog. Her. p. 94 ; Aristoph. 
Vesp. 116, 1131; Fed. 850. 

E E 2 



420 



THE DEESS. 



[Excuesus T. 



The boys at Athens used, in early times, to wear the simple 
chiton, but towards the period of the Peloponnesian war it be- 
came usual for them to wear an upper garment also. See Aristoph. 
jy-ubes, 964, 987. The boys of Sparta, as above-mentioned, were 
allowed the chiton only till their twelfth year ; afterwards the 
tribon was their sole article of dress, in winter as well as summer. 
Xenoph. de Bepubl. Laced. 2, 4: Kal avri ye tov 1/j.arioig £ia- 
OpvTrrecrdai, zvojiktev evl Ifiariw dt erovg Trpoffedifavdai, vofiifav 
ovTio Kai irpbg ip^X 1 ! KaL ^poQ dakirri afxtivov av icapaoKtvaaaa- 
6ai. Plutarch, Dec. Or. Vit. iv. p. 379 : IfxaTiop iy kclö' ai/ro 
iföpei tov xei/j-äivog ml tov depovg. 

After the Athenian lad had attained to the age of an ephebus, 
his proper dress was the chlamys, a garment entirely different from 



SCEN"E XI.] 



THE DRESS. 



421 



the hiraation. It originally came from Thessaly or Macedon, 
whence it seems to have been spread over all Greece. Poll. vii. 46 : 
Tag de QerraXiKag \Xa[j.vdag QerTaXtica. TTepa tbvofxa^ov, ical ev- 
rederTaXiffneda 'iXeyov to xXajivdo^opov/jLev. The clearest descrip- 
tion of its form is in Plutarch, Alex. 26, where its shape is com- 
pared to that of the city o£ Alexandria: KvicXorepfj koXttov i\yov, 
ov r//j> evrog nepupipeiav evQeiai ßcweig, &(nrep airb KpaoTredwv 
elg cr-^fjfia ^Xafivdog, vTzfXajxßavov f£ "mtov avvayovaai to fieyedog. 
It is also represented very frequently in vase-paintings, and other 
artistic remains. See the accompanying wood-cut, which repre- 
sents (Edipus before the Sphinx, and is taken from Tischbein, 
Engrav. ii. 24. The chlamys which he wears appears to be of 
an oblong quadrangular shape. It has a purple border, and tassels 
at the four corners. It was fastened by a button on the right 
shoulder, and sometimes also across the breast, and the tassels 
which hang down are the irreph or KTepvyeg. Hesychius : 
QettciXuccl 7rrepa ' tovto eiprjrai diet to irrepvyag eyetv Tag Ger- 
raXitcag ^Xajjivdag. Urepvyeg de KaXovvTai at EKarepuQev yioviai, 
dia rb ioiicivai itTepvliv. The time when this garment got into 
vogue throughout Greece is unknown. The first mention of it is 
said to occur in Sappho. Poll. x. 124 : oi fievToi 'Attikol to 
Xetttov -)(Xavida, to de ltvklkov ^Xafxvda, wg OerraXwv. rrpojri]y 
de (filial j^Xa/jivda ovo\iaaai 2a7r0d» eiii tov "ILpioTog eiirovaav, 
'E\0(W t£ opavw iroptyvpeav e-^ovra Trpoufxeiov yXafxvv. Pollux 
rightly calls it to Itttclkov, for it is the proper riding coat, and 
was worn on journeys. Müller, Dorians, ii. p. 278. Other names, 
such as yXaÄva, x^ avi ^i & c « refer not so much to the form as to 
the material which was adopted. 

The dress of the women was in its main features the same as 
that of the men, though distinguished by various additions. Care, 
however, must be taken to distinguish between the two chitons, 
the Doric and the Ionic. The Doric was a very simple woollen 
shift, perhaps consisting only of two short pieces of cloth, sewed 
together up to the breast (at least on one side), while the parts 
covering the breast and back were fastened over the shoulders, 
and thus formed arm-holes. The ayioTog of the virgins, alluded 
to in the Excursus on The Gymnasia, p. 298, is only one species. 
For this garment see the accompanying figure of Nike, which is 
copied from Stackelberg, Grab, der Hell. pi. 60. The ayiarbg 



422 



THE DKESS. 



[EXCUESFS I. 




which she wears can only be called a mixture of Doric and Ionic. 
It should however be remarked that artists represented the longer 
chiton with the diploidion, open in the same manner as in the 
figure, so that the proper Doric a^rbq is only to be seen on the 
Amazons, Marbles in the Brit. Mus. iv. 16 ; and in the Mus. 
Borb. iv. 21 

The Ionic chiton, on the other hand, was an ample shift, falling 
in many folds down to the feet, and with broad sleeves, which 
were variable in length. It was of linen or of similar material. 
Cf. Herodot. v. 87 : icpopeov yap 3rj irpb tov al rwv 'Aö^ra/wv 
yvvcÜKEQ eadijra Atuptäa rrj Kopwdla Trapcnr\r](Ttu)TaTr]v. fiereßaX- 
Xov ojv eq rbv XivEov KiQu>va } tva h) TTEpdvrjffi fxtj xpiiovTiu. tan 



A Bronze from Herculaneum, Mus. Borb. ii. 6. 



Here the adjustment of the chiton is complete. On the shoulders are the clasps 
which fasten together the nrepvyss. The chiton is girded under the bosom, and 
the upper part, which is thus made to hang over (nSkiros), forms a parallel line 
with the diploidion. 



A Bronze from Herculanenm, Mus. Borb. ii. 4. 



The girl is just in the act of fastening the chiton over the right ßhoulder, and 
we see how the lappet, 8iir\oi$iov, is caused by this means. On the side where 
the seam is, joining the vrepvyes, are two purple stripes. 



Scene XI.] 



THE DKESS. 



425 



ce aXrjdei Xoyu) ^peojfxevoicri ovic 'Ictf avrrj f] eadijQ to 7raXaidv 
uXXa Kafipa * £7rtt ?/ ye 'EW^vto) icrdriQ iräoa rj ap^airj tCjv 
yvvaiKibv f] avrrj //r, t)]v vvv Awpida KaXeo/xey. 

The SmtXoic, SnrXo'iSioi', or iifxthnrXoLhov, is intimately con- 
nected with the chiton, or rather is a part of it. Böttiger sup- 
poses this diploidion, or the iiriofjiiQ, to have been a separate 
article of dress, a kind of double mantle, which at last came to 
be drawn on like a tunic. In the case of the sleeved chiton, 
which was not fastened with a clasp over the shoulder, this may- 
have been the case, but originally, and in most instances, it was 
nothing more than the turn-over or lappet of the chiton itself. 
This is very clearly seen in many vase-paintings ; but no antiques 
show the arrangement of this garment more unmistakably than 
the two bronzes from Herculaneum which are here engraved. The 
parts covering the breast and back are much too long, and hence 
this flap or turn-over, which in some cases falls as low as the hips, 
or lower ; and inasmuch as the chiton was double so far as this 
reached, it was called (ünrXo'föiov. When the lappet was formed on 
the breast only, or on the back, instead of on both, it may have 
borne the name >//zt^i7r\o't Siov ; or perhaps this name was used when 
the flap did not double the chiton more than half way down. 
There is no passage which determines which of these two mean- 
ings properly attaches to the word. This diploidion was also called 
e7ru)jj.ig y because it was fastened over the shoulders by agraffes. 
Müller, it is true, supposes that e7rwjLU£ merely means the end 
which was fastened across the shoulder. Handb. d. Arch'iol. 
p. 472. In support of this position he adduces Eurip. Hec. 553 : 

Xaßovcra ireirXovs e£ &Kpas iirwfj-'iSos 
l/5p7j|e \ay6vos is /xiaov irap 1 6/x(pa\6v. 

He also cites a fragment of Chaeremon, apud Athen, xiii. p. 608 : 

ZiceiTO 5' 7) /xkv Xevitbv els <reK^v6c(>ws 
<pa.ivov<ra fiacrrbv XeKv/jLevrjs eVoyuSoj. 

In these passages, however, the word eTru)fi\g may just as well be 
understood of the garment itself, and it is evidently taken in this 
sense by Pollux, vii. 49 : Kai "itita he yvvaiicibv tVw/ztc, lnzXo'ihiov y 
ilfjucurXoidiov, k.t.X. So too a fragment of Apollodorus, ap. Suidas, 
s. v. iyKoußwaaadai : 

VTv^aaa dinXriv &vwQev iveKOfißwcrdfXiii'. 



426 



THE DßESS. 



[Excursus I. 



Müller also takes ay kvkXov as synonymous with diploidion ; but 
this is very doubtful. The Scholiast to Aristoph. Thesmoph. 261, 
very properly observes : (irjXov Sa, on to ay kvi^Xov Ifianovy 6 
xpoKioTog ei'dvfia : and again, Lysistr. 114, we have rovyKVKXo v 
rovri Karadeiaav. Pollux, however, understands the word to 
mean a coloured border. See vii. 53. 

The sleeves of the proper Ionic chiton seem quite closed, and 




A female from Miliin, Peint. d Vas. n. 70. She is dressed in a long chiton, 
without sleeves, and fastened over the shoulders (e7ra>/*i's). The diploidion is 
bordered with a coloured edge; below it is the lappet (/coA7ros) caused bj the 
girdle; on the right side near the seam are two parallel stripes (pdßSoi or 
Trapvcpai). The small shawl-shaped himation {a^Trexoviov') has also a purple 
border (irapvcpes or irapaXovpyes, Poll.) at each end. She wears shoes, covering 
the whole foot, and in her left hand is a parasol (o-Kiddeiov), of the usual form. 



SCKN'E XL] 



THE DKESS. 



427 



hang down in folds like broad pouches ; but they were often slit 
open from the shoulder on the upper side, and fastened with 
clasps, so that the arm might be seen. This sort Böttiger very 
improperly terms x LT ^ v o r X Lar ° g ' 

The Ionic chiton was generally much longer than the body, 
and was so drawn up by the girdle as just to reach to the feet. 
The fold or lappet (KoX-rrog) which was by this means caused 
under the breast or lower (according to the position of the 
girdle), forms a parallel line with the border of the diploidion. 
See Figure on p. 423. When the chiton was not girded, but 
hung loose from the top, it was called opdutjTadiog, or avjijjiE- 
rpta ^irwi-'. Poll. vii. 48 : ^irwi' opdoarahiog 6 ov (wvvvjJLEvoc. 
Phot. Lex. p. 346: 'Opftocrraoioi ol crrarot ^trai^ec* oi yap crv- 
pof-ievoi avproL The chiton was called (xvprbg before it was girt 
up ; it was never worn with a train. Sometimes it had below a 
flounce with folds, and was then called aroXidwrog. Poll. vii. 54 : 
sir) 3' av rig kcli aroXidujTog yi J ^ v ' orokictg hi tlcriv at E^E7rt- 
Trjheg v7to htaj.iOv yiyiofievai Kara tsXtj rdlg yt T ^ )<TLV tTtLTTTvyai. 
luaXicrra £7rt XivG)V ^trtoWoxajv. Cf. Xenoph. Cyrop. vi. 4, 2. 

The girdle used by women is called ^wviov or orpofiov. 
Ptolem. Ascal. de differ, voc. 87 : ^viqv Xiyovat rrjv tov avhpög' 
^oviov he to ywaiKoc. Moer. Att. p. 124 ; Poll. vii. 67 ; Ari- 
stoph. Thesm. 139 ; Lysistr. 72. This must be distinguished 
from the band placed around the breast (usually) under the 
chiton, It was called by several names, of which the most usual 
are rcur/ct, /j.rpa, airoleaixog, and aT-qdoZecrfiog. Poll. vii. 65 : 
to he Twv fxacrTÖjv t&v yvvaiKziwv ^wafia tciiviciv ibro/jia^ov Kal 
TdivLliov. Cf. Anthol. Pal. v. 199 ; Anacr. 20, 13. The cnrohafiog 
corresponds to the fascia pectoralis (see Gallus, p. 432), but is 
also generally a bosom-band. Lucian, Dial. Mer. xii. : ?/ he <j)tXr]- 
aaara fxeTa^v twv fiaaTÖjp V7r6 rw airoheafjiw TrapeßvcraTO. The 
manner of wearing it is seen in a bronze, figured in the Antich. 
d'Erc. vi. 17, 3. The body-band, 7rept^w/ia, was different, being 
used as a irepi Ttf noiXiq £oD<r/xa. Poll. vii. 65. The Greek women 
had an infinity of means for improving the figure, though few, 
perhaps, beside hetserse made use of them. Alexis, ap. Athen, 
xiii. p. 568, gives a long catalogue: 

ovk ex 6 ' ris i°~X ia ' 
avaßoav jobs eiaiSovras. KOihiav aSpay e%ei* 



428 



THE DRESS. 



Excursus L 



<tt7)6C loV avrauffi tovtwv, Z>v exovcr' of kwuikol. 
opda irpoaQeiaai roiavra yovv avrwv rrjs KoiX'ias, 
uaitepsi kSutokti tovtols sis to irpScrd' airyyayov. 

The £7riß\r)na, or upper garment of the women, in all essential 
points resembled the himation of the males; hence the same might 
serve for both man and wife. iElian, Var. Hist vii. 9 : ?/ 
kIiovoq yvvri to QukLuvoq IpaTiov E(f>6pEi kcli ovdev eSeTto ov Kpo- 
Kwroü, ov Tapavrlvov, ovk avaßoXrjc, ovk eyKvuXiov, ov KEKpv(j>aXov, 
ov KaXvirTpag, ov ßaiTTÜv yiTuvlaKuv. The same author relates 
that Xantippe refused to go out in her husband's himation, which 
is likely enough. The usual name for this female himation is 
a\x-Kzyj)vr\ or äfiTrs^oviov, and the use of the diminutive shows 
that smaller shawl-like garments were also worn. See the figure 
with the (tkiuIelov, p. 426. The word ttcVXoc, with the excep- 
tion of the Panathenaic, denotes any article of apparel ordinarily 
used. See Poll. vii. 49. If there was originally a particular gar- 
ment called by this name, it must have become obsolete. 

Before proceeding to describe these garments further, let us 
return a moment to the question whether the xiribv an( ^ ^fX7TE- 
Xovt} sufficed for a woman's attire, or whether an under shift 
was also worn. Even at Athens this was probably not univer- 
sally the case, still, most likely, it was pretty general. It is true 
that there is no monument which distinctly represents one chiton 
over the other ; though the ^rwna mentioned above can certainly 
be nothing else than such under-shifts. But it is clear from 
Aristophanes that these could never have been worn alone, not 
even in the huuse, for it would have been next to nudity. Ly- 
sistr. 150 : 

ei yap KaQolfieS! MvSbv iuTerpi/j-fidvat 
tcav to?s X'Twptoicrt to7s ajxopy'ivois 
yvjxvoX irapioi/xey. 

In the Adoniazusce of Theocritus, Praxagora, while washing her- 
self, is clad in her chitonion ; she then puts on the TTEpovarpig 
or upper Evcv/jta, and the dfiiri-xpvov. Still plainer, however, is 
what Athenseus says of the celebrated Phryne, xiii. p. 590 : SiÖTTEp 
ovSe pq.%iu)Q i\v avrijv llslv yvfxvrjy. kyiaapKOV yap yirwviov r/fj.7rEt- 
yE.ro kcli ro7g orjfjioorioLQ ovk k\pT]-o ßakavEioiq. So too the artifice 
of Hyperides, at the conclusion of his oration in her defence : 

ITEpippfäaQ TOVQ yiTlOVLtTKOVC yV/JLVO. TE T<2 ÜTEpVCt 7TOU](raQ } Km T. A. 



Scene XI.] 



THE DE-ESS. 



429 



In the following engraving, taken from Tischbein, Engrav- 
ings, i. pi. 59, one of the women, who are here performing their 
ablutions, has on such a short thin shift, e^oj^lg, which has all 
the peculiarities of a x«"o>viov, f° r i* reaches scarcely half down 
the thigh, and is quite hicupavig, (Aristoph. Lysistr. 48,) and 
k-^iaapKov, like that of Phryne. 




"We will next speak of the materials of the several articles of 
Greek dress. After the linen chiton of the men had fallen into 
disuse, sheep's wool was the only material employed, the fabric 
being of coarser or finer texture, according to circumstances. 
The most celebrated wool came from Miletus. Aristoph. Lysistr. 
729 ; Strabo, xii. 7, 16 : (pepet 2' 6 Trepi tyiv AaodiKeiav tottoq 
7rpoßa.T(jjv dptrdg, ovk elg fxaXaicornrag [jlovov riov epiojv, 77 Kai tüv 
Mt\i}<n'(i)y ciafipei, aWa kcii elg rfju Kopa^rfv yjpoav. See Gallus, 
p. 442. For winter wear the chiton was made of much stouter 
cloth, and shagged on one or both sides. Thus in Aristophanes, 
Han. 1067, we have : x LT ^ v oaXiov kpiuv : and Pollux, vii. 57, 
mentions the \ltu)v Sacrvg, /xaWiorog or d/jLcpt/jLaWog. The x^alva, 
which was probably like the ordinary himation in form, only of 



430 



THE DEESS. 



[Excursus I. 



thicker stuff, was worn in winter. See Aristoph. Aves, 714, 
where the appearance of the swallow is said to indicate 

ore xph xAguVcu' 7rco\e7v fjBr] nal \T]Z6.pi6v tl irpiaaBai. 
Also Hesych. : yXalva IpaTtov xei/j.epiv6v. Cf. Snidas ; Aristoph. 
Vesp. 738, 1132 ; ~Rance, 1459. In summer, on the other hand, 
was worn a garment of lighter material, Qtp'urTpia, which Win- 
kelmann mistakes for a veil. See Hesychius ; and Poll. vii. 48. 
In Theocr. xv. 69, Praxinoe wears a Qepiarpiov at the season of 
the festival of Adonis. The Xijciov, or Xijoapiov, was also a light 
summer-garment, and so, probably, was the x^a»'*e also. 

The female attire was made from other materials besides wool 
and linen. The byssus claims the first mention, though the sub- 
ject is obscure, since the ancients appear to have called various 
stuffs by this name. The byssus of our naturalists is quite dis- 
tinct, being a tuft of silky threads secreted by a family of mol- 
lusks, of which the Pinna marina is the type. This also was 
known to the ancients. See Tertull. de Pallio, 3 ; Man. Philes. 
de Anim. Propr. 88. But the byssus used for garments was a 
vegetable product, consisting of the fibres of certain plants. In 
this all writers, ancient and modern, agree ; but what the plants 
were is not so easy to say. Herodotus, ii. 86, speaks of it in 
reference to the Egyptian mummies : KareCKiaaovaL näv to atopa 
GiroövoQ ßvaaiyrjc reXa/dwai Harare- p-npifotai. It has been gene- 
rally supposed that mummies, at least those of the first and 
second classes, were enveloped in swathes of cotton ; and if this 
was the case, Herodotus must have taken ßvaaog for cotton. 
[Recent microscopical investigations, however, tend to show that 
the fibres of the mummy-cloth are of flax, not cotton.] Again, 
Herodotus, vii. 181, mentions ßuaaog as a bandage for wounds, 
a purpose to which cotton is not at all adapted. Cf. Id. ii. 
37 ; Plin. Nat. Hist. xix. 1, 2. Philostratus, moreover, Vit. 
Apollon. ii. 20, says: Kai ßvvvw de rovg tyarepwripovg avrtov 
('Ij^wj') tyacriv earaXdat, T))v ce ßvaaov (f)vea-6ai devdpov (parr'iv. 
It is not unlikely that the thicker cotton fabrics may have been 
confounded with linen. Anything resembling linen was pro- 
bably often called so, and this may explain the uncertainty of 
the expression. See Plutarch, de Pytliia Orac. 4 ; and Poll, 
vii. 76 : Kai ui]v ko\ ra ßvacriva Kai ?/ ßvaaog Xivov tl eidog Trap' 
'Iico'tg. ifir) de Kai nap' Alyvirrioig and c^vXov ri epiov yiyrerai 



SCEJTE XI.] 



THE DRESS. 



431 



iE ov riiv iadr\ra X'ivov av rtg jiaXXov (fxxln TrpoaentKerat, 7r\rjv 
rod ira^ovg. On the whole, the best authorities have inclined 
to the opinion that by ßvavog cotton is meant. See Forster, de 
Bysso Antiquorum, p. 47 ; Böttiger, Aldobrand. Hochz. p. 127 ; 
Sprengel, Hist, rei Herb. i. p. 15. There can however be no 
doubt that several fabrics, essentially different from each other, 
all bore this name. The usual byssus was white, like cotton ; 
but there was also one kind of a yellow colour. Philostr. Vit. 
Apollon. ii. 20 : icai fiadrjvai rij ßvacra) <pr)<rh' 6 'AttoAA.wj'ioc, 
iireih) eot« </><xiw rplßwvi. Empedocles, apud Plutarch, de Def. 
Orac. 4 : ßvaaa) ce yXavicrjg KpoKov KaTa/Ltiayerat. Pausan. vii. 
21, 7 ; and v. 5, 2 ; >/ Is. ßvaaog ?/ kv rrj 'HXst'p XeTrrorrjrog jjlev 
eivekcl ovk aTTolei rrjg 'Eßpalojv, eotl de ou^ o/iolojq *avdi]. Cf. 
Plin. xix. 1, 4. But the enormous price of this yellow byssus, 
which grew around Elis, makes it probable that it was used 
for cauls and other ornaments, but hardly for whole dresses. 
According to Voss, ad Virg. Georg, ii. 120, the true byssus is 
the yellow cotton {Gossypium reliyiosum ?) ; but the question is, 
what he means by the true byssus, for Herodotus certainly is 
not thinking of the yellow kind, and that grown at Elis was 
evidently not the common article. It seems then that we must 
assume that, originally, there was a great resemblance among 
a variety of stuffs, owing to a similarity in the style of manu- 
facture ; and the confusion and perhaps intentional imitation 
which took place will account for the contradictory nature of 
the descriptions which have come down to us. See Wedel, 
de Purp, et Bysso ; Bertolini, de Bysso Ant. ; Heeren, Ideen, i. 
1, p. 106. 

The period at which cotton garments were introduced into 
Greece is uncertain. The fragment of Empedocles, quoted by 
Plutarch, is too brief to afford us any information as to the use of 
byssus for clothing ; a ßvaaivov cf>apoc, however, is mentioned, 
with reference to the same period, in a fragment of the Laocoon 
of Sophocles, apud Dionys. Halic. Ant. Rom. i. 48. Plutarch, 
also, de Virt. et Vit. 2, affirms that at the Homeric period, wool 
and linen, only, were known. There is a remarkable passage in 
Diogenes Laertius, (vi. 90,) referring to the surveillance exercised 
by the Astynomi over luxuriousness in dress ; where the obscure 
expression aivluv may originally denote linen, but in any case of 
foreign manufacture. He says: vtto tüüv 'Adl/rnair actrvv6jiu)v 



432 



THE DEESS. 



[EXCTTRSTJS I. 



£7ri7-tjtf??0£t£, OTl (TIVCOVCL 7]/jfie<TTO y e.(j)t)) K.CU OeO^jOCtOTOV VfXlV calEu) 

crivtova irepißeßXrjfievov. a.iri(TTOvvr(ov de airrjyayev iiri Kovpelov 
teal edeiZe Keipofxevov. See Poll. vii. 72 ; Phot. Lex. p. 512 : 
2>ivdovirr]g yiruv Xivovg. But since Herodotus mentions the 
aivdwv ßvffcrivr), it would appear that fabrics of cotton were also 
called by this name. Hence, if in the above story from Diogenes 
Laertius robes of cotton are meant, it will follow that this was, at 
that period, a very unusual dress for men ; but how early women 
made use of this material does not appear. Cf. Art. Byssus in 
the Real- Ency Mop. d. Class. Alterth. 

Another somewhat similar material was a very fine sort of flax, 
which derived its name from the island Amorgos, where the best 
was grown. Aristoph. Lysistr. 150, mentions ya-uvia a/j.6pyiva, 
and these are doubtless synonymous with the dtcKfxivfj xtruvia 
of v. 48. See iEschin. in Timarch. p. 118: yvmira ä/jöpytva 
tiriaTafxevriv epya'Cecrdai cat epya Xe7rra elg n)v äyopav EKtyepov- 
aav. The garments thus made were particularly delicate and 
transparent, and seem to have resembled those of byssus. Har- 
pocr. 'A/j-opyog' tort 7rapa.irXtf(Ti6v tl ßverau). Pollux, vii. 74, 
says : Tä de afidpyiva ytyveadat /mev ra äpiara iv rrj 'Afj.opyü>. 
Xlvov d' ovv Kal ravrag elvai Xeyovaiv. 6 de äfxopyivog yjLTuv 
Kal afxopylg emXeTro. This last assertion is, however, erroneous, 
as appears from Aristophanes, Lysistr. 735, 737, and the Scho- 
lion thereon : rrjg XivoKaXdfAT]g. ecrri de // a^xopytg 6/j.olov aXe7ri- 
(rru) Xiva. The material was exported raw, and manufactured 
abroad. 

The history of the silk manufacture is enveloped in still greater 
obscurity, and the writers on the subject deal in the most extrava- 
gant assertions. With regard to early times this need excite no 
surprise, considering the distance of the country that produced the 
material, and the fables which the silk-dealers purposely spread 
abroad. See Voss, ad Virg. Georg, ii. 121. But it is strange 
that the Macedonian conquest did not introduce more accurate 
information. Aristotle, it is true, appears to be acquainted with 
the species (Bombyx mori, Linn.) by which the silk is produced ; 
but from his account of its metamorphoses, and his description of 
the larva, it would appear that he knew nothing about the insect 
from personal observation. He says, Hist. Anim. v. 17 : Ik ce 
Tirog <TKh)Xr)Kog fueyaXov, bg e\eL olov Kepara Kal dia<f>epei rtov 
a\? id), yiyrerai to irpwrov fiev fieraßaXovrog rov aKU)Xr)Kog Kafnrr], 



Scene XI.] 



THE DRESS. 



433 



eVetra ßo/dßvXtoc, ek: ce rovrov vExvcaXog ' iv Vt, Zz /j.t)(t\ /jetcc- 
ßatXXet Tavrag rag /nopcpag ivaaag. 'Etc tovtov toxi £wov kcu ra 
fDO/jßvKta äraXvovat. rwv yvvaiKwv riveg avaTniviCofiEvai Kaireira 
vcpairovvL. Uptorr) ce Xeyerat vcpfjvat zv Kw UafxcpiXov HXa-eb> 
dvyarnp, Pliny, Nat. Hist. vi. 17, 20, and xi. 22, 23, has merely 
reproduced Aristotle's account, with the addition of a few blunders 
from other sources ; while Strabo, xv. 1,21, follows Nearchus, and 
gravely states that silk came ek tlvujv yXoiüv Eaivo/iivvg ßvaaov. 
The traditions followed by Pausanias, vi. 26, 4, and Eustathius, 
ad Dionys. Perieg. 753, are still more absurd. The latter takes 
crr/oiKa to be a different thing from silk, and Pollux, vii. 76, 
fancies it was made from something resembling spiders' webs. 

Silk came both in a raw and manufactured state to the West ; 
and in the latter case, perhaps, was called arjpiKci. By far the 
larger quantity, however, was imported in a raw condition, and 
was then denominated fiE-ata. Procop. Bell. Pers. i. 20 ; Bell. 
Goth. iv. 17. Cf. Hesychius, s. v. Zijpeg. The cocoons, on ar- 
rival, were first unwound (according to Aristotle on the isle of 
Cos), and the ßofxßvKiva were then woven from the thread. The 
obscurity of Aristotle's words, cwaXvovoiv avcnrrivi£6fj.Evai kci-ei-ci 
vfaii'ovac, and still more of Pliny's, vi. 17, 20, ' unde geminus 
feminis labor, redordiendi fila rursumque texendi,' has given rise 
to the erroneous notion that the webs, already finished, were again 
unravelled. Forster, de Bysso Ant. 16, shares in this error. The 
word avaXvELv refers only to the cocoons, as is correctly remarked 
by Salmasius and Schneider. 

In all probability silken garments were not used in Greece till 
a late period, but the Asiatics wore them from the earliest times ; 
for the krjßriTEc M.rfiiKa\ which Herodotus (iii. 84, vii. 116) men- 
tions as gifts of honour, were certainly of silk, as Procopius ex- 
pressly states : Bell. Pers. i. 20 : (/uE-aEa) t£ rjg elwdEaav H]v Ecrdrj- 
ra ipya^Eardai, fjv TraXai jiev "JLXXrjvEg M^Sto/v exaXovv, ra Ze vvv 
or)piKi)v oiofxa^ovaiv. In Aristotle's time the manufacture was 
still very limited in Greece ; for his words are, evml rwv yvvai- 
Küv. This, to be sure, does not prove that silk dresses were not 
imported; but the silence of the writers of the time, and the 
enormous price which the article maintained at a later period, 
shows that its use must have been extremely limited. In after 
times silk chitons even are mentioned. Alciphr. Epist. i. 39 : 

F F 



434 



THE DKESS. 



[Excursus I. 



ßo/jtßvZ K 7)v to x iT uvtov. Cf. Gallus, p. 442 ; and Art. Bombyx, 
in the Real-Encycl. d. Class Alterth. 

It cannot therefore be doubted that the notorious Coan robes 
were a gauze-like silk fabric ; but the etuara dia^avrj, often 
alluded to at an earlier period, must have been of another mate- 
rial, ßvaaru a or afiopyiva. See Aristoph. Lysistr. 48 : liatyavrj 
XLTwt'ia. Philemon, Fragm. (p. 387, Mein.) : ijiaria SiafaivovTa. 
These were often employed by artists, as through them the con- 
tour of the form was pretty visible. See the woodcut, p. 460. 
Also, August, iii. 105; Marm. Oxon. 5 ; Mus. Borb. iii. 36. 
Lucian, Amor. 41, aptly terms such a dress an eig npofacnv 
iodi'iQ. Cf. Hippolochus, apud Athen, iv. p. 129 : elaßaWovoiv 
av\r)Tpi$EQ /cat fiovaovpyol /cat <rnfj.ßvi:i(TTpiai tiveq 'Pd^tat, kfio\ 
fxev yv/xval hoKw, 7r\?)i' eXeyov tiveq clvtclq ex £IV X ir ^ ya ^' 

The manufacture of asbestos fabrics at Carystos in Eubcea 
may be mentioned as a curiosity. Strabo, x. 1, 6 ; Steph. Byz. 
s. v. Kapvaroc. Clothes of such a material were never actually 
worn. 

Furs were not required, on account of the mildness of the 
climate, and indeed are scarcely mentioned. Athengeus, v. p. 220, 
tells a story of a sophist who used to wear a sheep-skin. Cf. 
Böttig. Vasengem, iii. p. 186 ; and the derivation of the name 
AoKpol '0£oA.eu, given by Pausanias, x. 38, 1 ; see also Philostr. 
Vit. Apollon. i. 2. 

Chitons of leather are mentioned by Pollux, vii. 70 : /cat 
atcvTivoi i\aav iadrjTEQ /cat ^trwy ek (}Ep/jiarog. In the time of 
Pausanias the poorer classes in Euboea and Phocis wore chitons 
of hogs' hides. Pausan. viii. 1, 2 : yiTÜvaQ tovq ek twv fop/id- 
rwv rwi' v&v, oig /cat vvv TTEpL re TLvßoiav etl ^wvrai /cat iv tt} 
(pwKihy OTtöaoL ßtuv OTravi^ovaiv. 

The next enquiry is as to the colour of the dresses. In the 
first place we must protest against the very prevalent notion that 
in the rank of the free burghers, and indeed among all respect- 
able females, with few exceptions, nothing but white was worn. 
This assertion has been repeatedly made by Böttiger ; he affirms 
that ' so long as the ancient Hellenic world, and, later, Eome, 
kept free from admixture with the barbarians, — which of course 
was not the case under the later Soman emperors, — white was 
the prevailing colour worn by the respectable females and among 



Scene XI.] 



THE DRESS. 



435 



the higher classes, and at Athens purple and other colours were 
even considered the marks of immodest women.' KL Sehr, 
iii. p. 44. In one of his latest essays, however, he states his 
views in a materially modified form. He there says, 'Though 
the Greek women unquestionably wore coloured garments, and, 
as is clear from the pictures of Polygnotus, often wore dresses of 
yellow, and of variable colours, yet these are very different from 
stripes and flaring patterns.' KL Sehr. i. p. 293. This more 
recent opinion is certainly that which will best bear examination. 
On this subject we read in Pollux, vii. 55 : al he anb \puiiaTwv 
iadijreg KaXovfxevai, äXovpylg, 7rop(j)vplg, (poiviKig Kal tyoviKovg j^l- 
tojv, ßarpaylg. avrai fxev avhpüv. YvvaiKwv he, KpuKiOTog, Kpo- 
kojtioV) TrapaXovpylg, ofMpanivov. tovto) he rw ^pai^ari Kal 'AXti;- 
avhpov ijheadat Xeyovcri, to he vhpoßa(peg et?/ av i/jLariov, o vvv 
■bvxjioßatyeg KaXuvcrtv. eari he /cat kIXXiov eadrjrog jQJwfxa, to 
vvv ovaypivov ndXovfievov. kcu kIXXov yap rbv ovov oi Awpie'ic, 
Kal KiWaKTJjpa rbv 6vr)\a.Tr)v. (patbv he Kai fieXav äXXrjXoig evt/v 
eyyvg. Kal to KOKKoßa<peg he KaXtlrat enrb tov ^pw/naTog. Here 
there is an express distinction drawn between those colours which 
were worn by the men, and those which were confined to the 
women. In another place the same writer mentions the colours 
appropriated to particular characters on the stage ; and we should 
bear in mind that comedy, especially the new, was an imitation 
of" the manners of ordinary life. Poll. iv. 118: KW/mr) he ead>)c 
e^cofiig. eoTi he yiTwv XevKog aarjjxog . . . yepovTwv he tyopr][xa l^xcltlop^ 
Ka/jLTrvXr)' (poiviKig rj fieXa/xirop^vpop IfxaTtov, <j)6pr)fjiu vewTepwv. 
TTA/pa, ßaKTrjpla, hupQepa, eirl tQv aypo'iKuv. Kal iropfovpq he 
eadrjTi e-^pQvro oi veavivKoi. oi he irapaoiTOi [xeXaivrj y (paiä. . . . 
'H he yvvatKwv eadrjg kuj/jikiöv, rj fj.ei> tHjv ypa&v fxijXivrj, y depa r/, 
TrXrjv lepetwv ' ravTaig he XevKij' . . . rj he Ttöv veiop XevKrf i) ßvaaivrj. 
i-xiKXiipw he XevKTj, KpoaeuTrj. iropvoßoaKol he yirwvL ßairrÜ) kui 
ärdewü irepißoXaiu evhehvi'Tai, k.t.X. From this passage it must 
not be inferred that because a young man, in contrast to a yepwv, 
wears a dark-coloured garment, lueXajj-Tvoppvpov, and a lad a bright 
purple one, irop^vpä ead^g, that therefore they were always so 
clad ; on the contrary, we only conclude that a coloured robe was 
not unusual in common life among the higher orders, or they 
would never have thus appeared in one on the stage. 

Besides, it would be wonderful if that passion for magnificence 
f f 2 



436 



THE DEESS. 



[EXCTJESTTS I. 



in dress which was so prevalent in Ionia, had not exercised some 
influence on the costume of the mother-country. The Ionians 
selected remarkably brilliant colours for their attire, though this 
certainly was not the case at Athens, at least till a very late 
period. See a fragment of Democritus of Ephesus, ap. Athen, 
xii. p. 525 : Ta <5e t&v 'Iu/ywv loßatyr] /cat iropcpvpö. Kai KpÖKiva 
po/jißoiQ vfavrd. Kai (rapcnreig fx^Xivoi Kai Troptyvpol Kai XevKoi, 
ol de dXovpyelg. Kai KaXaaipeig Kopirdiovpyslg. eiai de at /xiv 
iroptyvpaÄ tovtüjVj at £e loßaQeig, at c)£ vaKivQivai ' Xdßoi t)' av tiq 
Kai (pXoyivag Kai 6 aXa a ooEiltig. There is distinct proof, moreover, 
that in the mother-country the use of coloured garments partially 
prevailed, even among the men. Thus there must be some mean- 
ing in the line in Aristoph. Plut. 533 : 

ovff ifiariuv ßaitr<2v Zairävais Koo-fArjaai iroiKiXofioptptov. 
See also Xenoph. GEcon. 10, 3 : kiri^EiKVvg re apyvpiov KißhrjXov 
/cat opfiovQ vtto^vXovq, Kai 7rop(f)vpiSaQ eEiTTjXovg (j)aitjv aXrjdivag 
elvai. Plutarch, de Tranq. An. 10 : >/ noptyvpa rpi&v fivwv. The 
reply of Socrates shows that a garment is here meant. Occa- 
sionally we even meet with notices of the dress of individuals. 
Thus Chamaeleon, ap. Athen, ix. p. 374, says of the comedian 
Anaxandrides : sfopei aXovpy tea Kai Kpaaireha yjpvaa. SeeiElian, 
Var. Hist. xii. 32 : 'ILfjnrecoKXrjg 6 ' ' AKpayavrlvog aXovpyei 
e^p{](raro, /cat viro^fxaai "^aXKoig. 'liririav de /cat Topyiav iv 
7rop<pvpa~ig eadrjcri irpdiivai (iiappei Xöyog. Cf. Ib. xii. 11 ; Athen, 
xii. p. 543. In these passages, it is true, such coloured clothes 
are mentioned as something remark ; and no doubt it was 
not everybody that wore them, but they certainly were used on 
festive occasions, and doubtless frequently by aßpoUauoi. See 
Lucian, Bis Accus. 17 : cKprjpei re rovg arefdvovg . . . /cat eVt 
Troptyvpßi r/er^wero. The whole passage may be referred to as 
giving a striking picture of an Athenian dandy. 

Dark-coloured chitons appear to have been not at all unusual. 
See especially a fragment of Antiphanes, apud Athen, xii. p. 544, 
where the costume of the academicians is described : 

Aeu/CT) x^ ai/ ' s » <pcubs xnwtVft-os KaXbs, 
mXiZiov airakhv, evpvdfji.os ßaKTrjpia, 
ßaia Tpäirefa. ri /xaKpä Set \4yeiv ; o\ws 
avTTjV bpav yap ttju 'AKaSr/fieiay 8ok£>. 

Here the ^atoe xiruviGKog is certainly not black, but either 



Scene XL] 



THE DEE3S. 



437 



brown, as manufactured from the undyed wool of the brown 
sheep, or else grey. See Phot. Lex. p. 637 : x°% m ^vvBeroirsK 
fiekavcQ Kal \evkov ' qyovv uvivov. Cf. Suidas, s. v. ocuoc. 

Coloured dresses were prevalent to a far greater extent among 
the female sex. In theory, no doubt, white was considered the 
most becoming for a discreet and modest woman. See Phintys. 
apud Stob. Tit. lxxiv. 61 : -sol ce tÜj tcocrfui) tlo -spl to awua 

COKE~l j.LOL OVTOJC. \zi \sV\EL LLO 2 CI ?'/U£J' KCLL Ct~\o\ KCLl'. ECU ä~£pi(T- 

arevTOv. 'Ecrecrat ce tovto, curat firj ciaoareeco-L, fiqde clcittoliclXolc. 
fxnce awo ßiftßiKOQ voaajj.ii OLc y^oärai to'ic -sol to crtü/ia, oXXä 
/jetoiolc Kai XevKOXpiofiaroLg. Evidently enough this advice is 
directed against the prevailing practice. "What is related of 
Polygnotus by Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxv. y, 35, ' primus rnulieres 
lucida veste pinxit,' may indicate a change in attire which took 
place after the Persian war, or rather perhaps an improvement in 
the art of painting and the preparation of pigments ; and it is 
certain that the painter would never have ventured on this step, 
if, as Böttiger supposes, coloured clothes had been at Athens the 
legal distinction of hetaerae : nor does it follow, because he was 
the first to paint women in brilhant colours, that his predecessors 
had attired their females in white only. The polychromatic vase- 
paintings and terracottas published by Stackelberg, in his Gräbel* 
der Hellenen, which represent figures from the life, are the more 
valuable, inasmuch as they corroborate, in the most striking 
manner, many of the statements made by Pollux. Though in 
most instances the colours have been much faded by age, yet 
the ground tone still remains ; and the fact that white as well as 
coloured chitons and himatia occur, demonstrates that the scenes 
are from every-day life. Thus in Plate 44, 2, are represented two 
female figures, one of whom wears a dark upper garment (a/wre- 
\6vrf) with a white border, orer a pale yellow sleeved-chiton. 
The latter, which looks like nankeen, is probably of byssus. 
Cf. Philostr. Vit. Apollon. ii. 20 : eat fiarOrjyai tij pvooio oi](j\v b 
'A-oXXuj vioqj E~£Lci) eolke oaiü ~pif3üj j't. This colour frequently 
occurs in women's dress. The himation, with its white border, 
is what is called -EpiXtvkov by Pollux, vii. 51 : to. ce irepiXev^a 
rovravTiov etr\ av voaGjia ek —opovoae Ü] äWov ■^oüj/j.aTOc, ii 1 tlo 
-EOicoojj.u) \evkov ewocL(jp.eiov. The second figure is in a gold- 
brown diplois, also with a white edging. In PI. 45, 1, are seen 



438 



THE DRESS. 



[Excursus I. 



two females, one of whom wears a white chiton with sleeves, under 
a red himation ; while the second is wrapped in a red mantle. 
PI. 46, 2, is especially interesting. One of the women who stand 
at the tomb is clad in an ample blue cloak, which entirely con- 
ceals the under garment; the other wears a short and close-fitting 
purple chiton, without sleeves, the seam of which is adorned with a 
tolerably broad border of yellow. This border consists of upright 
indentations, which are seen elsewhere on monochromatic vase- 
paVtmgs ; see Tischbein, Engrav. i. 15 ; Millin. Peint. i. 52, 61. 
But Wilder this dress the woman seems to have also a chitonionof the 
usual yellow colour, the sleeves of which are visible. On these poly- 
chromatic lecythcB there are also representations of men In coloured 
garments ; for instance in PL 45, 2, is seen a young man in a red 
cherry- coloured chlamys; and the shades in Charon's bark wearred 
himatia. See PI. 48. Charon's exomis, however, is grey or brown, 
which was the usual colour for sailors. Plaut. Mil. iv. 4, 43 : 

Palliolum habeas ferrugineum ; nam is colos thalassicu'st. 
Indeed the garb of the working classes was always dark-coloured. 
Artemidor. Oneirocr. ii. 3, p. 132 : ov yap irpog epyu) ovreg ol 
avdpwTroi, Kai fidXiara ol rag ßavavcrovg re\vag epyaC,ö^evoi Xev- 
koIq IjucLTLoiQ xP<* )VTaL ' The terracottas given in Stack elberg's 
work go also to show that white was by no means the only colour 
worn either by men or women, and that perhaps it was only the 
very staring and brilliant tints, dvdeiva xP^ ) l J - CLTa i which were 
avoided by sober-minded and respectable women; this view, 
moreover, is excellently borne out by Artemidor. Oneirocr. ii. 3, 
p. 135 : TvvcllkI he ttolklXt) ko.1 dvdrjpa ecrd>)g (TvfxtyipeL, fxaXirrra he 
f.raipq, rat Trkovoiq' rj fxev yap hid rrjv epyaa'iav, >/ he hid ri)V 
Tpv(prjv avdr]pa~ic, e&d))ai xpwvrat. 

It would seem from Pollux, iv. 120, that damsels belonging to 
the upper classes wore only the white or yellowish chiton, for he 
says : rj he töjv vemv {eu l dr\g) Xevict) ?] ßvvaivr). He does not here 
refer to the dfjnreyovii, a garment which belongs indeed more 
to the matrons than the maidens, who, being rarely abroad, did 
not require it. It is strange that he alludes to no particular 
costume for the hetsera?. He mentions, as suitable to women, first, 
the KpoKwrog (xltwv), probably s\ chiton with a saffron-coloured 
diploidion. See Aristoph. Eccl. 381 : 

T7js yvvaiKbs Qe\i\\vQa. 
Tb KpoKurfiiov a^TTiaxo^vos, ovi'Sverat 



Scene XI.] 



THE DUESS. 



439 



Cf. Id. Thesmoph. 253 : tov KpoiaoTov irp&TOV tvlvov Xaßdov. 
Pollux gives an erroneous explanation of this word : he says, a %e 
KpoKojTog 1/j.dnov, having manifestly in view Aristoph. Ranee, 46 ; 
but in that passage there is not the slightest allusion to au 
himation. The KpoKwrdg was also occasionally worn by men, 
though of course not as a diplois. Cf. Suidas, s. v. KpoKWTog, and 
Diog. Laert. vii. 169. It certainly was never of silk, as is affirmed 
by the Scholiasts to Aristoph. Bance, 46. 

The other colours mentioned by Pollux are 6p(paKu>ov, perhaps 
olive-green ; prjXivov, apple-green or yellow ; aiptvfjg, not only 
azure, but a variety of tints, even to a bright grey. There is 
much more obscurity about the vüpoßcubEc, which Pollux, doubt- 
ingly, compares with xpvxpoßacpeg. If with this we compare the 
vfiariva ßpaK-n in Theoer. xxviii. 11, and the vlaroKkvfjTa of Plu- 
tarch, Qucest. Bom. 26, it would almost seem that we are to suppose 
watered cloth (moire) to be meant, and the same sort of thing is 
probably intended by the undulata vestis of Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 
48, 74, and the cumatile (Kvpariödeg) of Plautus, Epid. ii. 2, 49. 

The ornaments of the chiton may be divided into horizontal 
borders, vertical stripes, figures irregularly embroidered, and 
lastly, regular patterns running over the whole garment. The first 
kind of ornament ran along the bottom edge, or round the hole 
for the neck, and consisted either of simple coloured stripes or of 
ornamental patterns. They were called Trexat. Poll. vii. 62 : al 
c)£ wapa tclq wag 7rapv(pal kclXovvtcli ize^at Kai ire^föeg, Kai irepL- 
7T£^a ra ovtoj irapvtyaapeva. These stripes also were apparently 
many-coloured. The diploidion of the figure of Nikt), on p. 422, 
has a narrow blue stripe close to the lower edge, and above that 
a broader one of red ; probably too it was shaded off. See a frag- 
ment of Menander, apud Athen, ii. p. 163 : 

tt)s (TKias t)]v iropcpvpav 
irpwTOV ivv<paiyov(T • elra fiera tt]U irop<pvpav 
tout' ecrTiy, oi>5e Aen/cbv, ou e Top(pvpa, 
&XÄ.' &arirep avy^j T7?s KpStcqs KSKpajxivt). 

These borders were usually woven in, but sometimes were sewn 
on, and, when faded, replaced by new ones. Poll. vii. 64 : irzpi- 
waai 5e eXeyov tuiv TraXaiu>i> tpaTtwv rag wag acpeXovra Kaivag 
Trapadelvai. Phot. Lex. p. 405 : to d.7roXfjyov tov ^irwvof, o 
fjpe'ig u)av (sic) XiyofAev ' irporepov yap vnep tov prj Tptßeffda 
^eppa rrpoßciTOJV irporrippa-KTov. (?) 



440 



THE DRESS, 



[EXCUKSTJS I. 



The vertical stripes frequently appear on the two sides of the 
chiton, where the 7rrepvyeQ are sewn together, and are therefore 
always double. They are also often seen in front, also doubled, 
and are either on the chiton, and reach down to the feet, or are 
only on the diploidion. See the woodcuts on pp. 423, 424, 426 ; 
also Tischbein, Engrav. i. 4. The general name for these stripes 
was paßdoi or Trapvcpot. Poll. vii. 53 : at \xevtoi kv tolq yiT&m 
7vop(pvpai paßcoL Trapvfoi KaXovvrai. Cf. Id. vii. 65 ; and Hesy- 
chius, s. v. "O)(0ot/3oi, which he supposes to mean these stripes, 
although this seems a mistake. In Miliin. Peint. des Vases Gr. i. 
PI. 38, may be seen a chiton with long sleeves reaching to the 
hand, and which has a singular ornament. An arabesque runs 
from the breast to the lower seam, and a similar one passes down 
the whole length of the sleeve. Such sleeve-ornaments also occur 
on men's chitons, being perhaps borrowed from the tragic costume. 
See Tischbein, Engrav. i. 3. 

On the himatia also of both men and women are to be seen 
similar borders, which sometimes run right round, and sometimes 
appear to be only on the two seamed sides of the oblong cloth. To 
the former kind Pollux refers the words -Ktplv^aa and eyicvickov. 
The second is said by Hesychius to be comprehended under the 
dubious term Trapcnrrixv. Cf. Phot. Lex. p. 388. Pollux seems 
to assign a different signification to this word. He says, vii. 53 : 
to te ivcLpairrjyy ifxariov i]v tl Xevkov 7rij^yv ivoptyvpovv e^ov 
TrapvtyaaiiEvov. to Ie 7rapvftQ teal TrapaXovpysg to EKCLTEpwOev 
e%pv TrapvfaajjLEvrjv 7rop(j)vpav. "itovec avTO mXova-i irrj-xyaXig. 

Fringes also, Kpocrvoi, dvtravoi, were appended to the garments, 
and tassels at the corners, as in the Eoman tcga; these were not 
for ornament merely, but for the purpose cf keeping down the 
dress by their weight. Poll. vii. 64 ; iv. 120. 

The third class of ornaments consisted of flowers, stars, and so 
forth, embroidered or woven in, and scattered all over the chiton, 
which was then called yj.Tu>v kcltcmttiktoc. Poll. vii. 55 : 6 £e 
KaraariKTOS yvrfov eotiv 6 e-^ujv £<La t) ardrj fVu^aoyzeVa. mi 
£ü)<i)Tdg ce \ltu)v ekclXe'ito kol\ ^iodaoTog. Plato, de Republ. viii. 
p. 557 : 1/jLa.Tiov 7roLiciXov, Träcrt v uvOecti irETroLKiXfjiEvov. These are 
very commonly represented on vases. 

Fourthly come the dresses of regular patterns. In a very 
ancient and remarkable vase-painting in Miliin. ii. PI. 61, are 



Scene XI.] 



THE DKESS. 



441 



seen two Attic maidens, who are being offered to the Minotaur. 
They are enveloped in garments of a chessboard-looking pattern ; 
which the artist could never have borrowed entirely from his own 
invention. A somewhat similar device occurs elsewhere for tur- 
bans. See Plaut. Epid. ii. 2, 40, where the vestis impluviata is 
probably something of the sort. 

There are but few names of dresses which jet remain to be 
mentioned ; some of these are of a general import, others are pecu- 
liar to the lower classes and the slaves. The word Ivarlg is very 
insufficiently explained by Böttiger to mean an embroidered purple 
coat. The grammarians give a variety of explanations, such as 
TTodfipeg evZvfJLa and TpayiKov evhvfxa, again, -^Xavlg KWfxtKr), Ijiariov 
iropfyvpovv, linriKov evdvfxa, or Xetttov v^aajxa, k. t. X. See Har- 
pocr. ; Hesych. ; Phot. ; Schol. ad Aristoph. Nub. 70 ; Schol. ad 
Theocr. ii. 74. That it was not exclusively an ev^vfia, nor be- 
longed merely to the tragic or comic stage, but might also denote 
a female robe of state, is evident from Theocr. ii. 74 : 

iyw ?e ol & fj.€yd\oiros 
Kaiu.(piareL\aix4v7] rav |u<rn5a rav KAeaptcrros. 

The name Ivarlg does not refer to the shape at all, but merely to 
the material and ornaments. Thus it is correctly observed by 
Pollux, vii. 49: £v<mc, evlvfia re dfxov /ecu Trtpi/SX^a, kol yirwv. 
The best proof of this is that rich coverlets, orpw^uara, are also 
thus designated. See Poll. vi. 10 ; x. 42. 

The name etyearplg also refers more to a cloth or coverlet than 
to a garment of any particular shape. Hence Pollux, x. 42, 
reckons it among the o-rpwjxara, as well as the ^Xalva, though 
this, too, served also as a robe. Nevertheless, it is clear that it 
resembled the chlamys, being, like that garment, fastened by a 
clasp. The word is used for an himation in Xenophon, Symp. 
4, 38 ; but in Lucian, Dial. Meretr. ix., it denotes a garment 
resembling a chlamys : ewpaica M Kayio avrbv efearptda Tzepi- 
7r6pcf)vpov i\i-KE-Kop-Kr\[iivov. See also Id. Contempl. 14; Artemidor. 
Oneirocr. ii. 3 : ^Xa/xvc, fjv evioi fiavlv^v^ ol he etyecrrpßa, ol de 
ßtppov KaXovat. In Heliod. JEthiop. iii. 6, it is used for the 
ä/j.7rex6vv of the women. In Agathias, apud Suidas, it is used 
both for this, and also for a soldier's chlamys. 



442 



THE DEESS. 



[Excursus I. 



The ditydepa was a coat of skins used by herdsmen and 
countryfolks. Aristoph. Nubes, 71 : 

"Orav ia\v ovv ras alyas 4k tov <f>€\Aea>s, 
wenrep & iraTrjp aov, 8i<pd4pau iirq/xfievos. 

Schol. : TroijieviKov de TreptßoXaiov ?/ ditydepa. 'Arrifcot de Xeyov- 
<rir, fjv vvv laaXnv tcaXovfier. ecrri de etc dep/jaTOQ. It could be 
drawn over the head. Poll. vii. 70 : (n^t gkvtivujv Eaßrjrwv) 
difdepa de areyavog yirojv eiriKpavov eytov. See Aristoph. Vesp. 
444; Plato, Crit. p. 53 ; Lucian, Tim. 12. A herdsman wearing 
the ditydepa is represented in the Mus. Pio-Clem. iii. 34. Prob- 
ably the (Ttavpa was something similar, but serving more as an 
himation than a chiton. It was also a Kojdiov, see Aristoph. 
Eccles. 418, and it appears to have been mostly used as a coverlet, 
as was shown in Note 8 to Scene vm. It also served the pur- 
pose of a cloak ; and sometimes was not a skin, but was made of 
coarse thick cloth. Lucian, Rhet. Prcec. 16 : >/ iroptyvpa povov 
ecru KaXrj icni evavd))^, kclv oiavpa tCjv irayeiüv to I par to v tj. 
Cf. Longus, Past. ii. p. 35. 

The kclt water} was a dress for slaves, probably used only in 
the country : it was a chiton of coarse cloth, with the lower hem 
trimmed with sheep-skin. See Aristoph. Lysistr. 1151 ; Athen, 
vi. p. 271; Poll. vii. 68; Müller, Dorians, ii. p. 38. The lower 
orders, and especially seafaring folks, wore a kind of matting, 
<popfj.6q. Pausan. x. 29, 2 : 6 de 'EXirrivojp afiTre^erai <f>öp/d6v 
awl iadriTOQ, avvrfQeg toIq vavraiq (popr/fxa. There are a number 
of other names which refer either to trivial variations of attire, or 
to articles introduced from abroad, but they need not be discussed 
here, being irrelevant to the general Greek customs. 

We will now say a word or two on the head-coverings worn by 
the men ; the women used nothing of the kind, and their nets, 
cauls, and head-dresses will be treated of in the Excursus on The 
Hair and Beard. The men did not wear any covering on the 
head, either at the gymnasia or when going about the city. So 
Anacharsis, in Lucian, de Gymn. 16, speaking of the fierceness of 
the sun, says : tov yap irlXov fxoi atyeXelv diKotiev edo£ev, wq fxrj jj.6- 
voq kv vfxiv ^evi^oi/j-L t<d (jyrijiaTi But something of the kind was 
required in certain trades, and was also worn on journeys. They 
may be divided into two sorts, hats with brims, and caps with 



Scene XI.] 



THE DKESS. 



443 



r.one, though both kinds were known by the common term Kvvrj 
and x'iXoq. The -Ke-acroQ is the best known form of the first kind ; 
it was of Thessalian or Macedonian origin, like the chlamys, and 
quite appertained to it, and hence was commonly worn by the 
ephebi and those who appeared in the chlamys. Poll. x. 164: To 
c*e rwv i(f>{]ß(i)v (p6prj/j.a TriraooQ kcu yXaixvc. Hesych. YHtclooq, 
to rü)v i(f>{]ßwv (p6pT]/j.a. The best illustrations of its use are the 
reliefs of the Parthenon, and many other monuments. The varia- 
tions, which are very numerous, always occur in the brim. The 
ephebi from the Parthenon wear a petasos, the brim of which is 
bent downwards, and has four arch-shaped cuts, by which means 
four corners are formed, one of which projects right over the fore- 
head. Another variety is seen on the Bellerophon in Tischbein, 
Engrav. i. 3, where the brim is entire, and bent upwards. The 
petasos of Hermes has often a very small brim. See Winkelm. 
iv. PI. 7. a. But the invariable characteristic of all is the round 
arched crown. See the figure of (Edipus, p. 420. In Sophocl. 
(Ed. Col. 315, Ismsne wears such a hat, ijXiocrrepijg Kvvfj QeaaaXig : 
and the only explanation of a female wearing such an article may 
be found in the equally unusual apparition of a virgin on such a 
journey. Cf. Böttiger, Furienmaske, p. 123. 

The tcavala, also Macedonian in its origin, much resembled the 
petasos, only that it had a higher crown, flat at the top, and a 
horizontal brim, quite round, and often very broad. Tischbein, 
Engrav. i. 10. Probably the Arcadian tcvvfj resembled it. Böt- 
tiger erroneously supposes that this icvvfj had a kind of shade, 
irapa7rera(Tfxa, on the brim, which was bent downwards. The 
mistake appears to have arisen from a misconception of Aristoph. 
Aves, 1202. Iris no doubt had a rainbow round her head, when 
she appeared on the stage, and this ring may have resembled the 
shade of an Arcadian sombrero. Concerning the Kava'ta, see 
Müller, TJeber die Makedoner, p. 48. 

The cap-shaped coverings for the head vary but little ; they 
were generally semi-oval in shape. They were m )rn by the boat- 
men, and consequently Charon is thus represented See the wood- 
cut on p. 416; also Stack elberg, Die Gräber d'r Hell. PI. 47 
and 48. The same is also the case with Odysseus and Cadmos; 
Millingen, Uned. Mon. i. 27. The artisans also wore them, and 
therefore Hephaestos usually has one; Hirt, Bilderb. PI. vi. 1, 2; 



44* 



THE DRESS. 



[Excursus I. 



Terracottas in the Brit. Mus. 10. The workmen of the Argo wear 
a similar cap with a somewhat broad rim running round it. 

The colour of these hats and caps was various. That of 
Charon in the preceding woodcut should be red ; while Plautus, 
Mil. iv. 4, 42, mentions a causia ferruginea among the ornatus 
nauclericus. On another lecythos in Stackelberg (PI. 45, 2), a 
young man in a chlamys wears a white petasos with red rim. 
In Macedonia a purple kcivgLcl was a mark of honour, bestowed 
by kings. Plutarch, Eumen. 8 : 'E£?;j/ yap Ev^itVei kcu Kavaiag 
akovpytig kcu yXafxvZaQ ^lavijieiv, ijrLQ i)v ciopea ßacriXtKiorarr} 
Ttapa MciKedoai. Cf. Id. Demetr. 41. Occasionally, and especially 
in early times, the material may have been leather ; afterwards it 
was generally felt, and hence all head- coverings go by the name of 
7rl\oi. On this subject see Mongez, sur les Vetemens des Anciens. 
Mem. de V Institut. Royal, iv. ; Clarac, Muse'e de Sculpt, ii. p. 49; 
and Gallus, p. 408. 



EXCUESUS IL TO SCENE XL 



THE SHOES. 

F-DOORS the Greeks always went about unshod, and even 
when abroad the use of a foot- covering was by no means uni- 
versal. Already in the heroic ages we find persons putting on the 
TrediXa just before going out, not on a journey, but for a common 
walk. See Iliad, ii. 44 ; Odyss. ii. 4 ; xvii. 2. At a later period 
the custom continued the same. Shoes were only worn to protect 
the feet from injury in the street : at home they were never used, 
and at a stranger's were put off before reclining to the meal. 
See Excursus on The Meals, p. 318. Effeminate persons, in 
winter-time, may possibly have covered their feet with something 
at home ; but this was not the rule ; and many even went 
barefoot out of doors both in summer and winter. Plato, de 
Republ. ii. p. 372 ; Lucian, Navig. L At Sparta, in the case of 
younger persons, this was actually compulsory by law. Xenoph. 
de Republ. Laced. 2, 3 : 'Aptl ye fxrjv toxi a-KaXvvetv tovc iroZag 
v7ro^}]jj,a(TLP era^ev, awiro^rjaiff. Kparvvetv, vofii^iov, el tovto aaKY}- 
(reiav, 7ro\v jjlev p§.ov av updiaoe ßaiveiv, aatyakeoTepov fie 7rpavi] 
KUTcißaLveiv. Plato, Leg. i. p. 633. And even aged people did 
the same. jElian, Var, Hist. vii. 13 : ' Ayrjaikaog 6 AcuceSaifioviog 
yepwv l](ir) ujv dvviro^rjrog iroWaicig Kat txyirtov Trporjei . . . xal 
ravra eiodivog ev wpq. xet/iep/w. At Athens, too, it was usual for 
those of simple habits never to wear anything on the feet, except 
on special occasions, when propriety demanded it. Plato, Symp. 
p. 220 ; cf. Xenoph. Mem. i. 6, 2. Of this Socrates was by no 
means a solitary instance, and it was also done by persons of con- 
sequence and wealth, such as Lycurgus the orator ; Plutarch, 
Dec. Or. Vit. iv. p. 379 : inre^elero raig drayicaiaiQ rjfxepaig. So 
also Phocion ; Plutarch, PJwc. 4. It was a special mark of the 
stricter philosophic sects, and, as such, affected by the later 
beard-philosophers. Lucian, Icaromen. 31. 

With these exceptions, it was usual to wear sandals or some 
such thing out of doors ; and masters also gave them to their 
slaves, at least in winter-time. See Aristoph. Vespce, 448. 



446 



THE SHOES. 



[Exctjkstts II. 



In spite of numberless -varieties of form, the foot-coverings of 
the Greeks may be divided into two chief classes, sandals and 
shoes. But there are so many transition forms, that a complete 
set of gradations may be adduced, from the simple sandal up to 
the quasi-boot or endromis. Sandals bound under the foot are 
the genuine v7rod{]funTa ; and the often-repeated assertion of 
Salmasius (ad Tertull. de Pallio, p. 387), that vTrölr^a denotes 
the regular shoe, and aafhaXiov the sandal, is entirely erroneous. 
The passage on this subject in Pollux, vii. 84, stood in the old 
editions : Xiyoig $ av kcu vwodri/JLara KolXa, ßadea, elg fxearfv rrjv 
kpij/j.t]v dvr}KOVTCL. to. de ovk olha el fiovov cnroxpiöj ecjtlv ehreiv 
vTrolrnxara. It has, however, been thus corrected by Kühn from 
the MSS. : ra Ik ov koTXcl avro \iovov a-Koy^üv kanv eltte~lv 

v7ro^rifj,ara. 

The aavSaXtov or aavdaXov is the first transition form to the 
shoes which covered the upper part of the foot. For it had a 
thong across the toes, which grew into a small upper leather, and 
was called '(vybg or l^vyov, Aristoph. Lysistr. 416 : 
crKvroTOfAS T7js jxov ywa.iK.bs tov irohbs 
rb daKTv\i8iov 7Tie'£ei rb £vybv, 
at? airaXbv ov tout' ovv av ttjs fj.scrri t ußp'ias 
i\9a)V xdAaaov, üttoos o\v evpvrepocs %XV' 

Scholiast : fikpog toxi aavdaXiov' . . . £vybg yap raXetrat 6 irepiKei- 
jXEvog tolq yvvaiKsioig aavdaXtoig l/säg Kara Tovg daKTiiXovc irpbg 
to GWEyeiv ilayofxevov tov irola. So also Hesychius, and Pollux, 
vii. 81. Without this £vybv the sandal was no aaroaXiov ; and 
hence Böttiger has wrongly interpreted a passage in Strabo, vi. 1, 
8 : Tivag ()k Kai aai'daXia vxohovfiEvag a£vya, to p.kv viprjXov, to 
I s k tcltteivov. The word a£vya he explains, ' not having thongs 
over the feet ; ' whereas it evidently means, odd, not pairs, one of 
the sandals being high, another low. It is evident that this £vybv 
was not a mere thong over the toes, because we read of sandals 
embroidered and ornamented even with gold. See Cephisodorus, 
apud Poll. vii. 87 : 

£({> oTs ra xp var & tout 3 ZireaTiv &vde/Jia. 

Also Clem. Alex. Peed. ii. 11 : Alax oa y°vv aXrjdütg ra aavhaXta 
EKEiva.) icj) olg eoti to. yjpvaä avade/iaTa (1. avdefia). In this 
respect the sandal was like a slipper ; but it was fastened with 
thongs beside. Thus Pollux, vii. 92, says of the Tyrrhenian 



Scene XI.] 



THE SHOES. 



447 



sandals : ol le IfjiavTeg i-niyjivaoi. aav^aXtov yap i\v. Generally, 
however, cc pdd\ia are appropriated to the women. See Hesy- 
chius : 2adViia\ia } crdvdaXa, yvvauceia. V7ro^rjfj.aTU, a /cat ßXavria. 
Hence it is clear that (ravdaXta could not have been mere sandals, 
for these were worn by men also. 

Mere sandals, made of cow's hide, are mentioned by Homer, 
Odyss. xiv. 24 ; and Hesiod, Op. 542 ; in later times such may 
have been worn by women in the house, or by the lower classes ; 
but a stronger double-soled kind was worn on going out. See 
Winkelm. v. p. 41. Not only leather was employed, but cork 
was sometimes used to form the intermediate thickness of the 
sole. Concerning the manifold ways of fastening them, see Gallus, 
p. 425. The most usual plan was for a thong to go between the 
great and second toe, being fastened by a heart or leaf-shaped 
fibula to two side straps, or to another, which ran along the in- 
step, and was then fastened to the back strap. Instead of thongs 
the poorer classes used (nrapria, i.e. cords of twisted airdpToq. 
See Athen. V. p. 220 : ret inroh'ifxara (nraprwig kvr\\i\x,ivov aairpoic. 
The thongs, however, were often so multiplied as to cover not 
only the foot, but the lower part of the leg up to the calf. See 
Millingen, Peint. d. Vas. PL 51 ; Mus. Borb. vii. 19. These, which 
were probably called paUia, in some sort resembled shoes or boots 
with holes pierced in them, and therefore form a transition to the 
regular shoes, tcrfiXa virol^fxara. These were made on a last, 
kclXottovq, which was different, so as to suit each foot. They 
were worn both by men and women, and were like our high 
ithoes, reaching to the ankle, and having a slit over the instep. 
See Millingen, Peint. d. Vas. PI. 39 ; Pitt. d'Ercol. i. 13-28 ; 
Mus. Borb. vii. 20, 23-40. 

The very numerous varieties of form mentioned by Pollux are 
difficult to specify and distinguish, owing to the brevity witli 
which they are noticed. In this place we can only mention a 
few of the kinds which were most generally worn. The tcprj-rrlg 
is one of those names whose explanation is the most dubious. 
From t^ie other signification of the word it might be supposed to 
mean a mere sole ; and this derives additional probability from 
the name being also applied to a kind of cake, which in form 
probably resembled this V7r6()ri[.ia. Athen, xiv. p. 645: 'Eu7re- 

KTCLQ . . . n-VpiPOQ Ü.OTOQ KO \0Q KCll GVjJLjJLETpO^, OjlOLOQ TOLIQ XfyO^f- 



448 



THE SHOES. 



[EXCTJKSTJS II. 



vaig KprjTr^aiv, elg äg evtiOstcii to. Sia rov Tvpov cnceva^ofiEva 
TrXaicovvTia. See also Poll. vi. 77. Cf. Suidas and Hesychius. 
Athenasus also distinguishes between the Kprjnig and the vTrohijia. 
He says, xiv. p. 621 : cat to fisv 7ra\aibv v7roh)fxa<riv e^prjTO, 
tog <pr)(riv 6 'ApiarrocXfjg, vvv 11 i;pr)ir~icri. Cf. Poll. vii. 91 : i\v 
Ik tl vTTÖSrjfia cat oxi^QoKp^irig. From these passages the icprj- 
7tiq would appear to have been a high sandal, differing from the 
simpler virol^jia in having several thicknesses ; and in Pollux 
it seems to be a sandal with a higher heel than usual. With 
these accounts it is difficult to reconcile what is said of the cd\a£ 
by Theophrastus, Char. 2 : cat avvLovovfievog le Kpr\ir~ilag top 7rocia 
<f>i]rTai elvai evpvQfiorepov tov viro^fiaTog. Most likely it was 
a sort of half-shoe, which only covered the fore-part of the foot, 
and was fastened behind with thongs. See also Heliod. JEthiop. 
iii. 3 : Kpr]7r\g jisv avroig ifjai'Ti (poivixä) SicnrXotcog vTrep äcrTpd- 
yaXov ivtyiyyeTO. Poll. vii. 85 : c^Tt^ec, to fxev ^opjfjua arpa- 
TitoTiKov. Cf. Plutarch, Alex. 40. We cannot, however, confine 
its use to soldiers. The Romans formed out of Kprj-rrlg the word 




Fig. 1. Foot-covering belonging to a young man, from Tischbein, l 14. Per- 
haps the name pa/'Sia might be applied to it. 

Fig. 2. Man's shoe, of a form which very frequently occurs. Millin. it. 8. 

Fig. 3. Half-boot of a male figure from Millin. n. 69 ; it seems slit down and 
laced in front, though the lacing serves only for ornament. 

Fig. 4. Woman's shoe, from Millingen, Feint d. Vas. Gr. 39. 



Scene XI.] 



THE SHOES. 



449 



crepidä, which is certainly not equivalent to solea, as is assumed 
by Heindorf, ad Hor. Sat i. 3, 127. See Cic. pro Hab. 10 ; Liv. 
xxix. 19. 

Something more definite is known about the kpßaOEc. They 
were real shoes, and must therefore be reckoned among the KolXa 
vTToh]/jara in a more extended sense. They were worn ex- 
clusively by men, as is seen from Aristophanes, Eccles. 47, 314 ; 
Equit 872. Also Suidas : kpißäg' rä vwoZfj/jtaTa rä ärdpela. In 
the time of Aristophanes they seem to have been the most usual 
kind of common men's shoes, though they were not worn by the 
higher classes. See Iseeus, de Dicaog. Her. p. 94 : kcu irpog toIq 
aXXoig Kaicotg ovelZi^ei kcu eyfcaXel avrw, on ipßaZag Kai Tptßwvia 
(f>ope7, d\X' ovk aCiKwv, ort a.(j)EX6pEvog clvtov ra ovra Trev^ra 
-KEiro'iriKEv. This of course refers principally to Athens ; for the 
ifj.ßäg was not everywhere the same. Thus Herodotus, i. 195, 
tells us that the Babylonians wore V7roo7//zara iirixwpia, irapa- 
srXjjffta rj/ct Bonorirjat ipßäai. Pollux derives them from Thrace; 
he says, vii. 85 : ipßdhg' evteXeq jjlep to vrrd^pa, Qpytcwv Se to 
Evpr\pa' Trjv Se ideav Kodopvotg Ta-rrEivdlg eolkev. 

The KaKidVLnal were also men's shoes, and probably bore some 
resemblance to the Efißdhg. As the name imports, they origi- 
nated at Lacedasmon, but were also very much worn in Athens. 
Sometimes they are distinguished from the epßaZEg, at others they 
are confounded with them. See Aristoph. Vespa?, 1157 ; Eccles. 
314, 345, 507. Perhaps there were two sorts of Laconian shoes, 
a EVTEXi.oTEpov and a ttoXvteXevtepov virolrjpa ; and in this case 
the latter may be the 'AfivKXa'ifog, which Pollux calls an eXev- 
OEpiojTepoy viToSrjjjLa. See also Hesychius : 'Apv^Xai^Eg' eIÜoq 
virolhpaTog iroXvTEXovg Aclkojvikov. Pollux proceeds to say that 
the Laconian shoes were red: at Ze AaKwvtKai to p.Ev ^pwpu 
kpvQpai. Hence they cannot be the so-called airXal, which the 
Aauojvi^ovTfg wore along with the tribon. Demosth. in Conon. 
p. 1267. Of these airXal Harpocration says: KaXXiaTpardg <pr)<n, 
to. povoiTEXfxa tojv viTodr] pcLTU) v ovTU) KuXelvdai, i.e. they had only 
one thickness of sole, and perhaps were not a regular shoe at all. 

The ßXavTai or ßXavTta were shoes of a more elegant sort, 
and were worn by men when they went out to dinner. Thus 
shod, Socrates goes to Agathon's ; Plato. Syrup. 17 4 : e^y] yap ci 
XwApdri} ivTvyfiv XeXov^evov te Kai Tag ßXavrag viroCedEpEvor, 



450 



THE SHOES. 



[Excursus IL 



a iice'trog oXiyaiag iicaiet Cf. Aristoph. Equites, 889. Pollux, 
vii. 87, calls them aarcaXiov ri eicog, and they were in fact a sort 
of half-shoe, fastened round the ankles by thongs. This explains 
Athen, xii. p. 543 : ypvaoiz aracnraarulg kiria^Lyye riöv ßXav-üv 
Tag aiaywyeag. 

The foregoing names are those most frequently met with. We 
may, however, mention the evHpopßeg and Kapßanvai, both worn 
by men. The first were high shoes, or rather boots, which Pollux, 
perhaps led astray by the etymology, mentions as being suited 
for athletas (iii. 155) ; though elsewhere (vii. 93) he assigns them 
to Artemis : \clov rijg 'Apripiuiog to v-ocrjfxa. This is corrobo- 
rated by a Scholion to Callim. Hymn, in Del. 238 : 'Ei'cpuptcae, 
Kvpiojg rwv Kvvr]yü)V v7ro^rjjj.aTa. Perhaps in essential points they 
were the same as the Kodoprog. See Salmasius, ad Tertull. de 
Pallio, p. 310. Singularly enough, the word has quite another 
meaning in Latin ; signifying a warm garment. See Mart. iv. 19, 
4 ; Juven. iii. 103. The Kapßanvai, on the contrary, were pro- 
bably the commonest foot-covering of the lower orders, and made 
of undressed leather. Poll. vii. 88 : Kapßarirr] fiev aypoiKüv vtto- 
Sijua. See Phot. Lex. p. 131 ; Hesychius ; Xenoph. Anab. iv. 5, 
14. Many other names are mentioned, and probably this article 
of costume was more subject to the caprices of fashion than any 
other. Hence there were many kinds which were named after 
the persons who had introduced them. Poll. vii. 89 : äirb he 
Tibv -^pn^apevivv, 'ItyiKpaTiheg, Aetvmcec, 'A\k7/3tacta, S/JU'Svpicta, 
Mvvclklci (xtto Mvvclkov. Shoes were imported in great quantities; 
those from Sicyon, Hiitcvuvia, are often mentioned. 

So likewise there were many kinds of women's shoes ; but 
little more is known of them than the names which are recounted 
by Pollux, vii. 92-94. Besides the aavläXiov, Aristophanes 
makes special mention of the VLepaiKa, which, according to the 
best accounts, was a sort of common shoe, which covered the 
whole foot. Hesychius: YlepcriKa' . . . evreXfj vTol-qpa-a. Steph. 
Byz. : U-ipaai. Kai YlepaiKal elZog evreXovg v7roZrj fiariig. eoitce 
et yvi'aiKtlov eivai. Pollux is evidently mistaken in his account 
of them. He says: icia Ze yvraiKwv VTiOCrjfxara U.epaiKa' Xevkoi 1 
vnrücriiia, jiäXXov eratpiKov. Probably they were not ma ie right 
and left, but suited either foot, like the Kodopvoi. With regard 
to the KodopvoL (not those of tragedy or the chase), see Schol. ad 



Scene XI.] 



THE SHOES. 



451 



Aristopli. Eccl. 346 : Kodopvog alcog viroh'jpaTog, app.6iiov a/dfo- 
Tepoig -Koa'i. Poll. vii. 90 : 6 Kodopvog e^arepog ctfxfoiv roiv 
liocoiv. Suidas : v~öcr\\ia a/j.(porepodet,Lov. Photius, Lex. p. 176, 
says it was kolvov avcp&v Kal ywauc&i' : but this is probably a 
confusion with the cothurnus of the chase. The ßavKtbeg were a 
more elegant sort. See Pollux, vii. 94 : alle ßavdceg 7ro\vre\eg 
i)v i/7ro£?7/ia, KpotcoEiCEg, yvvaucEiov. The Trepißaplg was a kind 
used for slaves. Poll. vii. 92. The Boeotian women wore a low 
purple shoe. Dicsearch. Fragm. p. 491 : virocnfia Xltov, ov ßadv, 
(poii'iicovv rrj XP°"? KaL TairetvoV i/ff/cXwrov ware yvjxvovg 
(jytcbv SK(j)atreadaL rove Trucag. 

All these foot-coverings were generally of leather ; and hence 
the designation a-KvroTopog includes the shoemaker. But other 
materials were occasionally used. Cf. Plato, Symp. p. 220 : v~o- 
cecejiiviov Kai kveCKiypevtav rove irolag elg TilXovg xal dprcKtcac. 
So Antiphanes, apud Athen, xii. p. 545 : 

XevKT] x^a^iS, <paibs x LVCCV ' l(TK0S ^aXbs, 
iriAiSiov anaXbu, evpv8,u.os ßa.KTr]pia, 

The word ttlXIcSiov in this place certainly refers to a shoe, not a hat 
So Poll. vii. 171 : ov jiovov 6 eVt t(öv KE(f)aXü>v lirirLdifiEvog iriXog 
ovTOjg i^aXelro, dXXa foai 6 7repl rolg tzoo\v, <bg £r)Xo~L Kpar~i}og 
er MaXQaicoig Xf'ywj' l XevKovg vtto -novalr tx wv TrlXovg.' In Stackelb. 
Gräber der Hell. PI. 45, is a young man who apparently wears 
boots of white felt. Such also were the shoes of Demetrius Poli- 
orcetes. Duris, apud Athen, xii. p. 535 : rrjv fikv yap vttoZectiv, 

f]U £<X £ > KCLTECTKEVa^EV EK TToXXov ^UTTCl V>]/JClTOg. ffV yap Kara fJLEV 

to (T\fjfxa rye tpyaalag a^Ecbv kpßaT-qg, iriX-qpa Xa/ußarwi' rijc 
rroXvTEX£<T7arr)g ivopcpvpag' tovto) c!£ xpvaov TroXXrjv ivv(paii>ov 
irouaXiav ott'mtu) cat Efi-poadEv iviivTEg oi Te\v1rai. Felt socks 
were also worn inside the shoes or sandals. Hesiod, Op. 541 : 

äfx(p) 5e ironcrl ir4$i\a ßobs 7<pi KTa/u.evoio 
Hpfieva drjaaaOat ttl\ol<: evToa6e irundacras. 

These in some measure supplied the place of our stockings, as we 
see from Lucian, Rhet. Prcec. 15 : /ecu ?/ Kpr)ir\g 'Ar-iu) koi yv- 
vaiKEta, to 7roXvarxi$£g ' ?/ Efußäg 2iiKV(i)Pia, 7riXoig Tolg Xsv^o'ig s7tl~ 
t pkizovaa. Also Poll. vii. 91 : a H Tro^Eia KpiTiag KaXsl, e'ite 
iziXovg aura ou]teov e'lte irepiEiXiiiiaTa irocwv, Taiira iriXvyrpa 
kuXe'l iv Qoivicraaig Ala^vXogj 

iviKwrp' %x 0XJ<Tlv evOerois ip apßvAais 
G Q 2 



452 



THE SHOES. 



[ExcuKsrs II. 



ra ce TreXvvrpa tlcog v7roc{]fjarocj wcnrsp av ~a xoffta ravrov 
i)v ralg dva^vpLcnv, ag crKsXiag evioi ovopa^ovm. Hesych. (tke- 
\ea\j ra rwv o-keXwv a-Ke-aapara. These are the udones of the 
later Eoman time. 

Cork was often used for the stronger sole, Karrvpa ; it formed 
the middle layer ; and women were very partial to such shoes, as 
they added to their apparent height, and yet were not heavy. 
Xenoph. CEcon. 10, 2 : viroliipara 'iypvaav v'tpnXä, oirwg jua'^wv 
(jotcolr) dvai ?} E7TE0VJC«. So Alexis, apud Athen, xiii. p. 568, 
speaking of the arts of the hetaef ae, says : 

rvyxcivei fxiKpd tis oZaa' (peXXbs iu reus ßavKia v 
eyKeKOLTrvrai. fxaKpa ris ' Sidßadpov Xewrbv fpopei. 

See Böttiger, Ueber die Stehenschuhe de?' Alten Griechinnen. 
Men's shoes were studded with nails, rjXoi, to render them more 
durable, but of course this was not considered ä la mode ; and 
Theophrastus, Char. 4, mentions it as a mark of aypoiKia. Still 
it was not unusual on a journey, and even gold and silver nails 
were sometimes used. 

Being neatly shod was essential to propriety of attire. Hence 
the frequent notices of the subject in Plato, as in Protag. p. 322, 
Phced. p. 64, Hipp. Maj. 294; cf. Lucian, Imag. 10; Theophr. 
Char. 4. From these passages we see that a good fit was con- 
sidered desirable, and the contrary a mark of aypoLKia. 

The most usual colour was either black, or the natural one of 
the leather ; and the shoes were cleaned with a sponge. Aristoph. 
Vesp. 600 : 

rbv citoyyov %x av e ' K \sk&v7]s Tdfxßädi 7J[jluv irepiKwvel. 

Athen, viii. p. 351 : a-rravr^crag li tivi twv yvwpipwv, wg elcer 
ia-oyyi(7\xkva ra v7ioh']jJLara kclXojc, awqyßiaQn, wg irparrovTi 
KaKuig, vofii^ojv, ov/c av ovrwg ea-oyyiadat KaXwc, el pi] avrog 
ecnroyyiaev. But it is evident from the foregoing passages that 
both sexes also wore white and party-coloured shoes. For further 
information on the subject, consult Ferrari and Rubens, de Re 
Vest, ; Sperling, de Crepidis (Gronov. Thes. ant. Gr. ix.) ; and 
Voss, Mythol. Briefe, i. pp. 132, 138. 



EXCUESÜS III. TO SCENE XI. 



HAIE AND BEARD. 

THE Greeks bestowed great pains on that natural ornament of 
the head, the hair, oIkeioi ttIXoi, as Plato calls it ; and he is 
very adverse to having it covered up in any manner rij ribv dXXo- 
rpiiov crfCETraafia-ioy TrepLKaXvciifj. Leg. xii. p. 942. Winkelmann 
(iii. p. 49) remarks that the natives of the south are endowed 
with a greater profusion of hair than the inhabitants of northern 
lands ; and by the Greeks its growth was carefully cherished, as 
it was thought to contribute greatly to render the figure noble and 
attractive. 

Moreover, a certain political significancy was attached to the 
hair ; families, grades of rank, and of age, being thereby distin- 
guished. Even Homer mentions the Kapyj^opSco vteq 'Amatol and 
the b-ider KOfJLotovTSQ'AßayTeQ] and in after times the Athenians, 
who followed the Ionic fashion, were distinguished from the Spar- 
tans, who adhered to the old Doric. The latter allowed the hair, 
as being the cheapest of ornaments, rwv k6(t/j.lov acotTrarwraroc, 
to grow long. Plutarch, Apophth. Beg. i. p. 754. Id. Lyc. 22 : 

KOf.iwi'T£g eiidvc EK T1~]Q TWV £<p{jßwv IjXlKiag, /J.ClXl(TTa Trspi TOXIC 
KLvtvvovg kBepimevov n)v KOfxrjv, Xi—apav, te <j>aivE<T&cu Kal cta/c£- 
KpifiivrjVi Id. Lysand. 1: Avactvcpov egtlv eiKovtcog (civcpicie), 
ev /jciXa KOfiwi'Tog e6el rw TraXaico Kai TTLoywva KaOeifiivov yevvalov. 
Ov yäp, o)Q evlo'l 0a<nv, 'ApyELiov /j.£~a rr/v jj.eya.Xnv r,rrav iiri 
ttzvQel Kcipev-ojv ol 2— ap-türai rrpbg ro uv~L~aXov ahrolg rag 
KOfiae, dy aXXoixevoi Tolg irETrpayjj.Evoig, avyicav. ov£e Ba/CY/a£a}v 
7ÜV Etc Kopivdov tyvyovTiov elg AaKECaifiova toltteivlov kgu äfiöpcptov 
(>ia to KEtpaadat. rag KE(paXug (parivrtov, slg £r»\.>» uurot tov ko- 
\xäv TjXdov' dXXd Kai rovro AvKOvpyEiov egti. Kgu (pamv elite!, v 
avroi', wg ?/ KOfxrj rovg fxiv KaXovg EvirpETTEUTEpovg opäadai ttole'i, 
rovg ce aiffxpovg (poßspwTEpovg. See also Heliod. JEthiop. ii. 20 ; 
Xenoph. de Republ. Lac. 11, 3. This practice was certainly not 
an institution of Lycurgus, but an old Doric fashion. Plutarch's 
assertion, that the Spartans adorned their hair before battle, or on 
the eve of any imminent danger, is derived from Herodotus, vii. 



454 



HAIR AND BEAED. [Excttkstts III. 



208, 209, where it is related that the spy of Xerxes found the 
Spartans rag KÖfiag KTEvi^o/jivovg before the battle of Thermo- 
pylae. Cf. Müller, Dorians, ii. pp. 264, 282. Other passages, 
however, seem to contradict these accounts. See Plutarch, Alcib. 
23 : roiig noXXovg uarelr] fxaywyei Kal KctTEyo)]T£V£ rf] Siairr] Xa- 
Kbivi^wv ' wcr0' bpCjvTag iv XP$ KOvpiüvTa Kai ipvxpoXovTOvrra, 
k. r. X. Also Lucian, Fugit. 27 : yvvaiKa iv ^pw KEKapfiivqv Eig 
to AaicojvLKOv, appev(t)7n)v Kai KOfxiSjj ävdpiKi]v. The only way of 
reconciling the discrepancy is to suppose that Plutarch confounded 
the habit of his own time with the earlier one ; for the Spartans had 
long given up this antique fashion, certainly before the time of the 
Achaean league. Pausan. vii. 14,2 ; Philostr. Vit.Apollon. iii. 15. 

It is stated that in Sparta it was on arriving at the age of an 
ephebos that the hair was first allowed to grow, boys wearing it 
cut short. Plutarch, Lyc. 16. Elsewhere, however, as at Athens, 
the custom was exactly the reverse. There, as is well known, 
cutting off the hair on the entering upon the age of an ephebos 
was a solemn act, accompanied by religious ceremonies. A sacrifice, 
called Olviarfjpia, was first made to Hercules. Hesychius says : 
'AdrivrjfTW ol jxiXXovTEg ttyrjßeveip irplv cnroKEipaadai tov fiaXXbv 
€L(T£(j)Epov 'Hjoa/oXel fxerpov 6'ivov icai oTzeiaavreg rolg (tvveXOoiktiv 
etteS'l&ovv tt'lveiv. rj Si (nrovöt) eKaXelro Olviariipia. Cf. Phot. Lex. 
p. 32 1 ; Eustath. ad II. xii. 311. The hair was then usually conse- 
crated to some deity, most usually perhaps to a neighbouring river- 
god. iEschyl. Choeph. 6 : TrXoKajjiov 'Ica^w dpe7rri]piov. Pausan. 
i. 37, 2 : a.vadr)jua KEipofiivov n)v KOfxrjv tov TraiSog ol rw K77- 
(})io-(TÜ). There was also an ancient custom of repairing for this 
purpose to Delphi, and this Theseus is reported to have done. 
Plutarch, Thes. 5 : "'Edovg Si ovTog etl tote, Tovg [XETaßaivovTag. 
€K TraiSwv iXOovTag Eig AEXfovg aircip-^EadaL Tip 6eu> Trjg Koprjg 
?iX6e fxiv Eig AEXfovg 6 QrjaEvg. And this custom had not fallen 
into disuse, even in the age of Theophrastus, for among the marks 
of f.ni:po(piXortjJLia, he gives: tov vlov inroKElpai enrayayojv Eig AeX- 
(f)ovg. Char. 21. 

The ephebi always appear with short hair; and so also do 
the athletae. Lucian, Dial. Mer. v. p. 290 : iv ytpüj u>(f)0r] avTi), 
KaddiTEp ol (T(f>6dpa avSpoj^Eig Tutv adXrjTwv aTTOKEKapfxivri. The 
expression, Kovpa iv xPVi meaiis hair cropped short and 

smooth. Cf. Eustath. ad Odyss. iL 376. 



Scene XL] 



HAIR AND BEARD. 



455 



In manhood, on the contrary, the hair was worn longer, and the 
correct quantity, and the fashion of the cut, served quite as much 
to indicate the polished gentleman, as did the adjustment of the 
himation, or the fit and fashion of the shoes. See Lucian, Lexiph. 
10. In Theophrastus, Char. 21, wXELaTciKig cnroKEipaadaL is men- 
tioned as a sign of ridiculous vanity. 

Hair-cutting was performed in the barbers' shops, KovpeHa, 
which were also, however, frequented as mere lounging-places ; 
hence Theophrastus called them wineless symposia. Plutarch, 
Symp. V. 5 : Aid kcu QEofpacrTog aoiva avfncocnct 7ra.'i£iov ekclXel 
ret Kovpeia diä rr\v XaXtav twv irpoaKaBi^ovTuyv. A place of this 
kind, with the instruments and mirrors, is depicted by Lucian, 
adv. Ind. 29: Tovg Kovpictg tovtovq EirtaKEipcu, /cat 6\pei Tovg fiev 
Te^virag avrwv %vpbv /ecu fiaycup&ag, /ecu Karoirrpov avfXjXETpov 
sxpvrac, k. r. \. Cf. Plutarch, de Aud. 8 ; Alciphr. Epist. iii. 66. 
The instruments used by the KovpEvg are enumerated by Pollux, 
x. 140. 

Besides cutting the hair, and trimming the beard, the KovpEvg 
cleansed the nails, removed excrescences of the skin (tvXoi, warts?" 1 , 
and other corporeal disfigurements. In small matters of this 
kind the E\)(jyr]\jiOVE~iv was carefully observed ; for instance, it was 
considered very unseemly to appear with nails unpared. Theophr. 
Char. 19 : 'O Ze Zva-^Eprjg tolovtoq Tig, olog Xiirpav kywv /ecu Tovg 
ovvyag fieyaXovg irEpnrctTEiv. At Athens it does not seem to have 
been thought so much infra dig. for a person to pare his own 
nails as it was at Rome. (Cf. Hor. Epist. i. 7, 51: 1 Cultello 
proprios purgantem leniter ungues.') Thus in Xenophon, Memor. 
i. 2, 54, we have aWoi te yap avriov ovv^ag te /ecu Tpiyag /ecu 
tvXovq ä(f)aipov(TL : but the mention of the hair in this passage 
shows that it can hardly apply to persons of the upper class ; and 
moreover it took place in the Kovpelov, where there were ovv^iGTr)- 
pia XetttU for the purpose. See Posidippos, apud Poll. x. 140. 
People were also in the habit of using the TpixoXaßiov to pluck 
out the hairs on the body, TrapaTiXXeo-dai and irapaXEci'ivEadcu. 
This custom is said to have been first originated by the TarCntines. 
Athen, xii. p. 522 : TapavTivovg Ze Qrjcri KXiap^og ev TETapTo) 
ßiiov ... Elg ToaovTov Tpv(f>rjg irpoEKdEiv, uxtte tov oXov ^ptura 7ropa- 
XeaivE&dai cat rije xpiXwaeiog Tavrrjg to~ic Xonro'ie /earap£ac. Cf. 
Poll. vii. 165. 



456 



HAIR ÄND BEARD. 



[EXCUKSTTS III. 



After the extinction of the old Attic KpwßvXoe, little is known 
with certainty concerning the particular modes of wearing the 
hair which were usual among the men. It is true that several 
e'iSri Kovpäg are mentioned by Pollux, ii. 29, as well as by other 
writers ; but how many of them were in ordinary use, and in what 
their several peculiarities consisted, is left chiefly to conjecture; 
nor do the portraits in Yisconti's Iconographie Grecque afford 
much certain information on the subject. 

Black was probably the prevailing colour of the hair, though 
blond is frequently mentioned. Thus even in Homer, lavdal 
rpi\tg are said to be vaKiydiyu) avdei opoiai. Odyss. vi. 231. 
Both colours could be produced artificially. Poll. ii. 85 : eXeyov 
?e Kai tcivöi^ecrdat ty]V KOfirjy kol fxeXaiyecrdat. Kai fiiXacrjJia to rfjg 
KOfXTjg ßafjLiua. This was practised not only by women, but also 
by men, especially when the hair began to turn grey. JElian, 
Var. Hist. vii. 20 : 'Ai ?)p elg AaKehaifxova cl^lketo Kt~wg yipiov 
ifirj wv, ra /xev aXXa aXa(ojy, rj^tlro Se tVi rw yhpa Kai ha ravra 
ri]v rpi\a TToXiav ovaav iTreipäro ßa(f>rj cKpayt^Eiy. According to 
Plutarch, Apopkth. Reg. i. p. 709, this was done by Philip of 
Macedon ; and also by Demetrius Phalereus ; see Duris, ap. 
Athen, xii. p. 542 : rr}v Tpiya ri]P kni rijg KE(f>aXfjg ^avQi^o^iEvog. 
The blond or yellow hair was much admired ; and there was a 
preparation which, being smeared on the hair, produced this tint 
by exposure to the sun. Women, probably, often had recourse 
to it. Menand. Fragm. (Mein. p. 235) : 
t)]v yvvcuKtx yap 
tV tTiticppov' ov Sei ras rp'txas j-avdas iroiuv. 

There is no necessity to suppose a reference to late Roman 
usage in Plutarch, Amat. 25 : (pap/xaKov, w ty)v Ko/j.r)v at yvra~iKeg 
evaXeKpofiei ai iroiovai yjpvaotilri irvppav. The most detailed ac- 
count is inLucian, Amor. 40: To le ttXeIcttov avaXiaKEi >/ tvXokyi 
tCjv Tpiy^toy. at fXEV yap tyapfiaKoiQ epvdaivtiv Iwaiiivoig irpog 
ijXtov iAE<rr]/jißpiav rovg ttXoköliovc, <<ra rale t&v kpiojv ^potatc, 
£ai'öw /ueraßdirrovaii' ävdei, rrjv i^lav KaraKpivovcrat <f)va-iv' otto- 
aaig H apKtlv yj fxeXatva ya'iTr} vofil^ETai, Toy yeya/xrjKOTMy 7rXov- 
tov avaXioKovaiv, oXriv ^Apaßiav ayjeZov ek tüv rpiyjov cltto- 
Tfiovorat. Ointment was often applied; and those who contemned 
the perfumes mentioned by Lucian, still used pure oil to assist 
• the growth of the hair, and render it soft. Plutarch, Prcec. 
Conjug. 29 ; Plato, Protag. p. 334, 



Scene XI.] 



HAIR AND BEARD. 



457 



No less attention was lavished on the beard, which was not 
looked on as a troublesome incumbrance, but as a dignified 
ornament of maturity and old age. Lucian, Cyn. 14 ; Epictet. 
Dissert, i. 16, 13. Hence the whiskers, irioyitv, the moustachios, 
jivarai, -rrcnnrog, virr]vr)j and the beard, yeveiov, were allowed to 
grow (jrioyiovoTpotyEiv). The words TTLoytov, virrjvr}, and yeveiov 
are often used for the hair on the face generally ; but originally 
their meanings were restricted as above stated. Poll. ii. 80 ; 
Eubulos, ap. Id. x. 120. 

None of these parts were shorn ; but of course there were 
variations in the wear, according to race, abode, condition, and 
individual character. Compare, for instance, the busts of Solon 
and Lycurgus, Visconti, Iconogr. Grecque, PL 8 and 9 ; or those 
of Plato, Antisthenes, and Chrysippos : lb. PI. 18, 22, 23. 

In general a strong full beard, ntoytov ßadvg or daavg, was 
held to be a sign of manliness and power. Cf. Aristoph. Thes- 
moph. 31. Still it was never allowed to go un trimmed, the 
MwpevQ attending to it, as well as to the hair of the head, though 
this may have been neglected by the sophists and others. Thus 
Plato is ridiculed for the opposite extreme by Ephippos, ap. 
Athen, xi. p. 509 : 

€u fikv /uaxalpa £vcrr s %x^ v Tpix&paTa, 
e3 8' vwoKadiels arojia ir&ywvos ßddrj. 

Cf. Aristoph. Lysistr. 1072. Alexander brought shaving into 
fashion, but there can be no doubt that it was partially adopted 
at a much earlier period, though the practice was certainly re- 
garded as contemptible. See Aristoph. Thesmoph. 218. So too 
the courtiers of Philip are attacked by Theopompos, apud Athen, 
vi. p. 260 : tL yap tCjv alfT-^pwr r) Seiviov avroiq ov -npoarfv, ?/ ri 
tCjv icaXwr /cat tnrovdatiov ovk o.ki)v ; ov^ oi f.iiv ivpovfievoi Ka\ 
Xtuu ofXEi'Oi ^lereXovv avdpeg bvreg, oi ä\X?/\ote iröX^Lov iirav- 
inraadaL irioyiDvag eypvai. Cf. Chrysippos and Alexis, apud 
Athen, xiii. p. 565. Yet Chrysippos expressly states that this 
new custom of shaving, probably derived from the East or Egypt, 
was introduced by Alexander. To £vpeodai rov Trtoyiova /car' 
\\\i£,avlpov 7rpofj<rai, rQv wpojrtov ov ^ptofjLtvtov avrto. Plutarch, 
Thes. 5, asserts that Alexander caused his soldiers' beards to be 
shaved, from motives of strategical caution : wis Xaßrfv ravrrjv iv 
rcCtg fjay^aic ovaav 7rpo^eipoTarrjy. Cf. Id. Apophth. Reg. i. p. 714 ; 



458 



HAIE AND BEARD. 



[Excursus ITT. 



Eustathius, ad Odyss. xxi. 305. The innovation was stoutly- 
resisted in many states, and was forbidden by special laws which 
do not seem to have had much effect ; Chrysippos adduces a 
couple of instances : iv 'Po3« ?e vo\xov ovtoc, fxij Zvpeadat, ovde 6 
e!rtXrj4/6/j.ePog ovdeig iort, $ta to irarraQ tvptaQat. kv Bu£a»'r/fe> 
Zi ^rjpiag £7rik£i^£j'?7g r« t^ovri Kovpü Ivp'ov, ovlev tjrrov iravTEg 
yßüvrai avrü. Hence the practice seems to have been very 
universally and speedily adopted. Alexander's successors adhered 
to the new custom in their own persons, and most of the kings of 
the Macedonian dynasties are thus represented. There are a few 
exceptions, such as Philip V. and Perseus, (Visconti, Iconogr. 
PI. 40,) as well as Ptolemaeus Philadelphus on the celebrated 
Cameo-Gonzaga {Mus. Odesc. i. PI. 15: Meyer, Abbild, z. Kunst- 
gesch. PI. 14). The same is also the case with the busts of poets, 
as Menander and Posidippus ; of physicians, as Asclepiades ; and 
even of philosophers, as Aristotle, which are all without beards. 
Visconti, PI. 6, 32. Yet the sophists, for the most part, kept to 
the ancient fashion ; and till a late period the icioyiov ßaöijg con- 
tinued to be the badge of the stoic Aretalogi : and so much did 
they affect it, that it gave rise to more than one proverb directed 
against them, as e/c nwyiovog acxpoc, wtoywvoTpocpia <pik6ao(pov ov 
iroiei, etc. See Plutarch, de Iside et Osir. 3 ; Lucian, Demon. 13 ; 
Gell. ix. 2. 

A pleasant picture of the process of shaving is drawn by Alci- 
phron, Epist. iii. 66 : wg yap atyiitofxrjv Zvpieladai Trjv yeveiacia 
ßovXüjjLevoQ, acr/jiei'OJQ re kZi£,aTO /cat kef vxprjXov dporov Kadiaag, 
oivZova naiv))v Trepidtlg 7rpq.u)g tv fxaXa Karefepe jxoi rwv yradüjv 
to Evpbv, a.7roipi\ä)r to TrvKi'io^ia tGjv TpiyCov. Comp. Plaut. 
Capt. ii. 2, 16 ; Böttiger, Sabina, ii. p. 57 ; and Becker's Gallus, 
p. 428. Concerning the enigmatical Spartan decree, /jit) Tpicpetv 
or Ktlpecrdai top /jvcrTaKa, see Valcken. ad Theocr. p. 288. But 
there is still much difficulty about it. Cf. Plutarch, Agesil. 30 ; 
Antiphanes, apud Athen, iv. p. 143. 

The women doubtless wore their hair in manifold ways ; the 
antiques, however, do not enable as to establish the prevalence 
of any definite fashions, or even to interpret the names that here 
and there occur. The extraordinary artificial coiffure of the 
virgins of the Pandroseum (the so-called Caryatides) has no more 
reference to the every-day costume than has their dress itself. 



Scene XI.] 



HAIE AND BEAED. 



459 



This observation will also apply to many varieties depicted on 
the terracottas found in Attic tombs, and in this case, moreover, 
we are ignorant of the period to which they belong. See Stack - 
elberg, Gräber der Hell. PI. 75-78. In by far the majority of 
cases the long and luxuriant hair is neither braided nor curled, 
but, if no other head-dress is worn, it is gathered together 
and tied behind or over the crown in a knot. The forehead, at 
the same time, is pretty well covered, as it was considered a 
beauty to have a ßpayv rw fiETtorro) /leralx/uLov. Cf. Hör. Od. 
i. 33, 5 : tenuis frons. There are nevertheless instances of a 
more elaborate coiffure, for instance, in the busts of Aspasia, and 
of Berenice, the wife of Ptolemseus Soter. See Visconti, Iconogr. 
PI. 15 and 52. In both the head is encircled with a wreath of 
curiously twisted ringlets, which hang low down. Cf. Lucian, 
Amor. 40 : atdnpä te bpyava, irvpbg d///3Xem (f>Xoyl ^XiavdEvra 
ßla rrjv eX'lkwv ov\6rrjTci CluwXekel. Kal TTEp'upyoi jxev at /it'xP 1 

TWV dtypVLOV EtyElkKVafJiEVai KOfiai ßpayy Ift) fXETLOTTU) fXETai^lOV 

ad>iäffC (roßapüg C£ ayjpi tlov fiETCKppEviov ol OTTicrdEv kiricaXEvovrai 
TrXoKafim. On the comic stage, long locks hanging down on 
both sides belonged to the custom of hetaerae. Poll. iv. 153 : 
To c!e teXelov haipiKov rrjg ipEv^oKopng Early Epvdportpov Kal 
ßocr-pvxpvg ex £l 7r£ P L Ta ura. Cf. Lucian, Bis Accus. 31 : rag 
rp'iyag EvdETi^ovaav Elg to kratpiKov Kal (j)VKiov evtpl^ojjlei'tjVj Kal 
tco 6<p6aXfj.h) vTroypa<pofiEvr]v. 

In vase-paintings we usually see the hair held together by 
variously formed bandeaus, by a cap-like kerchief, a net, or some- 
thing of the kind. And first of these stands the vcpEvSovn, which, 
as the name indicates, was a sling-shaped band, i.e. broad over 
the forehead, and narrow at the sides. It was sometimes, per- 
haps, of metal, or merely of gilded leather : for of the somewhat 
similar arXEyylg, we read in Pollux, vii. 179 : tori c>£ Kal erspov 
tl orAfyyie, cipfxa KE^pvfnofjLEVov^ o tteoI Tt]V KE0aXr]P (popovcri. 
Cf. Id. v. 96 ; Böttiger, Vasengem, iii. p. 225 ; and Gerhard, 
Prodromus, p,, 20, sqq. This band was also worn on the back 
of the head, as an oVio-öcxr^evcioVj?, and the two were often worn 
at the same time. Böttiger, Kl. Sehr. iii. p. 108. The forms of 
these bandeaus are very numerous, and they were mostly orna- 
mented in some way with gold, for Pollux, after enumerating their 
names, adds : xpvaä Kal Eiriyjpvaa ivavTa. 



460 



HAIR AND BEARD. [Excursus III. 



The cap-like head-coverings, the use of which is of great an- 
tiquity, may be divided into nets, hair-bags, and kerchiefs. They 
are all comprehended under the name KEKpyyaXog, though pro- 
perly a distinction should be drawn between KEfcpv<pa\og, oclkkoq, 
and fiiTpa. The KEKpvtyaXog proper was a net, which was worn 
both night and day, like the reticulum of the Roman ladies. 
See Gallus, p. 440 ; and the Article Calantica, in the Real- 
Encyhlop. d. Klass. Alterth. It was merely netted or woven of 
threads; hence the makers were called KEKpv(f)a\o7r\oKoi. Poll. vii. 
179. The (TaKxvtyctvTai mentioned by Demosthenes, in Olympiad. 
p. 1170, are, it is true, said by Pollux, x. 192, to be the same as 
rovg TrXitcovrag ralg yvvaiQ rovg KExpvtyaXovg, but the word has 
nevertheless a wider signification. Such hair-nets are not visible 
on vase-paintings, but they may be seen on the carefully exe- 
cuted frescoes of Herculaneum and Pompeii. See Mus. Borb. 
iv. 49 ; vi. 18; viii. 4 ; and fig. 1, infra. They seem to consist 
of gold threads, which agrees with Juven. ii. 96 : 

Reticulumque comis auratum ingentibus implet. 
Cf. Petron. 97. They were also made of silk (Salmas. Exerc. 
ad Solin. p. 392), and of the costly gold-yellow byssus of Eleia, 
(Pausan. vii. 21, 7), as well as of commoner stuff. See Hesy- 
chius: rpiya'Krov' to ßofjßvKivou vfpao-fjLa virep ribv rpiy&v, rfjg 
KE<pa\r]g cltttohevov. Cf. Photius and Suidas. A different ex- 
planation of the word is, however, given by Pollux, x. 32 : koI 
rpiya'KTOv de cpam, TrXiyjja ek rpi\u)r. 

The (tukkol or snoods, on the contrary, were often of thicker 
stuff, and sometimes covered the whole head, so that the hair 
2 l 3 4 




Different kinds of Keitpi<l>a\os Fig. 1 is a regular KwpicpaXos or hair- 
net, from a Pompeian fresco, Aphrodite and Eros ; Mus. Borb. viii. 5. The 
gauze drapery also deserves attention. Figs. 2 and 3 are from a vase- 
painting in Miilin., Peint. d. Vas. n. 43. Fig. 4, a aduKos, from Tischbein, 
Engrath r. 14. 



Scene XI.] 



HAIE AND BEARD. 



461 



hung down on the neck like a pouch ; occasionally the front part 
was left bare ; and sometimes it was open behind, so as to allow 
a tuft of hair to hang out. See figs. 3 and 4 : also Stackelberg, 
Gräber der Hell. PI. 68, 75, 76. From the peak of the snood 
tassels sometimes depended. A head-dress of this kind is evidently 
intended by the KetyaXi) TrepiQeTog, in Aristoph. Thesmoph. 257 : 

ETP. KCKpvcpdAov 5e? Kai fx'npas. AT. 7)51 fiev olv 
KecpaArj Trepideros, %v iyw vvKToop (popw. 

They were of divers materials — silk, byssus, and wool. See Poll 
vii. 66. They usually were coloured, and often worked in pat- 
terns, like the kerchiefs. See Millingen, Coghill, PI. 22 ; Millin. 
Peint. des Vases Gr. i. PI. 36, 37, 41, 58, 59 ; ii. 43 ; Stackel- 
berg, PI. 33, 34. Bladders were also used for the purpose ; and 
the 7rnjx(^6\vyaQ of Aristophanes are explained in the same manner 
by Moer. Attic, p. 222 : UofxtyoXvyag, tcl öep/xaria, a eni tCjv 
K£(ba\iÄ)V at yvva~iKEQ tyovaiv. 'Aptaro^avrjg Qeafiofopia^ovaaig. 
Cf. Mart. viii. 33, 19 : 

Fortior intortos servat vesica capillos. 

A coloured kerchief was also wrapped round the hair, some- 
times covering the entire head, at others only a part of it. This 
' was doubtless the fjirpa, which originally signified only a band, 
and this must be its meaning in the above-quo led passage of 
Aristophanes, where the tceKpvcpaXog is also mentioned. The band 
was by degrees worn broader and broader, till it at last merged 
into the kerchief, and from this originated the snood itself. 

For further details, see Böttiger, Aldobr. Hochz. pp. 79, 150 ; 
A7. Sch. ii. p. 245 ; Sabina, i. p. 143 ; also Junii de Coma lib. ; 
Hotoman, de Barba, in Pitisci Lex. ; Ferrarii Electa, ii. 12; 
Camill. Silvestr. ad Juven. iv. 103. 



EXCUESUS TO SCENE XII. 



• .^HE" WOMEN. 

A VARIETY of views have been entertained on the social 
position of the Greek women, and their estimation in the 
eyes of the men. The majority of scholars have described them 
as despicable in the opinion of the other sex, their life as a 
species of slavery, and the gyngeconitis as a place of durance 
little differing from the Oriental harem ; while a few writers have 
stoutly contended for the historic emancipation of the fair sex 
among the Greeks. To the former class belongde Pauw, Recherches 
sur les Grecs ; Meiners, Gesch. des Weibl. Geschl.; as well as Böt- 
tiger and Thöluck. This last writer was replied to by Jacobs, in 
his Beitr. z. Gesch. d. Weibl. Geschl. As usual, the truth lies 
between the contending parties. The assertions of the former 
are manifestly exaggerated ; while Jacobs, without undertaking 
the necessary research, has assigned to the Grecian women in 
general a position analogous to that which they occupied in the 
heroic age. The former view, though in a modified and less 
objectionable form, has been again espoused by Limburg-Brower, 
in his Hist, de la Civilis. Morale et Relig. des Grecs. 

It cannot be denied that the women of Homer occupy a more 
honourable position in the household than those of the so-called 
historic period. The reason of the change cannot be ascertained, 
as we have no certain accounts of the intervening centuries, 
during which had been effected an entire revolution in the 
modes of life among the Greeks. For instance, the vice of iratd- 
epaaria is utterly unknown to Homer ; and again, while he 
describes the husband as almost buying the bride from her 
parents, the father now gave a dowry with his daughter. We 
need, then, no longer wonder that the women, at the later period, 
were less respected and more restrained, and that the marriage 
relationship was less tender and endearing. 

It is no part of the purpose of this work to dwell upon the 
Homeric period. That subject is complete in itself, and the 
sources of information are by no means difficult of access. We 



Scexe XIL] 



THE WOMEN. 



463 



may refer especially to Lenz, Gesch. d. Weiber im Hero. Zeit- 
alter, and Heibig, Die Sittlichen Zustände d. Griech. Helden- 
alters. 

We shall here strictly confine ourselves to the historic epoch. 
At this time, and in the very focus of civilisation, the women 
were regarded as a lower order of beings, n^lected by nature in 
comparison with man, both in point of intellect and heart ; in- 
capable of taking part in public life, naturally prone to evil, and 
fitted only for propagating the species and gratifying the sensual 
appetites of the men. Of course the invectives of the notorious 
misogynist Euripides, or the complaints of pestered husbands in 
the comedians, must not be adduced as proof ; though, on the 
other hand, they cannot be entirely ignored. Passages such as 
that in the Hippolytus of Euripides, v. 615-621, are nothing 
but rhetorical exaggerations. See Athen, xiii. p. 557 : Tutzovtoq 
2o<po/Aei ru'og, oti fxicroyvvrjc; ecrrlv Ei/pt7rt'c^c, ' Ef ye -aiq rpayu)- 
£(cuc, £077 6 'ZocpoKXfjg ' iirei ev ye rrj icXtvrj (poXoyvvqq. So also 
the Traildyv epacrrrjg in Lucian, Amor. 38, praises this outburst 
of the poet ; but this is only in keeping with his assigned cha- 
racter. Cf. Hipponax, ap. Stob. Tit. Ixviii. 8 : 

Av rjfxepai yvvainSs elaiv r/diaTai' 
'6rav 7^7? Tis Kancptpri TiQvr\Kv1av . 

Also Plaut. Asin. i. 1, 30; Mil. üi. 1, 91; Achill. Tat. i.7. 
But such expressions prove nothing as to the general opinion* 
We may regard, however, as the -.deeply-rooted sentiment of 
Greek antiquity, the confession of Iphigenia in the Iphigenia in 
Aulide of Euripides, v. 1373 : 

els 7' av7]p Kpe'icrawv ywaiam 1 /j-vpiav, 

And the habit of regarding the wife as a necessary evil of the 
household is shown by the words of Menander (p. 190, Mein.) : 

avaytct) yap yvvcuK elvai kclkov, 
&AA' evT^x^s e<r0' 6 ßeTpiwrarop Aaßwv. 

A great number of such passages as the foregoing might be 
easily collected from the dramatists and others. But far greater 
weight should be attached to the voices of the most thoughtful, 
liberal, and unprejudiced philosophers of antiquity, who have, 
without any bitterness or comic exaggeration, deliberately pro- 
nounced that nature assigns to woman a place far beneath that 
of man. It is true that Aristotle considers the putting women 



464 



THE WOMEN. 



[Excuesus. 



and slaves on an equality, as un-Hellenic ; see de Republ. i. 2, 
p. 1252, and ib. 13^ p. 1260; but he clearly enunciates his opi- 
nion in ib. 5, p. 1254, where he says : to ap'pev irpbg to dij\v 
<pvaei to /lev Kp&TTOv, to Se y^sipov, to [jiev apypv, to cT o-p\o- 
fjiEvov. Cf. Hist. Anim. ix. 1. Plato, too, with all his mildness, 
benevolence, and love of justice, says, Leg. vi. p. 781 : XadpawTE- 
pov fiäWov ml EirtKkoTrtjjTEpov e'0u to 6fj\v : and he proceeds to 
say that the women must be so much the more curbed, 6W i) 

6r}\£ta (f)V(TlQ ECTTl TtpOQ äpETT}1> \Eip(jJV Tfjg TWV CippEVlOV, See alsO 

Aristot. de Republ. ii. 9, p. 1270 ; and Id. Probl. xxix. 11 : Aia 

TL CELVOTEpOV yVVOLKa UTTOkTEIvcLI f/ äi'dpa j KCLLTOl ßi\TLOV to appEv 

toxi Q\]\eoq (])v<tei. Cf. Stob. Tit. lxxiii. 62. All this expresses 
the prevalent notion ; and the only apery of which woman was 
thought capable in that age differed but little from that of a 
faithful slave. See Plato, Meno, p. 71. 

In some cases, doubtless, a woman's virtues ensured her a 
greater share of affection ; and, again, a great dower, or her own 
natural character, might occasionally 'give her the upper hand 
in the household; but the general notion mentioned above always 
prevailed. Except in her own immediate circle, a woman's ex- 
istence was scarcely recognised ; and though now and then an 
extraordinary instance of female awtypoovvq Was publicly recog- 
nised, yet the homage was clearly intended for the husband. See 
Plutarch, Phoc. 19. 

Among the Dorians, and especially at Sparta, where the 
women enjoyed a much greater degree of freedom than among 
the Ionico-Attic race, and where the attempt of Lycurgus to 
place the women under stricter regulations is said to have failed, 
their position may h ;ve been somewhat different; but even there 
the woman had only a physical worth. Aristot. de Republ. ii. 9 ; 
Plutarch, Lye. 14 ; Id. Agis. 7. 

Intimately connected with this vilipending of the woman was 
her utter want of independence, in consequence of which she 
was, at least in Athens, considered a minor all her life long. But 
little is said of this in connexion with judicial and public mat- 
ters, yet quite enough to show how the case was regarded by the 
law. See Thucyd. ii. 45 ; Plutarch, de Mul. Virt. 1. Thus it 
was enacted, that everything that a man did by the cpunsel or 
request of a woman should be null. Demosth. in Olymp, p. 



•Scene XII.] 



THE WOMEN. 



465 



1183 : kcli atcvpa ye ravra navTa kvo\xo%eTf](rev elvat UoXwr, o,rt 
av tlq yvvauci Tveidofxevog irparrr], aWiog re Kai roiavrri {rropir]). 
They were not allowed to conclude any bargain, or transaction 
of consequence, on their own account. Isasus, de Aristarchi 
Hered. p. 259 : 6 yhp vo/uog 3 tapper) v KioXvei, Traidl fxi] i^e'ivai 
avußaWeiv fxrjde yvvaticl irepa fiec'ipiviov KpiOiov. Plato, it is true, 
proposes that this concession should be made them, but this is 
only a notion of his own. See Leg. xi. p. 937. 
// Their education from early childhood corresponded to the 
rest of their treatment. As has been already stated, there were 
no educational institutions for girls, nor any private teachers at 
home. Their whole instruction was left to the mother and the 
nurses, through whose means they obtained, perhaps, a smat- 
tering kv ypa/j/ncMTi, and were taught to spin and weave, and 
similar female avocations. This was certainly the case at Athens. 
How it was in other states does not appear, but it was probably 
much the same elsewhere, except at Sparta. Hence there were no 
scientific or even learned ladies, Avith the exception of the hetsera?. 
See, however, Eurip. Hippol. 635. They were also almost en- 
tirely deprived of that most essential promoter of female culture, 
the society of the other sex. They were excluded from intercourse 
not only with strangers, but also with their nearest relations, 
and they saw but little even of their fathers or husbands; for the 
men lived more abroad than at home, and even when at home 
they inhabited their own apartments. KeywpiaQat ai'dpag ywaiKwv 
was an established maxim, as Herodotus says, v. 18 : and to this 
Plato also adheres, when desirous of introducing Syssitia of the 
women : see Leg. vii. p. 806. A more confidential intercourse 
would seem to be indicated by passages such as Demosth. in Necer. 
p. 1382 ; and iEschin. in Timarch. p. 178 ; but we cannot infer 
that anything like instructive and improving conversation took 
place. 

Thus the gynseconitis, though not exactly a prison, nor yet 
an ever-locked harem, was still the confined abode allotted, for 
life, to the female portion of the household ; and Plato rightly 
calls the women yerog eldicr^evov Ze^vkoc kcli (jkoteivov £rjv. Leg. 
vi. p, 781. .This applies especially to the maidens, who lived in 
the greatesiJ^eclusion till their marriage, and, so to speak, regu- 
larly under lock and key, fcara/c\eioroi (Callim. Fragm. 118), 

H H 



466 



THE WOMEN. 



[EXCFKSTTS. 



daXafievopevai, and typovpovpevcu (Aristasn. ii. Ep. 5). See also 
Phocylides, 203 : 

HapOevLKTjv Se <pv\a<rcre iro\vK\€i(rrois Qa\ajxoi(Ti, 
fi7}84 fx.iv a%pt ydp.wv irph do/xcou uupdrivai eac^s. 

Cf. Eurip. Iphig. in Aul. 728 ; Sophocl. CEdip. Colon. 344. They 
never quitted the shades of the Trapdevibv, except on special occa- 
sions, such as to be spectators of a festal procession, or to swell its 
pomp ; and probably it was on such opportunities that a tender 
passion first arose ; as we see from the use made of such circum- 
stances by the comedians. But no irapQevoQ iXevdepa ever takes 
part in the action of a comedy. No such instance occurs in the 
pieces preserved to us by the Romans, except in the Persa of 
Plautus, where, however, the appearance of the parasite's daughter 
is owing to the father's pretended sale of her as a slave. In 
tragedy it was allowed, though Euripides says, Orest. 108 : 

is o-)(Xov epnetv, TtapQkvoiaiv ov Ka\6f. 

The material of tragedy was taken from the domain of the epic, 
and, as we learn from Homer, the virgins in his time enjoyed 
more liberty. 

After marriage these restrictions were mitigated at Athens, 
though at Sparta, on the contrary, the married women lived in 
stricter seclusion than the others, who were purposely allowed to 
have intercourse with the men. See Müller, Dorians, ii. p. 273. 
In fact, it is impossible to deny that a gross mistake prevailed 
at Sparta respecting the destination and natural disposition of 
women, and an education such as was there practised necessarily 
induced bold and unfeminine manners, which to us seem highly 
repulsive. Plutarch, Compar. Lyc. c. Num. 3 ; Aristot. de Rep. 
ii. 9 ; and the Excursus on The Gymnasia, p. 297. 

Eeturning to the Attic women, we find that after marriage 
they were still, in a great measure, confined to the gynasconitis, 
which no strange man was allowed to enter. It was also con- 
sidered unbecoming for the young wife to leave the house with- 
out her husband's knowledge ; and, in fact, she seldom quitted 
it : she was thus restricted for the most part to the society of 
her female slaves ; and her husband, if he chose to exercise it, 
had the power of keeping her in confinement. The doubt which 
has been thrown upon these assertions renders it necessary to 
substantiate them by the production of the original authorities. 



Scene XII.] 



THE WOMEN. 



467 



• Now first with regard to the ohovpeiv, or continuous staying at 
home, we find this universally mentioned as a woman's first duty. 
" See Eurip. Troad. 649 : 

irpurov fiev, &9a khv irpoo-f}, tthv fxr] irpoo-fj . 
i^oyos yvvaiQv, avrb tovt e^e'A/cerat 
KaKtos aKOvew, tyris ovk euSov fxivei, 
tovtov irddov irapaa\ %yap.vov iv 86/j.ois. 

Also Menand. Fragm. (p. 87, Mein.) : 

Tovs rrjs yaixsTTjs Spovs vTrepßaiveis, yvvai, 
tt)v avX'iav • irepas yap auAios dvpa 
iAevdepa ywaiKt vevofuar' oiKias. 

These passages certainly express the universal opinion hereon, 
though their critical value may be called in question, on the 
ground that Euripides was a \iHJoyvvr\c,, and that Menander re- 
fers to a special case. No such objection, however, can be urged 
against the extract from the treatise rrepi yvvatKOQ awtypoovvqq of 
Phintys the Pythagorean, which has been preserved by Stobseus, 
Tit. lxxiv. 61 : "lZta juev avtüpdg to arparaykv^ to TroXiTEVEcrdai 
Kai Za^ayopiv. 'iZia Ze yvvaiKoq to oinovpev /cat evZov fievev, Kai 
EK()E)(Eardai kcu QepaTTEvev tov avZpa. Further on she specifies 
the cases in which a wife might be permitted to go abroad. 
So also Aristophanes speaks of the wrath of the husbands 
when their wives leave the house unknown to them ; nor is 
there the slightest ground for supposing him to exaggerate ; 
Thesmoph. 793 : 

khv e'|e'A% rb yvuaiSv iroi, Kaff eüprjr' avrb Ovpaiau', 
fxauias fxaivead''. 

See also Pax, 980. And hence when the news of the defeat of 
Chasroneia reached Athens, and we might have expected that the 
eager anxiety of the moment would have caused the women to 
leave the house, we find them only at the doors. Lycurg. in 
Leocr. p. 165 : bpäv Z' i\v etl jjev tGjv Qvptov yvvalKag iXevdipcuj 

7TEpi(j)6ßovg, KaTETTT7]^yiaQ KOL TTVvQci VOjJLEi'aQ, EL £w<7t, TO.Q flEV VTTZp 

cii'dpoQ, Tag, & v7TEp 7raTpbg, Tag o' vTTEp d^eA^cDy, tc.T.X.j and even 
this the orator calls ava^iiag avriov kcu rrjg ttoXeloq opto/jLEvag. 
Much the same took place at Thebes, after the overthrow of the 
foreign domination. Plutarch, de Gen. Socr. 33 : At Ze ywdiKEc, 
u>q EKciarr) irEpi tov Trpour\KOVTOg i'jKOuaEV, ovk E^xEvovaaL tiov Boio»- 
tüiv 7}dE(TLv i^ETpzy^ov irpog äXXr)Xag Kai ZizirvvdcivovTO irapa twi> 
inruvTijjvTijV . . . (JvceIq Ze ekwXve. Cf. Xenoph. QLcon. vii. SO. 1 

h h 2 



468 



THE WOMEN. 



[Excursus. 



Older females were not so straitly guarded as those of younger 
years, as may be gathered from the words of Hyperides, apud 
Stob. Tit. lxxiv. 33 : Ael ti)v lie Trjg oiKiag tKiropevofiivi]v ev toi- 
avTr] KaraaTarrei eivai rrjg yXiKiag, wore tovc cnravTLovrag irvvda- 
j-eadai, fxt) Tivog earl yvvi], äXXa Tivog fxrirrjp. Cf. Eurip. Androm. 
858, Heraclid. 474 ; and Plato, de Republ. ix. p. 579, where it 
is said of tyrants: KaraZelvKujg ev rrj oiKta ret ttoXXcl wg yvvi] 
%rj. And lastly, the tortoise, on which the Aphrodite Urania 
of Phidias was supported, was considered as a symbol of this 
secluded existence of the women. Plutarch, de Iside et Osir. 76 : 
Tw 3e rrjc 'Adrjväg (eiKacrfiaTi) tov SpaKOvra <f>eiciag TrapedrjKe, tu> 
ce rijg ' Aippofiirrjg ev"H.Xidi -^eXujvrjv, wg rag fiev 7rapdi vovg <pvXaKrjg 
cto/JLsvag, raig he ya/ueraJg oltcovpiav rat (TLWwijv irpeirovaiv. Cf. 
Id. Covjug. Prcec. 32 ; Pausan. vi. 25, 2. 

As regards going abroad, we may take in their full extent 
the words of Aristophanes, Lysistr. 16 : x a ^ £7r *l TOt yw^i 7 
etolog. Apart from the consideration of toilet and household 
occupations, the women were detained at home by special restric- 
tions. Thus Athenseus, xii. p. 521, informs us, on the authority 
of Phylarchos, that a law was in force at Syracuse, which forbade 
free- women to go out at all after sunset; or even in the daytime, 
avev tuiv yvvatKOvojJuov, atcoXovdovayg avrrj fxiäg Qepairaivfäog. 
To a similar effect was a law of Solon's ; Plutarch, Sol. 21 : 
^ETreoTTTjcre ce rat raig et,6hoig rutv yvvaiKwv rat rote iceidtai rat 
Tcüg eopraig vöfiov aireipyovTa to araKrov rat atcoXaarov' ... /ulijte 
vvKTwp TToptveadaL 7rX?)v afxa^t) ico/xt^ofjievyv, Xv-^vov TrpocpaivovTog. 
The yvvatKovofxoL are not mentioned in the latter law, but there 
were such officers at Athens, though whether at so early a period 
is doubtful. See Poll. viii. 112; Hesych. s. v TiXaravog. Be- 
sides their other duties they had to watch over the elohovg of 
the women, as is clear from Aristot. de Republ. iv. 15, p. 1300 : 
7TaLCoi'6jJ.og c)£ mi yvvaiKOvojuoc, rat et Tig aXXog apywv Kvpiuc ecrrt 
roiavrrjg eiri/jeXelag, apioroxpcLTiKov, ctipoKpartKov ov. Trüg yap 
oiov re kojXvelv e^tevat Tag twv a-rropwv. Also ib. vi. 8, p. 1323 : 
tovt(i)v 3' eviat (pavepwg elatv ov hrj/jortKai tu>v ap^utv, oiov yvvai- 
Kovofjiia rat 7ratoWojuta ' rolg yap cnropoig ai'oyq, -xprjadai rat 
yvvai£l rat iraiaiv äcnrep aKoXovOoig £ia rrjv ä^ovXiav. Somewhat 
similar is Plato's appointment of women, as eirioKoiroi of morals. 
Leg. vi. p. 784. 



Scene XIL] 



THE WOMEN. 



469 



It is scarcely possible that, in accordance with the Syracusan 
law, women were never allowed to go out except by the permission 
of the gy naeconomi, and doubtless this would not apply to excur- 
sions away from home. In the above-mentioned treatise of Phintys, 
irepl yvvaucbg a-oj^pouvvng, the third place is taken by the ek twv 
ilolwv T&v km Tag IMac ohiag. She thinks the occasions on which 
the women should be allowed to go out are, religious ceremonies, 
to be spectators of a festival, and to purchase household neces- 
saries. She says : Tae i£o£wc ek Tag olkiuq 7rot£~iadai rag yv- 
v(Cikclq rag dauoTEXeag dvniroXovcrag ruj apya.ye.Ta. 0ew rag ttoXwq 
vTrep avTcig mal tu» ävfyog Kai rw ivavTog o'iK(o< tVetra /jltjte 6p(pväg 
aviOTa/nevag, jul{]te Eairipag, äXXa TrXaQovcrag ayopäg karaQavia 
yivop\Evav tciv eEo^ov TrouTadai, öewptag evekci Tivog t i) ayopaa/xÜ) 
ola)(ü fXETa Qepairalvag jutäc, y) tcaTTO tvXe'mttov Ivo EVKÖafiug X et P~ 
ayuyyovjXEvav. We are hardly justified in assuming that so much 
liberty was usually allowed, and our surprise is by no means 
lessened when we find that she goes on to recommend a walk 
for the improvement of the complexion, instead of the use of 
rouge. Whether this ever actually took place, or whether it is 
merely a theoretical suggestion of her own, we cannot determine ; 
no mention ever occurs of such a thing, and at all events no 
such promenading was in vogue in Attica ; and the yvraimeta 
ayopa at Athens would hardly be visited by respectable females, 
as has been shown in the Excursus on The Markets and Com- 
merce, p. 287. At those festivals, however, from which men 
were excluded, the women had an opportunity of seeing some- 
thing of each other ; and they enjoyed themselves all the more 
on account of their ordinary seclusion. Cf. Isasus, de Pyrrhi 
Her. p. 66 ; Aristoph. Thesmoph. 795. 

No respectable lady thought of going out without a female 
slave, as we see from the Syracusan law above quoted ; and the 
husband always assigned one to his wife ; and how indispensable 
such an attendant was thought, we see from the example of the 
aveXEvöepoe, who hired a slave for the purpose, when wanted. 
Theophr. Char. 22 : rrj yvvaiKi fir] irptaadai. Oepairaivav, d\Xa 
fjitodovadai Eig rag E^odovg iraicwv dicoXovdrjam'. At a later period 
the number of these attendants was greatly increased. Lucian, 
Imag. 2 : depa-TEia 3e TroXXri /cat äXXr} 7T£pl avn)v 7rapa<x/c£iw) 
Xafnrpä, /cat evi'ov^iov ti 7rXfjdog, /cat äßpai wavy 7ro\\at, K. r. A. 
Cf. Excursus on The Slaves, p. 362. 



470 



THE WOMEN. 



[Excursus. 



Under such circumstances there could not have been much 
interchange of visits, except among relatives, though they were 
not entirely omitted. See Naumachios, apud Stob. Tit. lxxiv. 7 : 

jUTjre ypavv wore aolai na.K7]v 5e£ato ^ueAaöpoij' 
ttqWwv 7p^es eirepaav ivKTira husfxara cpwrwv. 
|U7j5e p.hv aKpirSuvdov eraipiaaaio yvvaiKa.' 
Ke5va KaKoi (pdt'ipovai yvvaiKwv tfdea fivdoi. 

Here iXevdspaL yvvcfiKeg cannot be meant ; but they are in another 
passage; Euripides, Androm. 926. There is no doubt that elderly 
and experienced women used to visit and offer their assistance at 
childbeds and in cases of illness. Quite different, however, from 
the regular Grecian custom was that prevalent at Alexandria. 
See Theocrit. xv. 

f We see, then, that there were very severe restrictions on the 
freedom of the Greek women, with the exception of those of the 
lowest class. Yet many writers have gone further, and have 
asserted that husbands often kept their wives under lock and 
key, and even placed their seals on the door of the gynaeconitis, 
for the sake of additional security. Perhaps a jealous and sus- 
picious man might now and then have ensured his wife's fidelity 
by fastening the fierjavXog ; but the passages quoted in proof of 
this seem of no great weight. Thus we have the tirade in Eurip. 
Androm. 932 : 

Trpbs tc£S' ev (pvXaaaere 
K\rj8poiai Kai fiox^ulai dw/j-drcev irv\as. 

This, however, does not refer to the door of the women's apart- 
ments, but to the house-door, and the end proposed was to get- 
rid of the visits of other women. See also Aristoph. Tkesrnoph. 
414: 

tlra dia tovtov rals yuvai koovltutiv 
acppaylSas e/j.ßd\Xovaiv fjor] Kai fxox^ovs, 
TTipovvres 7]/J.as. Kal Ttpoadri MoAottikovs 
rpe<povffL, fiopfj.o\vKe7a to?s fxoixoh, Kvvas. 

We must not suppose this to be by any means intended as a 
representation of actual life ; it is merely meant as a persiflage 
on passages of Euripides, such as that in the fragment of the 
Danae, v. 58 : 

varrip Se fj.iv KAyaas 
iv irapQevoHTi a<ppayiai S^uas <pv\daaei. 

More weight may be attached to a seriously-meant passage of 
Menander, apud Stob. Tit. lxxiv. 27 : 



Scene XU] 



THE WOMEN. 



471 



Saris 8£ /nox^o7s nal Sia acppayicrfidrcop 
<rw£ei Sd/j-apra, hpav ti Srj Sokuv ao<phv, 
liaraios £<tti teat (ppov&u ovdeu (ppope?. 

But if we consider that these Euripido-Aristophanic inventions 
became almost proverbial, we shall hardly be disposed to argue 
as to facts from Menander's hypothetical expressions. Tholuck, 
moreover, is quite wrong in asserting that the gynseconitis was 
guarded by eunuchs, a notion which he may perhaps have culled 
from Barthelemy or Potter. 

Such a method of treatment naturally had the effect of ren- 
dering the girls excessively bashful, and even prudish ; but the 
proverbial modesty of the Attic virgins, which arose from this, 
stood in agreeable contrast to the wantonness of other Greek 
damsels, and the pert forwardness of those at Sparta. See the 
remarkable account of the Lydian girls given by Herodotus, i. 
93 : Tov yap £)>/ Av^wv h{]/J.ov at dvyaripeg 7ropvevovTai 7ra<Tou, 
avWiyovaai aty'tai (pepvag, eg o av gvvoim](tijj<ti tovto TTouovcrai. 
EK^iloaaL abrät kwvrag. Strabo, xi. 13, 16, relates the same 
thing of the Armenian damsels, and those of Tuscany did like- 
wise. See Plaut. Cist. ii. 3, 20 : 

non enim hie, ubi ex Tusco modo 
Tute tibi indigne dotem quseras corpore. 

It is especially noticeable that the Lydians and Tuscans, whose 
other customs were so similar as to lead to the inference of a 
common origin, should also resemble each other in this strange 
usage. Such enormities were quite unknown to the Greeks, and 
branding was the punishment inflicted in the few cases of the 
sort. But at Athens, and indeed in most other cities, the Spar- 
tan yvfxvuxTig and aveaig must have been thought very repulsive. 
See the Excursus on The Gymnasia, p. 298, and the passage there 
quoted from Euripides, Andromache, 586. There was as great 
a diversity between the manners of the Spartan and Athenian 
virgin as between the ^lt<ov (t^lcttoq of the former, and the 
modest dress of the latter, which so carefully concealed the per- 
son. Even the married woman shrunk back and blushed if she 
chanced to be seen at the window by a man. Aristoph. Thes- 
moph. 797. And thus the whole behaviour of the women, and not 
at Athens only, was most modest and retiring. Indeed it some- 
times lapsed into a simplicity very amusing. See Plutarch, de 
Cap. ex Inim. Util. 7 : O 'lepuy vno tlvoq twv kyQpüv tig ti)v 



472 



THE WOMEN. 



[Excursus.. 



%v(T(i)Oia,v iXoidopi'idri tov cr-o/uaTog' eXdwv ovv oiKa^e "irpbg rijv 
yvvcUKCLi Tt Xeyeic, elirev, ovdi rrv fioi tovto etypaaag ; y Ce oi/cra 
auxpputp teat a^aKog, Qi'turjv, elirev, on toiovto Travrtg o^ovaiv ol 
äi'cpeg, Cf. Id. Apophth. Reg. p. 695; Conjug. Prcec. 29. 

On the one hand, the men were very careful as to their 
behaviour in the presence of women, though they were quite 
strangers to those minute attentions which constitute the gallantry 
of the moderns. On the other hand, the conjugal rights and 
relations were carefully respected, and the men were ceremoniously 
observant of that etiquette which debarred them from the society 
of the other sex. Thus it was considered a grievous infraction of 
the rights of a married couple, as well as a gross piece of vulga- 
rity, for a man to enter an abode of women in the absence of the 
master. We have a remarkable instance of the conscientious ob- 
servance of this rule, in a case where a friend or relation who is 
called in to give assistance, does not venture to cross the threshold. 
See Demosth. in Euerg. p. 1157 : TrpoaeXOcov £e 6 'AyvoftXoc irpoa- 
KX-qdtiQ V7TO tov depanoi'Tog tov * Ardejj.i(orog, 6q eqt'i fjioi yetrw?', 
elg fxev T))v oimciv ovk elaijXdeV ov yap ijyelTO StKaiov eivai pr) 
7rap6vTog ye tov Kvpiov. Again, in the same speech, the plaintiff 
excuses his having entered the house of his opponent, on the plea 
of this person being unmarried. Ibid. p. 1150 : /ecu eire-Kvcr^v 
avTov OTi ovk e'ir) yeyajinKwc. And in a case similar to the for- 
mer one, Lysias accuses Simon of a gross vßptg for forcing his way 
into the gynaeconitis. Lysias, adv. Simon, p. 139 : iXdwv kir\ rijv 
oiKtav Tr]i' efX))v vvKTwp fxsöu(or 7 eKKOXpag Tag dvpag elarjXdev elg 
Ti]i> yvvaiK(i)v~iTLV) tveov oiauiv Tfjc re aCzXcprjg Tfjg evfjr Kai tCjv 
aceX(pibiöi>, at ovtoj Koafiiiog ßeßiojKaaiv, uhjte kol vtto tuiu oIkeiiov 
opujuerai alayyveadai. 

Offensive language before females was held very culpable. 
See Demosth. in Mid. p. 540 : Tfjc aüeXtyijg er evlov oixrrjg tote 
Kat 7raL^6g ovarjg KÖp-qg evavTiov etydeyyovTO cuVyjoa xai reuaüra, 
ola av ävQpio-Koi towvtol tyBeylaLVTO. Hiero punished Epichar- 
mos for a similar offence. Plutarch, Apophth. Beg. p. 696 : 'E7r/- 
yapfxov ce tov KOjpa)do7roiQV, oti Tfjc yvi'atxog avrov Trapovang 
elire ti tüv aTrpewioVj e"C,r)\i'uoae. Ci. Terent. Heaut. v. 4, 19 : 
' pudet dicere hac praasente verbum turpe ' (i.e. the word scortum). 
A beautiful observance, had it sprung from true moral grounds, and 
not rather from motives of respect to the Kvpioc, whoever he might 



Scene XII. 



THE WOMEN. 



473 



be. Besides which, even the strong current of popular opinion 
was not able to prevent frequent breaches of this custom. 

Marriage, in reference to the procreation of children, was con- 
sidered by the Greeks as a necessity enforced by their duties to 
the gods, to the state, and to their ancestors ; and they also took 
into account the advantages which the wedded state possessed 
with regard to household arrangements. Aristot. Ethic. Nie. viii. 
14, p. 1162 : ol cT avdpuTToi ov fjioiov rrjg TeKioirouag X (t P lv avv ~ 
oiKuvaiv, aWa Kai tCov elg rbv ßiov. Until a very late period, 
at least, no higher considerations attached to matrimony, nor 
was strong attachment a frequent cause of marriage. Yet it 
would be too much to assert with Müller, Dorians, ii. p. 292, 
that there is no instance of an Athenian falling in love with 
a free-born woman, and marrying her from violent passion. 
Now, firstly, this is actually related of Callias, who, in order to 
obtain the sister of Cimon, paid the debt of her father. Plutarch, 
Cim. 4: eirel f)£ KaXXiag, twv eviropwv Tig 'AÖ//j prxo', epaadeig 

7Tf)0(Tfj\dEj TfjV V7rep TOV 7VaTf)OQ KCtTa(iltC)]l' EKTLVELV erOljJOQ u>v 

irpbg to drjfiofftov. Cf. Demosth. adv. Bceot. ii. p. 1016. Secondly, 
how often do the comedians describe a youth desperately en- 
amoured of a girl ; and they surely would not have done so had 
not such a thing sometimes occurred. We may cite the instances 
of Charinus and Pamphilus in the Audita of Terence, of Antipho 
in the JPhormio, and many others. And if we remember the 
Antigone and Hsemon of Sophocles, can we assert that the 'ipwg 
ärticaTOQ nayav was at work for hetasrae only ? Still it must be 
admitted that sensuality was the soil from which such passion 
sprung, and none other than a sensual love was acknowledged 
between man and wife. This is very distinctly stated by Pausa- 
nias, in Plato, Symp. p. 181 ; cf. Plutarch, A mat. 4. 

But in the greater number of cases there was no such pre- 
vious inclination, as is shown by the way in which marriages 
were usually arranged. The ordinary motives are laid down by 
Demosthenes, in Near. p. 1386 : rac fitv yap eraipag ifiovijg 
evek 'i-^ofXEv' rag he iraXXuKag ri/g /caö' ijfxepav depa-rreiag rov aw- 
[uarog. rag $e yvva~iKag tov TrcucWotetcftai yrrjaiiog Kal twv evhov 
tyvXaica 7u(TTr)i> 'iyziv. This agrees with Antipho, de Venef. p. 613, 
where the rraXXa«^ follows Philoneos to the sacrifice, and wait3 
upon him and his guests at table. In this case she was the 



474 



THE WOMEK 



[Excursus. 



absolute property of her master, as we see from lb. p. 611 : kcu 
i\v avrö) TraXXctKr] f}v 6 <t>tXoi'E(og eiri tropvEiov e/jieXXe KaratTTrjcrai. 
Sometimes, however, the iraXXctKri occupied a higher position. 
This is seen from the law quoted by Demosthenes, in Aristocr. 
p. 637 : r) eVt Sa/jiapTi) r) etti firjrpi, f/ ett ac*fX(f)fi, >) eirl dvyarp), 
Tj ettl TTfxWdKTj i)v av ett kXEvBipoig ttcugiv e\V' Here we should 
notice the distinction between eXevdepoi and yvriaioi. Cf. Lysias, 
de Ccede Eratosth. p. 34. In the heroic age it was quite usual to 
keep a ttoXXclk}) as well as the lawful wife ; but there is no passage 
directly informing us whether this was subsequently allowable, 
though it most likely was not, since we know that if a husband 
brought an hetara into the house, it was a legal ground for sepa- 
ration. Andocid. in Alcib. p. 117. See also Eurip. Androm. 891. 
It is stated by Diog. Laert. ii. 26, and by Athenaeus, xiii. p. 556, 
that in the time of Socrates a Psephisma made it lawful, ya/xelv 
JJ.EV aarrfv fxlav, 7raido7rou~t(jdai ()e kcu i£ erepag. This assertion 
must be received with suspicion, in spite of the authorities ad- 
duced. The thing itself might no doubt sometimes occur. Cf. 
Hermann, Griech. Staatsalt. p. 254. 

In regular marriage, on the other hand, in which the wife as 
ya/jer)) is opposed to the TraXXaa), the chief object was, as De- 
mosthenes expresses it, TrculoiroLtiffdcu yvr)<ri(og, though this inten- 
tion was not made so prominent at Athens as at Sparta, where, 
as Plutarch tells us, the women were married for nothing else i) 
k-Ki to Tfjg reicvcoaeujQ tpyov, and the husband often resigned his 
rights to some more potent individual, though the marriage con- 
tinued undissolved. Plutarch, comp. Lyc. c. Num. 3 : 'OH Aa- 
kiov o'lkol rfjg yvvaiKog ovorjg irap' ai/rw, kcu toxi yajj,ov fxevovrog 
£7rt T&v t£ apyr\g ^iKalojv, fiETE^ßov T(j> irEiaavTL Tfjg Koivwinag 
elg tekvuxtlv. ttoXXq) elf, ojcnrsp E'lprjrcu, Kai TrapaKaXovvTEg tiafj- 
yov £*£ u)v av eZokovv fxaXiara 7ra7Bag EVEt^Elg i:al ayadovg yEvi- 
crdai. Cf. Xenoph. de Hep. Lac. 1,8; and Goguet, Orig. des Lois, 
v. p. 427. 

At Athens, too, and probably in the other Grecian states as 
well, the generation of children was considered the chief end of 
marriage. Xenoph. Memor. ii. 2, 4 : Kai pi] irov twv yE äppo- 
Ziaiiov EVEKa Trai^OTTOLEladai Tovg avQpu)7covg i/7ro\«/i/3ai'£, k.t.X. 
Cf. Demosth. pro Phorm. p. 953. Here, however, the sacredness 
of the married state was not sacrificed to this eager desire of 



SüEKE XII.] 



THE WOMEN. 



475 



posterity, nor were state-interests in this case the only 
motives. 

There were three considerations by which the duty of marriage 
was enforced. First, respect to the gods ; for it was considered to 
be incumbent on every one to leave behind him those who should 
continue to discharge his religious obligations. Plato, Leg. vi. 
p. 773 : ad tu> deü vTrrjpErag avd* avrov Trapadidovai. Secondly, 
obligation to the state : since by generating descendants, its con- 
tinuance was provided for. Entirely consonant with the Spartan 
institutions was such a subordination of individual inclination to 
the demands of the public weal. See Plutarch, Lye. 15 : ov fxijv 
äXXä Kai arifxiav riva irpoaidnKE ro~tg ayajioig. Eipyovro yap iv 
raig yvfj.vo7rai$ia7g rrjg öeag' rov £s ^eifxwrog ol fxev apyovreg 
avrovg ekeXevov iv kvkXio irepüevai rrjv äyopäv, ol de 7TEpä6vr£g 
ijdov elg avrovg (ohr]v riva tzettoltj^xev^v ojg diKaia Träaypiev, on 
Tolg röfiotg awEtdovcn' rip.fjg de /cat 6epa7retag, fjv vioi 7rpe(rßvr£- 
potg Trapelypi', icr-epovro. See Aristo, apud. Stob. Tit. lxvii. 16; 
Poll. viii. 40 ; Clearch. apud Athen, xiii. p. 555. These passages 
relate to Sparta, but at Athens, and probably in all or most of 
the other states, there were no such express penalties on celibacy. 
Something of the kind, it is true, is hinted at by Plutarch, de 
Amore Prol. 2 : Ylpiorov ovk avajiEVEi [ra £o>a) vofxovg ayafiov Kai 
ox^Lycifiov, Kadairtp ol AvKovpyov iroKirai Kal 2i6\iovog. Pollux, 
also, not referring to Sparta, speaks of a ypa<f>r) aya/jiov, though 
such a process does not appear to have been ever instituted. 
Laws of this kind, enforced by ärifiia, as well as fines, are no 
doubt recommended by Plato, Leg. iv. p. 721, and vi. p. 774. 
But here, as in many other instances, he leans more to the 
Spartan than to the Attic principles of legislation. Thus he says 
p. 773 : rov yap rrf tt6\el del uv^ipovra jivnarEVEiv ya./j,ov EKaarov, 
ov rov fjdinrov avrai. Of the same tendency was the regulation to 
the effect that the orators and generals should be married, as a 
pledge of their fidelity to the state; see Dinarch. in Demosth. 
p. 51. Nevertheless the number of bachelors seems to have been 
very considerable ; and we see from the lengthy apologies for celi- 
bacy (e.g. Antipho, ap. Stob. Tit. lxviii. 37 ; Plaut. Mil. iii. 1), 
how many, to avoid the trouble of maintaining a wife and children, 
or from suspicion of the sex, remained single. Other causes also 
are assigned by Fr. Schlegel, Griechen und Römer, p. 261. 



476 



THE WOMEN". 



[Excursus. 



A third consideration which induced persons to marry was 
a regard for their own race and lineage; and this was not only 
from the wish of seeing themselves perpetuated in the same, but 
was chiefly in reference to the continuance of the duties to the 
departed, inasmuch as the belief in the beneficial perception of 
the offerings and tokens of love devoted to the manes made 
obligatory the propagation of the family. See Isocrates, Plat. 24. 
Hence those who were childless sought, by means of adoption, to 
prevent the cessation of these usages. Isgeus, de Apollod. Her. 
p. 179 : navrtQ yap ol Ti\Evri)azLV jieXXoi'TEQ irpovoiav irowvvrai 
crcf)u>v ai/rwr, ottojq /jtrj tleprjiuwaojai roiig ff^erepovg avTwv o'lkovc, 
aXÄ.' {.errat rig Kal 6 kvayuov /cat wavra ra rop-iCo^eva abrtuQ 
7rou]a(ov. hid Kay ä-n-athtg reXevriiawaii', aW ovv 7roir](Ta.jj.evoL 
Kar aXe Lit ova. 

In addition to these motives, considerations of an economical 
nature entered into the case ; and many married chiefly in order 
to obtain a trusty and skilful housekeeper. It is very rarely 
that we meet with even a hint of any higher considerations. See, 
however, the fragment of Musonius, apud Stob. Tit. lxvii. 20. 

The choice of the bride seldom depended on previous, or at 
least on intimate, acquaintance. More attention was generally 
paid to the position of a damsel's family and the amount of her 
dowry than to her personal qualities. This subject is enlarged 
on by Plato, Polit. p. 310, and he utterly repudiates the principle 
of looking out for a wife of equal condition and property : ra 
irXovrov teal Zvrüfxziov otwy/iara. That great regard was paid to 
the proverb, t))i> Kara aavrbv kXa (Plutarch, Educ. Puer. 19), 
is seen not only from many passages in Plato, but from frequent 
expressions of the comedians, when rich men sue for the sisters or 
daughters of their poorer neighbours. Thus, in the Aulularia of 
Plautus, ii. 2, 58, where the wealthy Megadorus sues for the hand 
of the daughter of the poor Euclio : 'Hoc magnum est periculum, 
ab asinis ad boves transcendere, etc/ Cf. Xenophon, Hier. i. 27 ; 
Plutarch, Amat. 2. If the rich objected to a dowerless bride, the 
poor, on their side, had equal scruples about a rich alliance ; and 
on this hinges the whole plot of the Trinummus of Plautus, in 
which Lesbonicus strongly urges the impropriety of his undowered 
sister being wedded by the rich Lysiteles. See Act iii. 2, 62. 

Hence it was usual for a father to choose for his son a wife 



Scene XII.] 



THE WOMEN. 



477 



and one perhaps whom the bridegroom had never seen. Ter en t. 
Andr. i. 5, 14. Marriage was often adopted by the father as an 
expedient for putting an end to the debaucheries of his son, who 
received the lady as a sort of penalty inflicted on him. Terent. 
Heaut. v. 5 ; Plaut. Trin. v. 2, 59 : 'si pro peccatis centum 
ducat uxores, parum est.' Achill. Tat. i. 8 : Fafxoi', eittei', riot) 
aoi Vilwaiv 6 irari'ip ; r't yap fjSkncrae, Iva Kai iredridrjg ; 

Such arrangements were unfavourable to the existence of real 
affection, and we cannot be surprised at the frequent prevalence 
of coldness, indifference, or discontent. Plato thinks these con- 
sequences might be prevented, by giving the young people more 
frequent opportunities of seeing one another. See Leg. vi. p. 177. 
No such previous intercourse was possible at Athens, and therefore 
couples might often find themselves mutually disappointed. Love 
after marriage was of unfrequent occurrence, though an instance 
is to be found in the Hecyra of Terence. It was probably still 
more unusual for the lady's inclinations to be consulted. The hard 
fate of maidens who were thus consigned for life to an unknown 
master, is forcibly described in a fragment of the Tereus of Sopho- 
cles, apud Stob. Tit. lxviii. 19. At first, as we might expect, 
there was an entire absence of confidence between the newly- 
married pair, and it was a long while before the shyness in the 
woman gave place to a more familiar tone. See the characteristic 
description Ischomachos gives of the behaviour of his wife soon 
after marriage. Xenoph. (Econ. 7, 10 : enei rj^rj /joi -^Eipo^drig 
i\v Kai iriödtTtTtvero, ware diaXtyeadai, ljpofjLrjv avrr}v k. t. X. 

An essential consideration with the Attic burgher, acrrog or 
'Adrjvalog, was that his bride should be also of that rank. For 
the children of such marriages only were yvijaioi, and marriage 
between an äcr-og and a £evt) was forbidden. The two laws on 
this subject are produced by Demosthenes, in Never, pp, 1350, 
1363. For further details see Wachsmuth, Hellen. Alterthumsk. 
i. 2, p. 205. These laws, however, appear to have been frequently 
infringed. See Demosth. ibid. p. 1385. 

Relationship was, with trifling limitations, no hindrance to 
marriage, which could take place within all degrees of äyx^reta 
or ffvyyiveia, though naturally not in the ykvog itself. See Isseus, 
de Cir. Her. p. 217 : K.ifmvog dvyctrrjp ?i ci()e\({)6g eyyvrepu) rov 
ytvovg icrrl ; 8^\ov yap otl dvyarqp. ff fxiv yop ei; ekeivov yeyo- 



478 



THE WOMEN. 



[EXCTTRSUS. 



V£V, 6 ()£ fl£T EKEIVOV. 6vyavp6g ()£ TTal^Eg 7/ a.de\(j)6g ; 7TCl7()££ dfj- 

ttovQev ' yivog yap, aW ov^l avyyivEia tout ecttlv. The marriage 
of brothers and sisters was only allowed in the case of their not 
being o/xo/j^rptoi. Demosth. adv. Eubul. p. 1304 ; Plutarch, 
Themist. 32 ; Pausan. i. 7, 1 ; Achill. Tat. i. 3. But there is 
strong reason to conclude that, except in the very earliest period, 
such alliances were universally condemned. It seems also that 
we should take in their full meaning such passages as Lysias, 
in Alcib. p. 550, and Eurip. Androm. 175. Plato, too, care- 
fully enumerates all the grades of relationship within which the 
daughters might marry, in case the father died intestate, and he 
makes no mention of any but collateral branches. Leg. xi. p. 925. 
Cf. ib. viii. p. 838. The force of public opinion was not, how- 
ever, sufficient to prevent the occasional occurrence of flagrant 
cases. Andocid. de Myst. p. 61 : yafiEi /j,ev 'layofia^ov dvyaripa' 
Tavrt] crvvoiKrjaag ovV evlolvtov rrjv fxr)TEpa avrf]Q EXaßs. Ka\ 

(TVVUtKEl 6 TTCLVTIOV ffyETklWTCLTOQ avBpWTTWV TT] \it\Tp\ KOL TT] 6v- 

yarpL . . . /cat iiyev kv r/ji olkiq a/xcborEpag. See also Athen, xii. 
p. 534. 

It is well known that widows frequently married again ; this 
was often in compliance with the testamentary dispositions of 
their husbands, as little regard being paid to their own wishes as 
in the case of girls. See Isseus, de Philoctem. Her. p. 149 ; de 
Cir. Her. p. 215 ; Demosth. in Aphob. i. p. 814. This custom 
was of very ancient date, and it is asserted by Pausanias, ii. 21, 
8, that Gorgophone, the daughter of Perseus, was the first widow 
who married again ! The words of Euripides (Troad. 669) are 
at the most his own individual view, though they in some measure 
agree with the law of Charondas, quoted by Stobaeus, Tit. xliv. 
40 : '() \ir\rpvihv EwiyafXiov /xq evoo^eitu), c^W dvfi^i^eVöw airiog 
cjv oiKEiag ^iacrra.(T£(i)g. 

With regard to age, there does not seem to have been any fixed 
time for marriage, except perhaps at Sparta. Plato is somewhat 
inconsistent on this point. In the de Eepubl. p. 460, he suggests 
tcl EiKomv ett} yvvauci., avdpi to. rpiatcovra. Compare Leg. 
vi. p. 785 : yctjxov Ze opov elvcu, Koprj jxev curb EKKaidexa etöjv £ig 

EIKQGL 70V fXaKpOTCLTOV ^pOVOV Ct<pWpiO fiEVOV ' KOptt) ()E CITTO Tpta- 

Kovra ftf'xi 04 T <*> v ttevte Kai rpiaKovra. Aristotle, de Republ. vii. 
16, p. 1335, thinks eighteen a good age for girls to marry, and 



Scene XII.] 



THE WOMEN. 



479 



for men thirty-seven or less. It may be assumed that virgins 
did not often marry before their fifteenth year, nor men before 
their twentieth. SeeXenoph. CEcon. 7, 5. Some exceptions are, 
however, mentioned. See Demosth. adv. Bceot. rcpou:. p. 1009 ; 
Pausan. iv. 19, 4; though both these passages show that it was 
unusual. Cf. Meier and Schömann, Att. Proc. p. 407. 

Care was generally taken that the bride should be considerably 
the younger. See Eurip. apud Stob. Tit. lxxi. 3 : 

Kanhv yvvcuKct irpbs viav £eD£cu viov. 
IxaKphv yap 1(txvs /xaWov aßpevuv fxevei, 
Ö7?Aeta 5' H]$T] Baaaov £i<\e'iirei Si/xas. 

Sappho, Fragm. 20 : aXX' eojv (ptXog afiiv Xeyoc aprvao vecjre- 
pov. uv yap rXaaofi tyio ^vvolkeIv ovaa yeparepa. Hence those 
girls who did not find a husband early were mostly fated not to 
marry at all. See Aristoph. Lysist. 597. Still it must not be 
concealed that there were other means, besides a father's aid, by 
which a husband might be procured. There appear to have been 
certain obliging dames who drove a trade in match-making, and 
were hence called Ttpoiiv^arptai or Trpojj.vr](XTpileg. Xenoph. Mem. 
ii. 6, 36 : 'ityr) yap ('Ao"7racrta) rag ayadag 7rpofj,vr)(7Tpi()ag fxera 
{lev aXrjdetag rayada diayyeXXovcrag deivag elvai (rvvayeip avdpb)- 
irovg elg Kr}oeLav 1 xpev^o/uevag (T ovk <b(f)eXel.v iiraivovaag. rovg ykp 
l^airarrjOivrag äfxa jxiaeiv dXXyjXovg re /cat ti)v nrpofxyrjaafiEV^v. 
Poll. iii. 31 : /cat 7rpofXPr]arpiaL fxev at avvayovcai top ya/jov. Cf. 
Lucian, Deor. Dial. xx. 16 ; Dio Chrysost. Orat. vii. p. 249. Some- 
times confidential female slaves discharged such duties, as in the 
Plwrmaceutria of Theocritus. Cf. Charit, i. 2. But as pander- 
ing in its worst sense might easily lurk behind, the whole trade 
was in no very good repute. See Plato, Thecet. p. 150 ; Xenoph. 
Symp. 4, 61. 

The usages and formalities of marriage were numerous. The 
solemn affiancing, eyyvrjaig, which was legally necessary, in order 
to render the marriage complete and binding, will not be dis- 
cussed here. The law itself is to be found in Demosthenes, in 
Steph. ii. p. 1134; see also Platner, Beitr. z. Kenntn. d. Att. 
Hechts, p. 109 ; Meier and Schömann, Att. Proc. p. 409 ; Hermann, 
Staatsalterth. p. 254 ; Wachsmuth, Hell. Alterth. ii. 1, p. 206. 
This public ratification must be carefully distinguished from the 
previous betrothal or consent of the bride. See Pindar, Ol. vii. 1 : 



480 



THE WOMEX. 



[EXCURSUS. 



$td\av ws ft Tis acpueias &Trb xeipbs eAcbv 
tvZov ctfATrsAov nax^d^oicrav dpoaco 
dwprjaerai 

veavia ya/xßpa} irpomvuiv cÜKoQev (tinaSt, Trdyxpv(rou Kopv<pav KTddvwv 
avpLwoaiov re X°-P LV «a5Js tc Ti/xdaais shv, iv Se (piXwu 
vapkovrtov Ö7)/ce fxiu £ahwTbv d/xöcppovos evvüs. 

From this passage Böckh assumes that it was a prevalent Greek 
custom to solemnise the affiancing at the banquet, by pledging 
the future son-in-law ; but this can hardly be borne out. The 
instances adduced from Athenseus, xiii. p. 575, are neither of 
them Greek ; and moreover, in each case, the girl, and not the 
father, drinks to the bridegroom, thus declaring her choice. All 
this is entirely opposed to Greek customs. 

At the same time that the affiancing took place, tne dowry, 
TcpoXl or (ptpvi), was also settled upon the bride. This, however, was 
scarcely so much of a legal requirement as the i yyvw, but rather was 
an ancient usage, strictly complied with for the most part. See 
Meier and Schümann, Att. Proc. p. 415. It might be a matter of 
law, in so far as the tcvpwg of the bride was in some cases bound 
to an ekIooiq with a dower ; but its neglect was certainly not 
attended with the same civil disadvantages as were entailed by 
an omission of the tyyvrjaig. See Demosth. adv. Boeot. p. 1016, 
where the legitimacy of the plaintiff, whose mother was a-n-poitcog, 
is nowise called in question, though the unseemliness of the mar- 
riage is made the subject of remark. Cf. Platner, Beitr. p. 110. 
And for the very reason that it was considered more proper, and 
because the woman took a higher position in her new household 
when possessed of a dowry, rich burghers would often join in 
portioning the sisters or daughters of those in humble circum- 
stances. See Lysias, de hon. Arisioph. p. 659 : en roiwv kol Ilia 
rial tCjv ttoXlt&v uTzopovai rrvveleliOKE dvyarepag kol dceXfag. 

There is no evidence enabling us to determine when this cus- 
tom of giving dowers first began ; though it was certainly long 
before the time of Solon. In the heroic age, as above remarked, 
the contrary was the case : the man won his bride by gifts, eova ; 
a custom so general that it cannot be disproved by Odyss. i. 227, 
and ii. 196. Aristotle also mentions the early custom of buying 
the bride, as he expresses it ; de Republ. ii. 8, p. 1268 : rovg yäp 
dpyuLovg vo/uovg Xiav cnrXovg eivai Kai ßapßapiKOvg. i<rilr)po(f>o- 
povr-Q re yap ol 'JLXXr)vtg,K:a\ rag yvralxag iwvovvro irap dXXr]Xwv. 



Scene XII.] 



THE WOMEN. 



481 



We are also told that Solon introduced a law to restrict the 
amount of the Qepvi) which the bride brought her husband. 
Plutarch, Sol. 20 : rwc & äXXwv yajjaova^elXe rag cpepvac, tjua- 
ria rpla y Kai (tkevy) jxiKpnv vo/j-iafxarog a£ta KfXeverac, eteoov de 
fjirjCev iTrityipEvdai rrfv yafiovfXEvrjv. ov yap eßovXero fXLaBo^öpoi^ 
ovö 1 iövLov elvai tov yafiov, ä\\ ! ettl tekvuhtei Kai yapin Kai (f>iX6- 
rrjri yiveadat tov civdpog Kai yvvaiKog (twoikig^xov. Some doubt, 
however, is thrown upon this statement by the fact that no such 
restriction is mentioned by any of the Attic orators. The most 
probable conjecture seems to be that adopted by Bunsen, de Jure 
Hered. Athen, p. 43, and other writers, who suppose that by the 
(pepvri mentioned by Plutarch is not meant the regular irpoM, but 
certain additional wedding-presents. This supposition is not free 
from difficulties, for the dowry did not solely consist of money, 
but included clothes and ornaments, 1/j.a.ria /ecu \pvaia, as well as 
slaves. See Eurip. Tphig. in Aid. 46 ; Diog. Laert. v. 13. In 
support of his position, Bunsen quotes a passage in which these 
gifts are distinguished from the irpött,. Demosth. in Spud. p. 1036 : 
airep aire/uxpe fioi x w i°'£ T VQ npoiKog. But in Isseus, de Cir. Her. 
p. 199, things of this sort are not reckoned as separate presents, 
but are included in the dowry: ekeLvwv Ze eti ^wrwi', ette\ gvvoik&v 
tlyEV yjXtKiav, EK^idiomv avrrjv NavvifiEVEi, XoXapyeT, avv luaTioig 
Kal yjpvaioiQ ttevte Kol e'lkoctl jiräg kiriHiovg. Most probably Solon's 
law was only directed against these presents, and its application 
was erroneously extended by Plutarch to the whole Trpo'iZ,. 

The intention assigned by Plutarch to this law, is the main- 
tenance of the husband's independence, which might have been 
endangered by the reception of too large a dowry with his wife. 
This object receives Plato's sanction, and he recommends that no 
dowry should be allowed to exceed fifty drachmae in value, Eadrjrog 
yapiv. See Leg. vi. p. 774. In fact, the Greek ladies must have 
presumed a good deal upon the strength of their fortunes ; for not 
only are the comedians full of complaints on this head, but other 
authors repeat the warning. See Plutarch, de Educ. Puer. 19; 
Amator. 7. On the other hand, fathers thought it a burden to 
portion their daughters, and hence female infants were more fre- 
quently exposed. In support of this, a host of passages might be 
adduced. See, for instance, Menander (p. 14, Mein.) : 

Xa\*Tr6v 76 6vyarf]p Kr^/xa Kal Svcrdiaderoi'. 
I I 



482 



THE WOMEN. 



[EXCTJESTJS. 



See also Id. p. 24 : 

tv^aifxov'ia tout' e(TTiu vtbs vovv tytaV 
oXKo. Qvyarrip KTrifj? iar\v ipywies narpi. 

By far the greater number of marriages seem to have taken 
place in winter. This is mentioned as the most suitable and usual 
time by Aristotle, de Republ. vii. 16. It is known also that the 
month Gamelion received its name from this circumstance. Certain 
days also were considered more proper than others. The fourth 
day of the month is named by Hesiod, Opp. 800, though it may 
be doubtful whether he means the fourth from the beginning. 
His words are : 

7re0vAa|o 5e dv/xy 
TfTpaS' aXevaadai (pBlvovros 0' l(TTap.4vov re 
aXyta OvpLoßopelu ■ /xd\a tol r€T€\ecrfx4vou tffxap. 
4v Se reTapTT) p.f]vhs ayeadai is olnov fatcoiriy. 

Since the Greeks reckoned their months from the new moon, or 
the first appearance of the crescent, this is in tolerable accordance 
withProcl. ad Hesiod. Opp. 782 : 3io mi 'A07?vouoi rag npog avv- 
odov i]fj,ipa.Q kle\iyovro Trpbg ya/jLovg Kal ra Oeoya/j.ta eteXovv, tote 
(jivaiicwg eivai irpwrov oio/j-evoi ya\xov rfjg ae\r}vr]g ovarjQ rrpog y]\iov 
(Tvvoh)v. A contrary custom seems to be inferred by Pindar, 
Isthm. vii. 44 : iv h^LyofxrivßEGcnv Ze kairepaig kparov Xvot kev ya- 
Xivbv v<f ijpco'i irapQEviag. See also Eurip. Iphig. in Aulid. Ill : 

OTO.V areAr]V7]S eurvxhs kvkXos. 
Cf. Dio Chrysost. Or. vii. p. 245 : m! ttou\go\xev ys tovq ya.jj.ovg 
i]jjiEpav äyad))v ETrikElajXEvoi. Kctyo), Htvg, Ety-qv, KpivETE rijv äyadrjv 
ilfjepav ; Kal og^'Orav fxij fxucpbv y to ceX^vlov. 

The wedding-day was preceded by several solemnities. The 
most important of these was the sacrifice to the tutelar gods of 
marriage, Oeui ya/j,ij\ioi. This was called ra TrporiXEia yafxiov, or 
TrpuyanEia. Cf. Poll. iii. 38 ; Kuhnken, ad Tim. p. 188. There 
does not appear to be any authority for the statement frequently 
advanced, that this took place on the day preceding the wedding. 
The wedding-day itself seems to be intended in Achilles Tatius, 
ii. 12 : eBvev ovv tote 6 7rar»)p TrporiXEia tSjv yajxiov . . . Kal ct) 
kiriayov EKEivqv rrjv Tijiipav rovg ya.fj.ovg. It is worthy of re- 
mark, that the father is the person who makes the offering both 
here and in Eurip. Iptiig. in Aulid. 718. 

Diodorus Siculus, v. 73, names only Zeiis and Hera as the 
deities thus sacrificed to. See, however, Phot. p. 464 : UpoTEXEiav 



Scene XII.] THE WOMEN. 483 

ijfxipav ovopa^ovaiv, iv y Eig T))v ctKpoiroXiv tijv yapi.ov\i£vr\v nap- 
devov ayovaiv ol yove'tg wq rrjv dedv Kai dvcrtav iiriTekovcriv. Here 
>/ Oeog probably means Artemis, who, as well as Athene, had a 
temple on the Acropolis. See Pollux, iii. 38 : dia tovto Kai "Hpa 
reXsta r] £vyia. Tavrrj yap rolg 7rporeXewig 7rpovreXovv rag ko- 
pag teal 'Apripi^i Kai Motpaig. And this does not apply to Athens 
alone, but also to Boeotia and Locris, as we are told by Plutarch, 
Aristid. 20. Cf. Eurip. Hippol. 1414 ; Lucian, de Syr. Dea, 60. 

The äpKTEvecrdai seems to have been an expiatory sacrifice 
offered to Artemis Munychia or Brauronia, but at an earlier age, 
perhaps in the tenth year. See Schol. ad Aristoph. Lysistr. 645 ; 
also Harpocration and Suidas. We learn, too, that the irporsXeia 
were also offered to various local deities, 6eo~ig iy^wpwig. Plu- 
tarch, Amat. Narr. 1 : Ewg >/ Koprj Kara ra irarpia ettI rrfv Ktcr- 
aoecraav KaXovpivrjv Kpijvrjv Karrjet rdig Nv/jupatg ra wporeXeia 
Qvaovaa. But the offering to Aphrodite did not belong to the 
TrporeXtia, but took place either on the wedding-day (Plutarch, 
Amator. 26), or was an after-offering made by the veioart yeya- 
fxrjpivai, as in iEschin. Epist. 10, p. 681. 

A second ceremony, which appears to have been universally 
observed, was the bath, which both bride and bridegroom took on 
the wedding-day, in the water of a certain fountain or river. At 
Athens it was the fountain Callirrhoe, called also, after the altera- 
tions of Peisistratos, 'EvvEciKpovvog, from which was fetched the 
water for this Xovrpov w/ufiKov. Aristoph. Lysistr. 378. See 
Thucyd. ii. 15 : Kai rfj Kprjvy rrj vvv pev t&v rvpavviov ovru) 
<TKevacravT(i)v 'YLvveaKpovva) KaXovpevrj, to de 7raA.cu (pavepüv t&v 
Tcr)y(ov overüv KaXXippoy wt opatrpivrj, EKEivy ts iyyvg ovar) ra 
ttXelcttov a£ta e^pwvTO. Kai vvv etl cltco tov apyaiov Tvpd te 
yafiiK&v Kai ig aXXa tujv Upcov vopi^Erai rw vdari yprjaQai. Cf. 
Poll. iii. 43. Harpocration says that the water was brought by 
a boy, the nearest relation of the bridegroom, and that he was 
called XovTpo<\)6pog. The passage is as follows: "Edog i\v To'ig 
yapovcri Xovrpa pETaffEpirecrdat Kara t\]v tov yapov rjpipav. ETzep- 
tvov 3' £7rt ravra tov kyyvraTU) yivovg TtalDa app£va 7 Kai ovtol 
eXovrpofopovv. edog he i\v Kai rolg ayapotg cnroOavovcri Xovrpotyo- 
pEiv Kai eVt to pvrjpa etyiaracrdai {Xovrpo<p6pov etcI to pv. ?). 
tovto Be f(V irdlg vcpiav Eywv. XiyEi tteoI tovtojv AEtvap^og ev 
te t<o Kara QeoZotov Kai iv Trj Kara KaXXiardivovg eto-ayysX/^r. 

'i i 2 



484 THE WOMEN. [Excursus. 

Suidas and Photius say exactly the same. This express account 
would not excite much attention, were it not contradicted by 
several other passages. Thus Pollux, iii. 43, makes no mention 
of a boy, but says : kcu Xovrpa Tig Ko^Xovaa, Xovrpo^bpog. To 
reconcile these conflicting accounts, we might assume that a girl 
fetched water for the bride, and a boy for the bridegroom ; and 
the first of these suppositions is supported by existing antiques, 
but for the latter there is no corroborating evidence of any kind. 
It is condemned, moreover, by the well-known passage in De- 
mosthenes, in Leocliar. p. 1086, from which we learn that it was 
the custom to place some figure referring to water- carrying on 
the tomb of one who had died single, as a symbol of celibacy. 
We there read : ob ttoXXÜ) de XP < ^ v< t } vorepov . . . yppuaT-qoev b 'Ap- 
^LacrjQ Kai TeXevrcj. tov ßio%> cnrovTog tov MeidvXidov aya/Jiog tov. 
~'t. tovtov at]^iEiOv ; \ovrpo(p6pog etyevTrjKev eirt r&> tov 'Ap-^iddov 
ratya). That a girl is here intended is seen from p. 1089, where 
Demosthenes expressly says : /cat r/ XovTpo<p6pog etyeaT-nKev eirt 
rw tov 'Apxiadov fxrrjfxaTi. We are elsewhere informed that the 
symbol was merely a vessel for carrying water, in fact a black 
pitcher, hence also called Xißvg. Eustath. ad Iliad, xxiii. 141 : 
Kai toIq irpb yctjiov TsXevTwaiv rj XovTpo(f>6pog, (jxxaip, iireTtdeTO 
kciXttiq elg evdei^iy tov oti aXovrog tcl vvjx^uca kcu äyovog aireim. 
Such vessels are to be found on sepulchral pillars. See Stackel- 
berg, pi. 1. Nevertheless, this sense of the word is distinctly 
contradicted by Pollux, viii. 66 : tCov de aya/uiov XovTpo0opog tu> 
fxv>)jj.aTL etyicrTciTO KÖp?}, ayyelov eyjwaa vdpofopov, yj vdplav, y 
irpoypw, i] Kpioaabv, >/ koXitlv. This testimony is confirmed by 
the paintings on some Volscian vases, representing girls carrying 
water, and the inscription over one of them, KAATPE KPENE 
(KaXXippfj Kpfjvn), leaves no doubt as to the signification. See 
Bremsted, Description of thirty-two ancient Greek vases, PL 27. 

The expression used by Pollux, iii. 43, aXXayödi de, oöev av 
Kai Tvyoi, does not mean that in other places it was immaterial 
what water was used, but that in each place water was fetched 
from that spring which happened to be most in repute. At 
Thebes, for instance, the bridal bath would be supplied from the 
Ismenos. Running water was universally used for the purpose. 
Eurip. Phamis. 347, and Schol. ; Böttig. Vasengem, i. p. 143. 

In the tenth letter of iEschines, a somewhat similar custom is 



Sce>-e xn.] 



THE WOMEN" 



485 



mentioned as prevalent in Troas. It was there usual for virgins 
to bathe in the Scamander before their marriage, and thus sym- 
bolically dedicate their virginity to the god, see p. 680 : vevofj-Lvrai 
£e kv rrj Tpioafii y?/, rag yafxovfxivag irapQEvovg ettl top 'SiKa.fxav- 
cpov epyecrdaL teal Xov era fie vag cW avrov to E7roc tovto, uxjirep 
ispov tl e-mXiyetv' Aaße /uov, Efcajxai fy>£, rijv Trapdeilav. 

In Sparta the marriage was solemnised in a manner very 
different from that usual in Attica, and probably in the other 
states. As is well known, the bridegroom, of course with the 
parents' consent, carried off the bride by force. Plutarch, Lye. 
15 ; Müller, Dorians, ii. p. 293. A scene of the kind is very 
frequently represented on vases, but it is extremely doubtful 
whether these paintings refer to the usage in question. Many 
of them are intended for the rape of Thetis, and similar subjects. 
See also Achill. Tat. ii. 13 : No^/ov yap ovrog Bv£avrioic, el rig 
ap—acrag irapQivov (pQaaac i<oi\\aeL yural/ca, yafiov e\elv ~W V ß^ av i 

TTpOGtiye TOVTü) Ttö VOflO). 

The bride was usually fetched away towards evening by the 
bridegroom, in a carriage, kef afiaing. This was drawn by mules 
or oxen, and probably by horses also, and the bride sat between 
the bridegroom and ircwai'vfi<(>og, who was a near relation or 
intimate friend, and was also called iräpoyog. The most detailed 
account isthat given by Harpocration : i^evyog fjfiiovtKov rj ßoeiKov 
Cev^arreg rijv Xeyofiii-qv icXivt^a, ij kcrriv ifxoia Eid^pa), rrjv rfjg 
vvfKpng jiidolov ttoiovvtcii. IlapaXaßövrEg ce avr))v ek rrjg nar- 
pojag eariag etv\ r>)v a.fiat,av ayovmv eg ra rov yajiovvrog ecjirepag 
LKavijq. HaOwvraL öe rpe~ig e~l rijg cifia^ng' fiiar\ fiEv ?/ vvfuprj, 
e^arepioQev Ze 6 re vvfKpLOc, Kail 6 Trapoyog. ovrog le icrrt <piXog ?/ 
ffvyyevi)g on //aXiora rificofiEvog kcu ttyaTriofievog. 'Etteic)}] de ?/ 
äfia^a b)(T)fxa eAeyero, 6 ek: rplrov 6 TrapoyovfXEvog Tvapoyog 
inkridrf. Kcu cWo ravrrjg rrjg awnBeLac, kolv tte^oi fxeriiocrl nveg 
koprjy, 6 rpirog avfi—apiov irdpoyog Xeyerai. See also Poll. iii. 40, 
and x. 33 ; Schol. ad. Aristoph. Aves, 1735. We find a team of 
oxen mentioned by Pausanias, ix. 3, 1 ; but horses are expressly 
named by Euripides, Helen. 723 : 

Kai \afj.irdd<.t}v LieLivrjueO'' , as rerpaopois 
'lititois toox&C wi/ Trapecpepov ' av 8' iv SicppoiS 
avv TwSe vvjj.(pri Sufx €\ei7res oKßiov. 

In many places a symbolical custom prevailed of burning the 



486 



THE "WOMEN. 



[EXCTJESTTS. 



axle of the carriage on their arrival. Plutarch, Qucest. Rom. 29 : 
Kcu yap ivap ijfxiv tv Boiwr/a Kaiovm 7rpo rrjg dvpag tov a^ova 
rfjg ä/ua^ng, £fA<paivovT£r delv ti)v vv^r\v ifXfxiveLV <vg avnpnfitvov 
tov airalovToc. The bridegroom is carried by bearers in Aris- 
toph. Pax, 1341 ; but this was doubtless a deviation from the 
rule for stage-convenience. The bridegroom escorted home in 
this manner his first wife only. If he married again, the lady 
was brought to him by a relative or friend, who was then called 
vvfxtyayioyog. See Poll. iii. 40 ; Hesychius says : 'Nv/j.fayivyog' 
6 /JLErep^öfievoc erepa) vvfJL^nv Kai ayiov ek tov icaTpbg oiKiag' w 
TrpoTepov yeyajdrjKÖTL ovk kfcaTi fAETeXOeiv' did cnrovTeWovai tGjv 

tyl\h)V TLVCIQ. K. T. X. 

The train, which was probably numerous, was preceded by 
torches, däfog vvjjKpacaL ;' but by whom they were borne is not 
certain. That the mother lighted the nuptial torch is seen from 
Euripides, Iphig. in Aul. 722 ; and Phceniss. 344 : 

eycb 5' ovre aoi irvpbs av9ii\ia <pws v6p.i[xov iv ydfiois, 
ws irpeirei jxaripi /xaKapia. 

On this passage the Scholiast says: eOog 7p> tt]v vv\jl§y\v vivo Tfjg 
fxrirpog tov yafxovvTog fxeTa Xafxiratiov elaciyendai. This assertion, 
that the bride was escorted with torches by the mother of the 
bridegroom, is nowhere corroborated ; and in any case it could 
only be an escorting into the thalamos. In the Helena, 723, a 
servant lights the procession, torches being of course borne by 
several others of the escort. Cf. Aristoph. Pax, 1318. If we 
may assume that the whole solemnity was intended as an imita- 
tion of the lepog ya/uog, it will then seem probable that a special 
Sadovxog, symbolical as it were of Hymen himself, preceded the 
procession. This is the case on the celebrated cameo, Lipp. i. 
843. Cf. Böttiger, Kunstmyth. ii. p. 444 ; Aldobr. Hochz. p. 142. 

The bride and bridegroom were of course in festal attire ; and 
if the custom of the Homeric age still continued, the persons 
composing the escort were also provided with holiday dresses. 
See Odyss. vi. 27 : 

aoi 8e ydfios (Tx^op £<ttiv, 'Iva xph KaKa fxev avryv 
tvvvaQai, ret Se Tolcri irapaax^v, °'l Ke ' aywvrai. 

Suidas, s. v. ßcnrTa, following the error of the Schol. ad Aris- 
toph. Plut. 530, says that the dress of the bridal pair was co- 
loured. This may, perhaps, be assumed of the bride. See xlchill. 



Scene XII.] 



THE WOMEN. 



487 



Tat. ii. 11 : 'Eo/v^ro <!>e rfj Kopy tcl irpbg tov ydfxov' Trepidepaiov 
fiev XiQiov ttolkLXw iardfjTa Se to 7räv jj,ev TroptyvpaV evda de tcüq 
äWaig ecrOrjcriv rf •y6)pa Trjg 7rop(f)vpag e.KE~i yjpvabg fjv. But this 
was certainly not the usual Greek custom, and with regard to 
the bridegroom the question is still more doubtful. The male 
part of the escort, at all events, went in white. Plutarch, Amat. 
26 ! Kai vvv ekwv CTttyavov kcu XevKOV IfxaTiov Xaßtov olog egtiv 
iiyelodai Si' ayopag Trpbg tov deov. The IfxciTiov vv/ul^ikov {ibid. 1 0) 
is only mentioned in contradistinction to the chlamys, with which 
Bacchon had come out of the gymnasium ; but there is no refer- 
ence to any particular colour. See also Pollux, iv. 119: ol de 
irapcMTiTOi fxeXaivq rj (f>aia (xpajvTai) 7rXriv ev SikvwvIo) XevKrj, ore 
/jteXXet yajxelv 6 irapacnTog. At any rate the dress must have 
differed in some way from the daily one, for Chariton, i. 6, says 
of the corpse of Callirrhoe : KaTeKeiTo jxev KaXXipporj vvfj.(f>iKt)v 
eadtjTa Trepieifievq. 

Chaplets were certainly worn both by bride and bridegroom. 
Böttiger, Kunstmyth. p. 253 ; Schol. ad Aristoph. Pax, 869. The 
same was also the case with the attendants, according to Plu- 
tarch, supra. Also the doors of both the houses were orna- 
mented with festive garlands. Plutarch, Amat. 10 : äveare(j)ov 
tXalq. /ecu datyvrj tcic dvpac, k.t.X. Perfumed ointment, [xvpov, 
was a part of the bride's Koar^og. Xenoph. Symp. ii. 3 ; Aris- 
toph. Plut. 529. Her head also was covered by a long veil, 
which will be spoken of presently. 

In this manner the procession moved along to the song of 
Ilynienseos with the accompaniment of flutes, towards the house 
of the bridegroom, whilst those who met it would pour forth 
congratulations and good wishes. See Aristoph. Pax, 1318 ; 
Chariton, i. 1 ; v. 5 ; Heliodor. JEthiop. x. 41. On arriving at 
the house they were saluted with a shower of sweetmeats, /cara- 
Xvoyzaxa, as was the custom also at Rome. Schol. ad Aristoph. 
Plut. 768 : /eat etti tov vvu(j)iov 7repl Tr\v eaTiav ra Tpayrjuara 
iareyeov elg arj/ielov eviropLag, wg /eat Qeoirofjurog (prjcnv ev 'Hot/- 
Kctpei * (f>epe av ra Kara^vafxaTa Ta^eojg /eara^et tov rv/J,(piov /eat 
Tfjg Koprig.' Cf. Theopompus, ap. Harpocr. and Phot. p. 145. 

Then followed the wedding-feast, ycifiog, doivrf ya/juKrj. It 
was usually, though not always, held at the house of the bride- 
groom or of his parents. The most decisive passage, although of 



488 



THE WOMEN. 



[Excursus. 



a late period, is in Lucian, Conviv. s. Lapithce, 5. Little weight 
can be attached to the Aulularia of Plautus, as we do" not know 
how much is to be attributed to the influence of Eoman habits. 
This banquet was not a mere matter of form, but was in- 
tended as an attestation of the ceremony : it being desirable, in 
those times, to have as many witnesses as possible of the mar- 
riage, and such were the guests. Demosth. in Onet. i. p. 869 . 
ciXXa riov toiovtiov eve kcl Kai ydpiovg "KOLOvfxev Kai tovq avayKaio- 
rarovQ TrapaKoXovfiEV, on ov irdpEpyov, aXX' ciCEXcpiov klxi dvytni- 
piov ßlovg iyxeipi^opiEv, virip iov Tag atr^aXe/ae fxakiara GKOirovfxev. 
Athen, v. p. 185 : tog VEvöfiiGTai ciyeiv GVfX7roGia 7T£pi Tovg ycifiovg 
Tiov te yafxrfX'iiov deiov 'evekcl, Kat Tr\g oiovei iiapTVßiag. And, in 
fact, the judicial proof that the wife was actually ya/i£n), was 
derived from the eg-iügch yd/jovg. Isseus, de Cir. Hered. pp. 201, 
207, 208. Plutarch, Symposiac. iv. 3, adduces additional reasons 
for the banquet, though this simple one is quite sufficient. 

At this feast, contrary to the custom in other cases, the 
women also were allowed to be present. Plato, Leg. vi. pp. 775, 
784. But in Lucian, Conviv. 8, they occupy a particular table, 
and the bride remains veiled : Aeov hi r/hr) KaTaKXlvEvdai, cnrdvTiov 
G^hov TtapövTiov, kv (ütsicZ jjlev eiglovtlov at yvva~tKEg 6\ov rov kXiv- 
rrjpa ekelvlov EiriXaßov ovk oXiyai ovgcll, kcll ev avraig >/ vvLUpn, 
irdvv uKptßtog kyKEKaXviiiiEvr), vizb tiov yvvaiKiov TTEpiE^OLiEvri. Also 
in a fragment of Euangelos, apud Athen, xiv. p. 644, mention is 
made of TETTapeg TpdirE^ai yvvaiKiov, Et, dvSpiov. See also Eurip. 
Iphig. in Aid. 712. In other cases, as at the Thesrnophoria, the 
women no doubt had a banquet to themselves. Isasus, de Pyrrh. 
Her. p. 66. 

The cakes, Trt^uar«, seem to have been an important part of 
this feast, especially the symbolical sesame-cakes. See Schol. ad 
Aristoph. Pax, 869 : khoKovv yap ev ro'ig yd/uoig Gi'iGafiov hicövai, 
og egtl irXaKovg yafxiKog ditb GrjGafiov TrE-rroiniiEVog did to irovX- 
yovov, u>g tyrjGi MivavhpoQ. Among the persons busied at the 
marriage, there was a woman who was called hrjfAiovpybg, whose 
especial duty it was to attend to these cakes. Athen, iv. p. 172 ; 
Poll iii. 41. 

The bride was led veiled to the bridal chamber, ddXapiog or 
TraGrag, which the bridegroom closed. This was called raro- 
KXd'CtLv ttjv vv/j.(j)r)v. See Theocr. xviii. 5, and the proverb, ibi 



Scene XII.] 



THE WOMEN. 



489 



XV. 77 : Ephol iraaai, 6 tclv vvbv eitt a7roKXciL,ag. At Athens it 
was enjoined by a law of Solon, that the bride should eat be- 
forehand a quince, /jrjXov kvZioviov. Plutarch, Sol. 20; Qucest. 
Rom. 65 ; Com jug. Prose. 1. Before the door of the thalamos the 
epithalamium was sung by a chorus of maidens. Theocr. Id. xviii. : 

irpoade veoypdirTw Qa\d(x(p xopbv iardaauro 
SuScko. Tat irparai ttoKios, p.i~ya XPV/J-a AaKatvau — 
"AeiSov 5' dpa iraaai, is ev /j.4\os iyKporeoiaai 
iroaal 7repi7rAeVrois • 7rept 8' tax« Sayt' vjAtvaia). 

On this the Scholiast observes : tCjv t)' E7ridaXufjit(ov riva jjev 
cf^erai eenrepac, a XiyETCti Ka.TaKOi/J.r]~iKa, anva ewg ^iarfg vvktoq 
(jihovm. riva cT bpdpia, a kcii n poo ay opEv et at dieyspriKa. rov 
E7rida\a/Jiov qcovmv al rrapdivoi Ttpb rov öaXafxov, 'Iva tF/q nap- 
Bevov fita(o}XEVYiQ viro rov avSpog >/ (fxovrj fit) EEaKovrjTat, Xavdaii) 
t>e KpvTTTO}XEvr] Zia Tijg twv TrapQiviov tyiovijc. According to Pollux 
the door was guarded by a friend of the bridegroom's, sipycov 
rag yvvdiKag ßorjÖ£~iv rrj rvfjL(f)rj ßouxrrf. But it is questionable 
how many of these customs, heaped together at random by the 
grammarians, will apply to Athens. 

After the vu£ [mvo-tim) (Charit, iv. 4), the lady received pre- 
sents from her husband, and both of them from their relations 
and friends. Since the bride now for the first time showed her- 
self without a veil, these gifts were called ävaKaXvwTijpia, öirr^pia, 
and so forth ; but on what day they were given is not very 
clear. Hesychius mentions the third day : 'AvaKaXvrrTt'ipwv, ote 
ti)v vv/jnpr]P irpwrov Etayovcri rrj rpirr] yjfxipa. He also says : 
'E7ra uXicf >/ $£vrepa tuiv yapiov ///.itpa ovriog JoaXc/rcu, ev y ko/ul- 
£ov(tl £u>pa ol oiKilot T<v yEyajj7]fC()Tt aal rrj vv/jeprj. These latter 
presents were also called avaKoXvTCTijpia, for Harpocration says: 
' AvaKaXv7rr)]pLa, Zöjpa ci^o/jEva raig vvf.i(f>aig . . . orav to irpwrov 
araKuXvTTTh)v~ca . . . kuXeItcu t)e avra. koi E7ravXata. These passages 
then are openly at variance, and we have the additional evidence 
of Pollux, iii. 39, that EiravXia ({j/uepa) means the day after the 
marriage. The same author also mentions another usage, which 
may throw some light on the subject. He says : /cat cnravXia 
ev t) 6 vv/jcpiog €ic rov TTEi'dfpov enro Tfjg vvfupwg cnravXi'^ETai. ol 
ce to. c)t^6jj.Eva fiwpa rj? vdfj.(py KaXovaiv cnravXia. if l)e arravXia- 
TTjpia -^Xavlg enro Tfjg vvucprjg rw vvfjitylo) ev rolg äiravXioig iTEfX- 
■ketcu. We may perhaps reconcile these accounts by supposing 
that the day after the marriage was the EiravXia r//upa, and that 



490 



THE TTOMEX. 



[Excursus. 



then on the second day the cnravXia were presented, the ava- 
KaXv7r-)]pia not being given till the third day, when the bride 
first appeared unveiled. And then the only error would be in 
the account of Harpocration. Cf. Pausanias, apud Eustath. ad 
Iliad, xxiv. 29. The gifts presented by relations and friends 
were also called irpoatyopaL See Theophrastus, Char. 30 ; where 
one of the characteristics of a mean person is to leave town for 
awhile on the marriage of a friend, or of a friend's daughter : Ira 
/jiij Trpo(TTrijj.^ri Trpocrtyopäv. Certain antiques referring to these 
wedding scenes are given by Müller, Handb. d. Archäol. p. 693. 

From this time forward the gynseconitis was the woman's 
regular abode, except that she shared with her husband the 
thalamos, which might occasionally be quite detached from the 
women's apartments. See Excursus on The Grecian House, 
p. 266. The description of the household arrangements given in 
Lysias, de Ca?de Eratosth. p. 13, affords us some insight into this 
department of domestic life. Euphiletos, who has been accused 
of the murder, explains that he inhabits a house of two stories, 
of which the upper was occupied by himself, and the lower by 
his wife and children. The wife, however, sleeps above stairs, 
separate from her child, and this made her presence in the 
gyna?conitis often necessary. 

The husband and wife naturally took their meals together, 
provided that no other men were dining with the master of the 
house ; for no woman, who did not wish to be accounted a 
Lioiyag or eralpa, could think, even in her own house, of partici- 
pating in the symposia of the men, or even of being present 
when her husband accidentally brought a friend home to dinner. 
See Lysias, ib. p. 27. There are two passages which clearly show 
the strictness with whi h this rule was adhered to. Isasus, de 
Pyrrhi Hered. p. 22 : KairoL ov %i}irov ye ettl yafierag yvvaltcag 
ov^Eig ay koj/jo^eiv toXli{](7eiep' ovcf at yajnETal yvvalKEg Epyovrai 
[XETa Twv avhpöjv etz\ ra ^et7ri'a, ovhe gwcelttveIv a£toü<n lletcl TtoV 
aXXorpiioi', teal ravra fiEra rutv ETciTvyovruv. Demosth. in Near. 
p. 1352 : Kai crvvETTivEKal ovveceittvei kvavriov ttoXKwv Necupa avrrjy 
tog ctv kraipa ov<ra. 

The province of the wife was the management of the entire 
household, and the nurture of the children ; of the boys until 
they were placed under a master, of the girls till marriage. 



Scene XIL] 



THE WOMEN. 



491 



Plato, who, on this subject, rather approaches the Spartan prin- 
ciples, assigns as the sole occupation of the women, Bepaireta, 
Tcifxieia, iraLZorpotyia. Leg. vii. p. 805 ; cf. Aristoph. Lysistr. 
17. In consequence of the great inexperience of young wives, 
who had been brought up in almost monastic seclusion, matters 
were often managed very awkwardly at first. See the account 
given of his wife by Ischomachos ; Xenoph. (Econ.' 7, 4 : kcu t'l 
ay kiriorantvriv avrriv irapiXaßov, fj trn fxev ovttio TrevTEKatZeKa 
yeyovvla y)X6e irpog e/jle, top (T tfnrpoadev yjpävov e£t] vtto 7roXXrjg 

£7Tt/J£AtmC, OTTWQ W£ iXa-fclGTCL IXEV OXpOlTOj eXu^KTTU C)' CLKOVOOITO, 

iXci-^Lara (T epoiro ; Cf. ibid. § 14. 

It may perhaps not be amiss if we attempt to describe the 
wife's occupations somewhat more in detail. The methods of 
nursery management have already been treated of in the Ex- 
cursus on Education, Next to the care of her children, her 
attention was principally directed to that which went by the 
comprehensive term Ta/jueia. To this belonged, firstly, the 
superintendence of all the moveable effects appertaining to the 
house, the furniture and Utensils, the clothes, stores, and slaves. 
Occasionally she was not trusted to this extent. See Aristoph. 
Thesmoph. 418. Also from Lysias, de Ccede Eratosth. p. 10, we 
find that Euphiletos did not entrust the whole of his domestic 
concerns to his wife till she had borne him a son, which he con- 
sidered sufficient security for her behaviour. Aristophanes calls 
wives the E-rrirpoiroL and rafxiai of the household. Eccles. 212 ; 
Lysistr. 495. Among the higher classes, and in large establish- 
ments, the lady had a ra/na to assist her. Xenoph. (Econ. 9, 11. 

Another chief duty of the wife consisted in the superin- 
tendence of the slaves and the assignment of their several do- 
mestic duties. Xenoph. (Econ. 7, 33. Hence Plato requires that 
she should rise the first thing in the morning, as a pattern to 
others. Leg. vii. p. 808. Cf. Aristoph. Lysistr. 18. The 
labours of the female slaves, such as spinning, weaving, and so 
forth, required particular attention. Xenoph. (Econ. 7, 6. When 
Theano was asked- how she intended to become renowned, (7rwe 
trcofog karat ;) she answered with the Homeric line : 
l<rrbv ziroixoixsv-q Kal ifxbu Ae'xos avTi6uaa. 

Stob. Tit. Ixxiv. 32. Cf. Plutarch, Mul. Virt. 19. The wife 
superintended the kitchen. In a Grecian house there was seldom 



492 



THE WOMEN. 



[ExcrRsrs 



any professional cook ; one being hired when occasion required. 
The women usually cared for all the requirements of the meal, and 
the lady of the house was not idle. Plato, de Republ. v. p. 455 : 
y /j,aKpo\oywfxev r//r re v®clvtlk))v Xeyorreg caV ti)v twv 7T07ra»'wr 
re Kai E\pr)/j.6.-(ov depcnrelaVj iv olg c>) ti loKel to ywatKelov yevoq 
slvai, ov Kai KaTaytXafTrorardv iari Trävrwv i]TTU)j.ievov. Hence, 
when the crowd of useless consumers was expelled from Plataea, 
we read that one hundred and ten yvvaitceg (tltottoioi were 
retained. Thucyd. ii. 78. 

Besides this, another momentous occupation devolved exclu- 
sively on the women ; the nursing of the sick, not only of their 
husbands and children, but also of the slaves. Xenoph. CEcon. 
7, 37 : ore og av tcafirrj rät' otrcrwr, tovtiov aoi tTTLfieXtriov ttclv- 
rwi', o-coc deprnrevrj-ai. Cf. Demosth. in Necer. p. 1364. 

The foregoing description is intended to apply to the house- 
hold of a wealthy burgher of the higher class. The women of 
the lower classes, having no slaves, had of course to discharge 
many duties which were otherwise deemed unworthy of free 
persons. It was not considered unbecoming to fetch water from 
the fountain in the morning ; nay, in the earliest times, this was 
an office assigned to the daughters of the most distinguished 
persons. We may mention the instances of Amymone and 
Evadne, and Athene even meets Odysseus, 

irapdeuiKrj ei/ci/ta vevviöi, koXttiv ixovcrrj. 

Odyss. vii. 20; cf. Böckh, ad Pind. Ol. vi. p. 157. At a later 
period, it is true that in the houses of the wealthy this was done 
by the female slaves ; but those of limited means, and not the 
poorest classes merely, repaired to the fountain in person. An 
interesting picture of such a scene at early dawn may be found 
in Aristophanes, Lysistr. 327 : 

vvv Sr] yap ifj.T7\ri<ra/i€vri rr\v vbplav Kvetpaia 
jxöyis airb Kpvfrjs vn o^A-ou aal 6opvßov, 

Ka) Trardyou xi/rpei'ou, 

ZovXricriv aVTi^ofxzvT) 

(TTiyfj-arlais 6', k.t.\. 

Cf. Pausan. iv. 20, 3; x. 18, 2. 

As regards the moral tone maintained between man and 
wife, it may be stated that the husband carefully abstained, in 
his wife's presence, from doing anything that might derogate 
from his dignity and respect in her estimation. How far the 



Scene XII.] 



THE WOMEN. 



493 



notion of da^jifJ-ovElv extended, and how careful the husband was 
to behave as an tXevQspoQ on all occasions, is clear from Demos- 
thenes, in Androt. p. 609. Although we gather from this that 
there was a certain distance maintained between married per- 
sons, and that cordial familiarity was sacrificed to (TEfxvorrjQ, 
still there would be modifications corresponding to differences of 
character and education ; and thus we find man and wife joking 
pretty freely in Lysias, de Ccede Eratostli. p. 14, where, when 
Euphiletos sends his wife down into the gyna?conitis to quiet the 
child, she pretends to refuse, and says: iva rrvye TCEipyc, kvravQa 
ri]v Traiciatcnv ' Kai -nporepov Ie fuedvwv eiXke^ avrr\v. Kctyu) fxeP 
eyeXojv. ekelvt] ce ävaardaa teal cnriovcra Tzpoaridncn ri)v Ovpav, 
TrpoaTTOLOv/jevr] irai£eiv, Kai n)v kXe~lv ityiXicerat. 

Still it is an unquestionable fact that in many cases the wife 
was in reality the ruling power in the house, whether from her 
mental superiority, domineering disposition, or amount of dower. 
Aristot. Ethic. Nie. viii. 12, p. 1161 : ev'lote ap-^overip at yvvai- 
keq i-KiKkripoi ovaciL. In Sparta, where the men were accounted 
v-))kool T(x>v yvraiKwv (Plutarch, Agis. 7), and where the women, 
who were called ci(nrou>ai, even by the men, (Id. Lyc. 14,) were 
accustomed to rule over the house (rwv oikuv ap-^ovaai Kara 
tepd-og), perhaps the domestic tyranny of the women was rarer 
than at Athens. Plutarch, speaking of Themistocl s, says, 
Apoplith. Reg. 10, and Themist. 18 : Tbv c)' v'ibv Evrpvtyuvra -y 
fjir]Tpt iced dl EKEivr]v avrw «r/:a>7rra>v kXEys ■kXe1(jtov tü>v E.XXtjidiu 
cvvaaQaC tolc p:kv yap"~EiXXr](nv E7riraTTELv'Ad7)vawve,'Adi]vaiovQ 
I' avrovy aurw 2e nji' ekeLvov pir)-Epa, rfj fXJjrpi (T eke'ivov. This 
must not perhaps be taken too strictly, yet not to speak of the 
■noXvdovXri-oe £a vBltzit^ instances are not wanting where wives 
are designated as Adpua and "Ejj.7rov(ra. See a fragment of Me- 
nander, p. 144, Mein. Some wives indeed maintained their 
rights with their slippers in a most objectionable manner. 
Brunck, Anal. ii. p. 409 : 

Et 8', ov (ravo'a.XLCt), (pvs, rinrrofuu, ou5' aKoXdcrrou 
ovarjs ixoi ya/xerris, XPV M e /xvaavra cpepeiv. 

See also Aristoph. Lysistr. 657 : 

apa ypvKTov iarriv vpuv ; et Se XfJ.ir-f](reLS ri ue, 
To55e' 7' ä^/i]!<Tüi Tvara^w tw KoQopvcc tt)v yvdQov. 

The men might, at all events, console themselves with the reflec- 



494 



THE WOMEN. 



[EXCTJESUS 



tion that Hercules was served no better by Omphale. Lucian, 
Deor. Dial. xiii. 2 : 7rai6/j.E}'og vtto rijg ^O/u^aX-qg xpuaü o-avcaXu). 
Cf. Western, ad Terent. Eun. vii. 8, 4 ; Menander, fragm. p. 68, 
Mein. 

The law imposed the duty of continence in a very unequal 
manner. Whilst the husband required from his wife the strictest 
fidelity, and severely visited any dereliction on her part, he 
would frequently allow himself to have intercourse with hetasra?. 
Such conduct, though it was not exactly approved of, yet did 
not meet with any marked censure, much less was it considered 
a violation of matrimonial rights. The passage in Isocrates, 
Nicocl. p. 42, must be regarded as a protest against the general 
opinion, which was indirectly countenanced even by the law. 
For any transgression o£ the wife was heavily visited, as being 
a civil injury done to the husband ; but when he was the 
offender, no process was instituted unless the circumstances had 
been peculiarly aggravated, and atimia was most certainly not 
inflicted in any case. The following passage refers without doubt 
to Greek life, and a multitude of instances might be adduced 
to show the correctness of the picture it presents. Plaut. Merc. 
iv. 6, 2: 

Nam si vir scortum duxit clam uxorem suam, 
Id si rescivit uxor, impune est viro. 
Uxor Tiro si clam domo egressa est foras, 
Viro fit causa, exigitur matrimonio. 
Utinam lex esset eadem, quse uxori est, viro ! 

When Aristotle, de Republ. vii. 16, p. 1335, demands that hus- 
band as well as wife should be visited with atimia for incontinence, 
this is only an idea of his own, and is not borne out by facts. 

Infidelity in the wife was judged most sharply. It might 
be supposed that, living in such strict seclusion, the women were 
generally precluded from transgressing ; but it is clear that they 
very frequently found means of deceiving their husbands. So in 
Lysias, de Cced. Erat. p. 19, the woman who reveals to Euphi- 
letos the infidelity of his wife, says : tort 5' 'Epa-oadevrig Olrjdev 
6 tclvto. 7rpa.TT<i)v, og ov \x6vov T))v aijv yvvaiKa Ciitydapfcev, aXXa 
Kai äXXag 7roXXag. Cf. Demosth. in Steph. i. p. 1125. It was 
the boast of Sparta that adultery was unknown there. When 
Geradatas was asked what -punishment was inflicted on the 
adulterer, he replied, 7rü>g av iv 2,-aprr) fjiotyog yevoiro ; Plutarch, 



Scent; XII.] 



THE WOMEN. 



495 



Lyc. 15 ; Apophth. Lac. i. p. 909. This pieco of braggadocio is 
thus justly criticised by Limburg-Brower, in his Hist, de la 
Civil. Mor. et Relig. d. Gr. iv. p. 165 : 1 C'est comme qui diroit 
que dans une bände de brigands il n'y avoit pas un seul voleur.' 
But this "was only intended by Plutarch to refer to the very 
ancient times, for he names Geradatas as tQv crfodpa TraXaiwv 
Twa, and contrasts with that period the tvyßpeia of the Spartan 
women at a later date. Cf. De Trauq. An. 6. 

It is evident from Lysias, de Ccede Eraiosth. p. 23$ that the 
female slaves were open to corruption, and that they had gene- 
rally a good deal to do with the peccadilloes of their mistress ; 
and indeed the artifices the adulterer employed to get into a house 
could not have succeeded without the connivance of some of its 
inmates. See the fragment of Xenarchos, apud Athen, xiii. p. 569 : 

fi^l K\'i/j.aK aiTriuäfj.^vov elaßrjvai Aädpa, 
jUTjSe Si 071"?)$ Karwdev e/cSDwt aTey-qs, 
firjS' iv axyputGiv elaevexOvvai ri^V- 

Actual bribery is moreover mentioned by Dio Chrysost. Or. vii. 
p. 272 : Kai vrj A/a apyvpiov ara^ovrog car oXiyov oi/(T elg rovg 
tCjv 7rapdiv<x)v koXttovc fxovovg, d\\' etg rt /unripiovy /cat Tpotyüv, Kai 
iraidayojywv, Kal aXXwv 7roXXü>y cat KaXwv do)pu)V tüjv jiev Kpv(pa 
£L(tiövtu)v Zia Twv areyuiv, etrri <? ov (f>avepu>c Kar avrag ttov rag 
KXiaiac. There was a special law directed against Trpoayvyeia, 
which appears to have been extensively carried on by persons 
who made it a regular profession. See Anaxandrides, apud 
Stob. Tit. Ixvii. 1 . The main passage about the 7rpoaywyol is 
in iEschines, in Timarch. p. 177 : »cat rovg irpoayioyovg ypcupeadat 
KeXevet, Kav aXiöcri, davara> ^-q^tovy, ort tüv eta/uapraveiv, sttlOv- 
Hovvtojv, okvovvtwv Kal aiayyvofiiviov aXXi)Xotg kvrvyyavziv, avrol 
TTji' avaiheiav Traparr-^ovreg exl jut<r0w to irpäyfxa elg ^icnreipav Kal 
Xöyov Karearrjcrav. Cf. Ib. p. 40 ; Xenoph. Symp. 4, 61 ; Plato, 
TheoBt. p. 150. These people not only arranged assignations, 
but also offered their own abodes as places of rendezvous. 
Hence äyojye'ta (-tt poay ojy e~ia ?) are mentioned among places of 
evil repute by Pollux, ix. 48. And probably the ^arpvXela were 
not very different. Cf. Id. vii. 201. Such was the house of 
Orsilochos. Aristoph. Lysistr. 725. These things were occasion- 
ally done without any attempt at concealment, as we see from 
Demosth. in Steph. i. p. 1125 : rtrog yvvaiKa ducpdapKa, wenrep 



496 



THE WOMEN. 



[EXCITESÜS. 



<tv irpog iroXXalg aXXaig TavTTjV, rj to fxvrjixa WKoZofxrjaev 6 QecTlq 
£\Opog ovtoq 7rXvcrtov toxi Tfjg (StEcnroivrfg avnXcoKioc ttXeov f/ ra- 
XavTa hvo ; teal ovic rjadavETO, otl ovy\ tov Tacpov \lvi)\ii~iov karat 
to oiKO^öfjrjfjia, tolovtov ov, aXXa Tfjg aSuciag, r) /cat to avepa 
i)c'tKr}KEv EKELvri Siä tovtov. The husband was not always entirely 
ignorant of what was going on ; and sometimes a pretty woman 
was even married by way of speculation. See Demosth. in 
Near. pp. 1358, 1367; cf. Plutarch, de Aud. Poet. 8. 

The law left the punishment of the adulterer to the injured 
husband, who was allowed to kill the offender if caught in the 
act. Lysias, de Ccede Eratosth. p. 31 : Ziapphlriv E'ipvTat tovtov firj 
KciTayiyvwaKEiv (f)6vov, og av irrt hajxapri tt\ kavTOv }X0L\bv Xaßtov 
TavTrjv t))v Tiixojpiav 7rou](Tr]Tai. Cf. Demosth. in Aristocr. p. 
637 ; Plutarch, Sol. 23. This law has been only partially pre- 
served, though we are probably acquainted with its most im- 
portant provisions. Thus we have a few words of it in Lucian, 
Eunuch. 10: Kai fjoi-^bg kaXu) ttote, wg 6 aEwv (j>r}rrlv, apdpa ev 
äpßpoig Eyjuiv. A more important fragment, which refers to the 
punishment inflicted on the woman, may be found in Demosthenes, 
in Necer. p. 1374: ^kelZclv £e eXtj tov /iol^ov, fxr) eEecttiv t<v 

kXÖl'TL OVVOlKEiV TT] yWCLlKl. (CIV <)£ VVVOUifj, CLTIfiOg EfTTlt). fXr)^£ t7] 

yvvaiKi Et,E(TTio EiaLEvai slg Tu upa ra ^/zoreX?/, i(f y av fioi^og äX<ö. 
lav he tiaEioi, vy)ttolve\ iraa-^ETio, 6\ti av Traa^r], 7rXr)v BavaTOv. 
See also lb. p. 1367 : iav t)£ ()6Ey /xot^oc Eivat, rrapadovvai avrov 
keXevel Tovg Eyyvrjrag rJ eXovti. ettl Ie tov ZiKaarwp'iOv olvev 
iy)(£ipi()tov xpriadai o,n av ßovXrjdrj, wg fJ-Oi^ ovti. See also a 
fragment of Menander (p. 130, Mein) : 

Ok e<TT£ /xotxov Trpayij.a ri/jLidoreoov. 
davdrov yäp iaTiv &viov. 

This personal revenge was legally sanctioned in many other states 
besides Athens. See Xenoph. Hier. 3, 3 : fxorovg yovv Tovg jjioiyovg 
vofxt^ovat. TroXXat tiov ttoXeiov vnTfoiva airoKTELVEiv. Plato also 
permits it to its fullest extent in his ideal state. Leg. ix. p. 874. 
On the other hand, after time for calm reflection had intervened, 
it was not allowable to kill the culprit ; but corporal chastisement 
and the notorious pa^avldwaig were even then permitted. Ari- 
stoph. Nub. 1083 ; Schol. ad Plut. 168. Sometimes a consider- 
able sum of money was paid to escape a worse fate. Lysias, 
de Ccede Eratosth. p. 28; Demosth. in Necer. p. 1367. 



Scene XII.] 



THE WOMEN. 



497 



The wife was made infamous, as we see from the fragment of 
the law quoted above. A more detailed account is given "by 
.ZEschines in Timarch. 176 : tt)v yap yurat/oa, ecf r) ay dXw fxot-^og, 
ovk eq. KocrjxeiaQai) ovde elg rd crjfioTeXfj tepa elate rat, tra fir) Tag 
avafxapri)rovQ tCov yvvaiicibv avaynyvvixevt] (HiatyQetpr)' eav 3' elaiy 
y KOcr/j,fjraij top ivTvyovTCL KtXevti Karapprjyyvvai to. ijiaTia Kai 
top Kovfiov äfaipeladat, Kai rvirreiv, etpyopevov dararov Kal toxi 
avcnrrjpov 7roirj<rai. The adulteress was never punished with 
death ; and Heliodorus makes a mistake when he supposes this 
possible at Athens. See JEthiop. i. 11. The man who received 
her to wife was also punished with atimia. 

A peculiar penalty was inflicted on the adulteress at Cymae, 
according to Plutarch, Qucsst. Grcec. 2. He tells us that the 
woman, after having been set up on a stone in the forum, was 
then mounted on an ass, and having been led round the town, 
was brought back to the stone : Kal to Xoixop utl/jlop SiareXeu', 
'OvoßctTiv Trpoaayopevofievrjv. Cf. iElian, Var. Hist. xii. 12 : 
OTi er KprjTrj ev Toprvvr} juol^oq äXovg i'jyero tVi Tag ap-^ag Kal 
eare^avoiiTO epttv eXey\6elg. See also ib. xiii. 24 : ZdXevKog 6 
Aotcpwv vofjiodeTrjg irpoaeTa^e top ^xoiyop dXorra eKKOTTTeaöai Tovg 
6(j)daX/xovc. Cf. the law of Charondas, apud Stob. Tit. xliv. 40. 

In all these cases the law commanded the marriage to be 
annulled. Separations were also of frequent occurrence, though 
unaccompanied by any formalities. The husband rejects the wife, 
EKirefiivei ; or the wife leaves the husband, a-KoXeiTrei. The pro- 
cedure in this latter case has been discussed in a most satisfactory 
manner by Meier and Schümann, Att. Proc. p. 413. It may be 
questioned, however, whether the husband could send back his 
wife to her former Kvpiog, against her will, at least without some 
special reason. The theoretical recommendations of Plato, Leg. 
vi. p. 784, and xi. p. 930, will of course prove nothing as to the 
j actual state of the case. See however a fragment of Amphis, ap. 
Athen, xiii. p. 559 : 

EiV ov yvvai«6s iariu evvu'iK<*>Tepov 
yafJL^rrjs zTaipa ; iroAv ye Kal ;udA.' €Ik6tws. 
7} ixzv vöfxw yap Karatypovova' evSou fxevet, 
7) 8' oiSiu '6n r) ro?s rp6irois uvrireos 
&v6pwirus ecrTiy, r) irpbs 6.W0V aiririov. 

Hence it would appear that there were some legal restrictions on. 



498 



THE WOMEN. 



[Excursus. 



the husband's arbitrary power in getting rid of his wife. It is 
clear that barrenness was a frequent cause of separation, for we 
are told by Dio Chrysostom, Or. xv. p. 447, that childless women 
often procured supposititious children : ßovXo^evq Karaa^^v 
etcdarrr] rbv avZpa rbv eavrijg. However, the etC7refx\pig and 
aTroXeLxj/LQ were always held more or less disgraceful for the 
woman, as we see from a fragment of Anaxandrides, apud Stob. 
Tit. lxxiii. 1. The simple a7r6Xet\ptQ is occasionally viewed with 
more indifference, as in Terence, Andr. iii. 3, 35, where the 
lady, it seems, is to be taken on trial. So too the story told of 
the cynic Crates by Diogenes Laertius, vi. 95 : Kai Qvyartp 
e£,eSu)KE fiadrjialg avrov, eke'lvolq ettl TEipa doi/g TpiaKovft* r][j.Epag. 



INDEX. 



♦ 



Note. — The Index has been arranged according to the English alphabet ; i.e. 
X under C, t) under E, o> under 0, <p and if' under P, and 9 under T. 



Abacus, 232 
dßdictov, dice-board, 355 
Abuse, terms of, 40, n. 42 
ax'irwv, 299 ; 417, 418 
Actors, treatment of, 411 
Adonis, festival of, when celebrated, 53, 
n. 31 

Adultery, 494 ; how punished, 496 
Advertising, methods of, 197, n. 4 
iEsop, fables of. 225 
aya/j.iov, btyiyafxiov, Kanoyafxiov vojjloi, 

475 ; 477 
&yafxot, very numerous, 475 
dyaOov Bu'l/jlovos, libation, 329 
Hyxovo-a, 174, n. 42 
ayopa. dpxaia, 277 

ir\ri6ov(ra, 278 

yvpaiKsia, 287 

dyoocuos, 283 
dyopaudfioi, 291 
dyopas SiaXvcris, 278 
ayopa<TT7)s, 287 ; 364 
'Ayvievs, 260 
ayvprai, 144, n. 20 
alviyfjiaTa, 97, sqq.; 348 
'Akkw and 'AA^tTw, 224 
6.KXrjTos, 315 
a.Ko\ov6oi, 321 ; 407 
aKpaTiana, 312 

&Kpa.Tos olvos, never drunk, 337 
a,Kp6Spva, 331 
aKpodwpa^, 105, n. 26 
aKTafeti', 315 
ahtiiTThpiov, 149, rc. 23 
dAevpa, 323 

a\eZi<pdp/xo,Ka, 144, «.20; 382 
aAAcu/res, 323 
äAtfHTt* 323 



Altar in the auA^, 254 
d/jLopyos, 432 

d/XTrex^V or d/nrex^ov, 428 
d/j-cpihovAoi, 360 
dfjL(pidp6ixLa, 217, 218 
d/x(pied\afj.os, 254; 266 
dfjt.(pifxd(rx a ^ os i 415 
Amulets, 191, rc. 32 
Amusements at the Symposia, 344 
dvaßaOfJLoi, 260; 267 
dvaßoAi], 419 

343 

dvaKaXvTTTripia, 489 
dvad-fj/xara, 70, ft. 23 
duaöeaöai tV -tyijtyov, 353 
Ancestry, pride of, 7, ra. 14 
dvSoditeAov, 175, 42 
Andronitis, 252, sqq. 
dvdpwves, 265 

Animals, names of, used as terms of 

abuse, 40, ra. 42 
avdefxa, a dance, 103, 23 
dvdpdKia, 140, to. 11; 271 
dvvTToS7]a(a, 445 
dnavAia, 489 
&7reXeiü0e/>oi, 372 
dcppiTis, 324 
d(pvai, 324 

a7ri/6U(TTt, or ajuuorl nlveiv, 343 
dirSSeafj-os, 427 

diro§vri)piov in the baths, 149, w. 23 
a7T(5A6i^/ts dvSpos, 497 
dirofxaTTeadai, dirofj.aydaK(a, 321 
dwovi^iv, 318 
dirovtyavQai, 329 
dirocppdfcs tyitepctt, 400 
dTTOTpoTTiaa^ds, 134, rc. 4 
2 



500 



INDEX. 



Apparitions, fear of, 164, n. 16 
Apples, bitten, a declaration of love, 

192, n. 36 
Apple-pips, used as a love-oracle, 190, 

n. 30 

Applause in the theatres, 410 
apxireKToov, 408 

apx^v (ßaaiXevs) rrjs irSatws, 341 
dpSdviov, vSaTos oarpaKov, 164, n. 15; 
387 

dpyvpiov KlßBrjXov, 292 
apyvpu}VT)Toi, 358 
apiVTov, 312, 3 J 3 

Arithmetic, how taught, 232; use of 

xprjcpoi, ib. 
dpnTeveadcu, 483 
dpTia-rfxos, 354 

Artisans, social position of, 85, n. 17 

dproiruAiSes, 289; 323 

dpvTaiva or dpvßaXXos, in the baths, 
151, n. 23 

Asbestos. 342; 439 

uaßoXos, 1 74, n. 42 

date vt7]S, 139, n. 8 

dcrird(eadcu, 142, w. 18 

d(TTpaya.Ai(T/j.6s, 354 

Athens, compared to a courtesan by 
Isocrates, 14, n. 29; Aristotle's opi- 
nion of, 15, n. 30; character of its 
inhabitants, ib. 

d6\7]TiKri, 295 

Attendance at table, 321 

avXeios dvpa, 253 

avXv, 253; 265; in the Gymnasia. 304 

avAvrpides at the symposia, 245; 344 

avXos. See Flute 

avreirdyyeXTOi, avro^aroi, 315, 316 

o§0t$ /3o«i/ (da capo), 411 

aÜToxöoves, 16, n. 30 

avroypacpa, 276 

avroKpus, .338 

avTonwXai, 280 

SaAai/eTa, 147, n. 23 
Qa\ai/ei«K\c7rTcu, 149, rc. 23 
jSaAatefo, 148, ?!. '23 
|8t«rn'£e<r9flK, 105, ra. 26 



ßaaiXevs at the symposia, 3U 

Baths amongst the Greeks, 147, n. 23; 
public and private, ib.; usual pay- 
ments, 148 ; arrangement of the 
baths, ib.\ vapour bath, 149; batlis 
for women, 150; hour of bathing, 
151; marriage-bath, 483 

ßdOpoi, in schools, 230 

ßarpdxois oiVo%oe?j/, 338 

ßauKa\r]fj.aTa, 222 

ßavKiSes, 451 

Beard, 457, sqq.; considered a digni- 
fied ornament, 457 ; fashion of shav- 
ing introduced by Alexander, ib.; 
sophists continued to wear it long, 
458 

Beds and bedsteads, different parts fully 
described, 136.«. 8; beds of the poor 
139 

Betrothal, 479 
ßißXia, book-market, 273 
ßißXioypd(pos and ßtßXicnrd>Xr)S, 273 
ßißXos, Nile-paper, 162, n. 12 
Bigamy, 474 

Birds taught to talk, 77, n. 5 
Black, usual colour of mourning, 399 
ßXavTai or ßXavrla, 450 
/SAeVeij/ vünv, ndpSafia, or bpiyavov, 

63, n. 7 
Blind-man's buff, 224 
Boeotians, TroXvcpdyoi, 311 ; 93, n. 9 
ßofxßvKiva, 433 

Books confiscated and burnt, 52, n. 28 

Bookselling, 272, sqq.; book-trade ex- 
isted in Alexander's time, 273 

ßovXifMov i£4xacns, 368 

Boys, when sent to school, 227; their 
behaviour abroad, 237; presence at 
meals, 317; 237: in the gymnasia, 
305, sqq.; in the theatre, 406; ordi- 
nary dres«, 420 

Branding slaves, 370 

Bread, sale of, 289 ; 323 

Bridal bath, 483 

Bride, acn-77, 477 : fetched by bride- 
groom in a carriage, 485; how at- 
tired, 486 



INDEX. 



501 



ßpiite\oi, fjLop/xo\vKe?a, 225 
ßpvros, 334 

Burials, 383, sqq.; duty of sepulture 
considered very holy, 384; order of 
funeral ceremonies, 385, sqq.; dis- 
cussion as to whether the corpse 
was buried or burnt, 390; coffins, 
392 ; tombs, 393, sqq. ; inscriptions, 
396; funeral feast, 397; mourning 
dresses, 399 ; cases in which burial 
was omitted, 401 

Burning and burying practised simul- 
taneously, 390, sqq. 

Byssus, whether flax or cotton, 430; 
yellow byssus, 43 1 ; Elean, ib. 

Caps, 141, «.17; 443 

Carriages of the Greeks, 2, re. 6; not 
common, thought a mark of effemi- 
nacy, 126, to. 26; carriage used for 
fetching bride, 485; its axle burnt, 
486 

Ceiling ornaments, 268 

Celibacy, prevalence of, 475 

Xa?pe, 142, n. 18 

XaA.K77 p.v?a, blind-man's buff, 224 

Xa^Kiafios, 75, re. 4; 351 

Xap.evvri, or x a ( x ^ VL0V ^ 139, to. 8 

Chaplets, handed round at the con- 
clusion of the meal, 329; 94, re. 10; 
generally made of myrtle, ib.; fa- 
vourite flowers for, ib.; occasionally 
worn on the breast, 104, re. 25; sold 
in market, 289; 61, «. 3; worn at 
weddings, 487 

Xapa|, used in playing the cottabos, 349 

XapTys, single leaf of paper, 162, 
re. 12; 273 

Cheese, celebrated kinds of, 331 

Xeipdp-aKTpov, 321 

X?ip6<TO(poi and x^pocJ/xot, 102, to. 23 
X1)v'l(Jkos of a ship, 112, re. 4 
Xe>£i//, 320 
Chimneys, 271 

Chiton of the men, 413, sqq.; Doric 
and Ionic varieties, 414; 421, 422; 
worn without any under garment, 



416; chiton of the women, 298; 421; 

428; how put on, 425 
XitolV a./j.<pip.d(Txo\os and erepofxa- 

ax^os, 415 

Saabs, or ä/x(p'ip.a\Xos, 429 

KaratXTiKTOS, 44 

opdoardSios, 427 

• ax^crös, 421 ; 427 

(TtoAiSwtös, 427 

(Tvprös, 427 

XiTcoviov, 428 

Xnw'iGKOs, 417 

X^aiva. andx^ayfo, 421; 430 

Chlamys, 420, 421 

Xoal, 400 

Xolvi^, 369 

X&pai on the K\ivq, 318; squares on 
the board for neTTe'ia, 353 

XopScu, 323 

Xpvadcurjroi, 358 

X^rpai, crockery-mart, 290 

Citrons placed amongst clothes, 206, 
re. 16 

Cleonse, 1, to. 1 

Coän robes, 434 

Cock-fighting, 77, to. 6; 239 

Coffins, materials and form, 392 

Coining, capital offence, 292 

Coins, current, 291 

Colours of dresses, 434, sqq. 

Commerce, 26; 277; 281; 291 

Consanguinity no bar to marriage, 478 

Corinth, its situation favourable to com- 
merce, 22, to. 1 

Cork, used for soles of sandals, 447 ; 
452 

Cottabos, 349 

Cotton, date of its introduction, 431 
Cradles, 221 

Crying goods for sale, 284; things lost 

or stolen, 197, to. 4 
Curiosities, collections of, 52, to. 29 

SciSes vv/j.<piKai, 486 
SatTes, 314 

SavaKT}, oßoXhs vstcpov, 385 

Dancing amongst the Greeks, very 



502 



IJSDEX. 



expressive, 102, n. 23; not consi- 
dered a dignified amusement, 103 

tiavei&tu inl arw/xaTi, 360 

Ae7yp,a, 43, n. 2 ; 284 

St'iy/mara, samples, 283 

Seiirvov, 312; usual hour of, 313; 211, 
n. 3 

airb airvpiSos, 315 

hsK.6.Tt)v Qveiv or kcrriav, 219 

SeArot, 162, n. 12 

hvjxiovpyos, 488 

8?)^os of Athens, 17, n. 30 

depaia, given to children as yvup'i- 

aixara, 222 
despuere moibos, 132,». 3 
devTepai Tpdire^ai, 326; 330 
SevTepoya/AOvvres ov /xerytaap tt]v 

uvfx<pr)V, 486 
8iaypafx/ai(Tfi6s, 353 
Sia^avr) el/xara, 434 
Sia^w^ara, 409 
SiSaovcaAeta, 306 
Suipes, vnepuov, 266 
Dionysia, 178, n. 1; 179, ra. 5 
Supdepa, 442 
SiTTAc'iS, 5i7rAo'i5iof, 425 
Dissection, 380 
Divorce, 497 

Doctors, 374, sqq.; their position in 
Greece better than at Kome, 375 ; 
conditions on which they were per- 
mitted by the state to practise, 376; 
salaried by the state, 377; their 
fees, ib. ; made up their own medi- 
cines, 378; slave-doctors, 379 

Dogs, various breeds of, 76, n. 5 ; lap- 
dogs, ib. ; house-dogs, 261 

Doors uf houses, 257; 260; 265; 2b9; 
did not ordinarily open towards the 
street, 260; 269; probably not 
locked by day, 269 ; 54, n. 32 

Dolls, 223 

8ufxd.Tia, 265 

SotuaAwroi, 358 

SapidCeip, 298 

Sopvou, 312 

Soukdpia, 365 



SoCAos. See Slaves 

Dowries, 480; when first usual, ib. 
Solon's law on the subject, 481 

Dreams, interpretation of, 134, n. 4 

Dress of the men, 413, sqq.; of the 
slaves, 416; of the boys, 420; of 
the women, 421, sqq.; materials 
used, 429 ; colours, 434 ; at wed- 
dings, 486 

Drinking vessels, forms of, 106, n. 31 ; 
materials of, 145, n. 22 

Spoirai, 391 

Zpojxiäjx<pLOV fiixap, 217 

SpvcpaKTOi, 260 

Earrings, 200, n. 6 

Education, 217, sqq.; conducted by a 
pedagogue, 226; at school, 227 ; 
principal studies, 231 ; reading and 
writing, 232; music, 233; vacations, 
234 ; education of the girls, 236 ; 
education at Sparta, 239 

tyxovaa, pigment, 174, n. 42 

iyxvr pier (tos, 195, n. 1 

iyyvrjcris, 479 

eyKVKAov, 426; 440 

etprjv, 239 

els vSwp, or els Te<ppav ypdcpeiv, 196, 

n. 3 

elacptpeiv and dcpaipe7u Tas Tpairi^as, 
326 

eKire/bLipis yvvainos, 497 
eiupupd, 389 
endeais iraidcou, 218 
e/c rpLÖBov, proverb, 231 
eWvxviov, 157, n. 5 
ifxßddes, 449 

Emancipation of slaves, 372 
eixTTopia, ijjiiropos, 280; 283 
"E/j-TTOvcra, 224 
evay'iap-dTa, ivay'i^eiv, 400 
evara, 398 
ivSovuai, 269 

iudpofxiSes, men's shoes, 450 
iudvfiara, 413 

eWjAara of the bed, 136, n. 8 
Ivevvaiov, 138, n. 8 



INDEX. 



503 



eurbs r^v X € ~P a *X eiv > 419 

eV ayKwvos Seiirvw, 319 

iiravXia rj/J-epa, 489 

iirev^yKelv 86pv, 402 

Ephebi, 339 ; in the gymnasia, 305 

'E<p4cria. ypayi.fj.aTa, 144, to. 20; 191, 

to. 32 
£(pe\KvcracrQai, 269 

4(p€(TTptS, 441 

eirißareveiv, 111, n. 2 
£iriß\T}fxaTa, 418 ; of the women, 428 
£mX<*>pia Ov/xara, 332 
&ri5e'fta, 343 

€7rt 8e|£a, ävaßdWeadai, 418 
67rl Sieres rjßrjtrai, 239 
imdopiria, or 67n5ei7n/a, 331 
i-rrlKKivrpov, 136, to. 8 
imKovTpov, bathing fee, 148, to. 23 
iiTLiraara, 330 
imo-riixaiveiv, 410 
em(TKvQi£eiu, 338 

e7Ticr7ra<TT%es on the doors, 54, to. 32 ; 
369 

Epithalamium, 489 

iir'iöriiJa, 395 

iir'npoiros, 363 

eira>$ai, 382 

iirufiis, 425 

epavos, 40, to. 40; 315 

eaya<TT7]pia, larpela, 378 

Topi/eTa, 283; 244 

(TVKocpavTwv, 44, to. 6 

ipyd^eaOat T(p aw[A.aTi y or ad>' &pas, 
244 

icrxdpa, an ordeal, 184, to. 12 ; a brazier, 
271 

etrÖ77T6S M7j8t/cai', 433 
evKoafxia, 236 
ewvj, 136, re. 8 

e5 irpaTTeiv, greeting, 142, to. 18 

Eunuchs, 365 ; 471 

Euripides, a fxiaoyvvr\s, 463 

Exposure of children, 218 

i^e)pat in the house, 265; in the 

gymnasium, 303 
Qoofxis, 415 

Eyebrows, painted, 174, to. 42 



Fairs, annual, 292 

Fastenings to doors, 270 

Fees of schoolmasters, 230 ; of Sophists 

and Rhetoricians, 235 ; of physicians 

377 

Feet washed before meals, 318, 319 
Felt socks, 451 

Fish, not mentioned as an article of 
diet in Homer, 323 ; various sorts, 
324 

Fishmongers and fishmarket, 288 

Floors in dwelling-houses, 268 

Flute, disuse of, 234; at the symposia 

330; 344 
Forgery of seals, 159, to. 6 
Forks, not used, 320 
Freed-men, 169, to. 29; 372 
Frigidarium, 303 
Fullers' earth, 151, to. 23 
Funeral procession, 389 
Funeral feast, 397 
Funeral sacrifices, 398 
Furs, not worn, 434 

Games, 348, sqq.; the two sorts of 
cottabos, 349; other games of skill, 
351; games depending on chance, 
354 ; games of children, 222 

yafxer-f], 474 

yd/xos, 487 

Gardening, art of, neglected by the 

Greeks, 203, to. 9 
Garlands worn across the breast, 275 
yeianroS'HT/jLaTa, 267 
ye\wTOTToioi, 92, to. 8 
yiveiov, beard, 457 
yeveaia, 400 
yevsQhia, 314 

yeßpa, in the market-place, 286 

Girdle worn by women, 427 

Girls not sent to school, 236 

Glass, invention of, 145, to. 22; vessels 

of, ib. 
yXuaaa, ligula, 320 
Gnomon, 210, to. 3; 313 
yvwpia-p.ara of exposed children, 222 
707jTei'a, 381 



504 



IjSDEX. 



ypäfxpaTa, 231 ; comprehended reading, 
writing, and arithmetic, 232 

ypanfj.aTG?t>v, 162, ».12 

ypafifxar'tdtou, bill of fare, 322 

ypauv fxvöoi, 225 

ypacp^i vßpeus, 366 

ypoupelov, 1 63, n. 13 

Grave-clothes, white, 385 

Graves, 392 

yp1(pot, 97, sqq.; 348 

yvfivbs, of those wearing the chiton, 
243; 298 

yviAvwais ■napQivwv in Sparta, 297 

yvvaiKeia ayopd, 287 

yvvaiKovopLoi, 468 

Gymnasia, 293, sqq.; condemned by 
the Romans, 293; distinction be- 
tween gymnasium and palaestra, 294; 
not frequented by women in most of 
the Greek states, 296 ; Spartan 
virgins allowed to contend in them, 
297 ; plan of a gymnasium, 300 ; 
often visited by old men for exercise, 
308 ; were favourite resorts of sophists 
and rhetoricians, 309 

Gymnastics of the women, 297, sqq. 

Gynaeconitis, not generally above stairs, 
255, 256; usually lay behind the 
andronitis, 258 

&ßpa, 364 
al/ActKovpiai, 400 

Hair, 453, sqq. ; how worn at Sparta, 
454; first cut at Athens on entering 
the age of an ephebus, 454 ; dyed, 
456; how worn by the women, 459; 
cut off as a sign of grief, 398 

aAes T]hv(XfJL4voi, 330 

a\wv Koivwvetv, 7, n. 13 

afxa^is, go-cart, 222 

a7r,\ot, shoes, 449 

Hats, 443 

Head-coverings of the men, 442, sqq. ; 

their colour, 444; of the women, 460 
rjXiOTpdmov, sun-dial, 211, n. 3 
eA./tex'TttJ'es, 414 
7]jjn$iir\oi8i.Qv } 425 



7]iui\LySos, form of dolls, 223 

€\p7]/j.a cftvou, 336 

'Epuov paßdiop, 49, n. 18 

7)p$a, 394 

kcrriaTopiov, 265 

eTepoyuacrxaA.os, 415 

Hetserse, 241, sqq.; classification of, 
243; very numerous at Corinth, 245; 
their mode of life, 247 ; sums de- 
manded by them, 248 ; their social 
position, ib. ; epithets applied to them, 
249 ; did not wear distinctive dresses, 
ib.; preseneeat the theatre, 405 

Upa irarpua, Sacraria in private houses, 
254 

Hierodulae of Aphrodite at CoriDtb, 24, 

n. 7; 246 
llxa.VT€\iyfi6s, 351 

LjjLOTioK\4^Tai in the baths, 149, n. 23 

i>ctTioi/,418; 428 

odol XidoarpcoToi, 285 

Homer, taught in schools, 233; 273 

6/xo/j.rjTpioi not allowed to marry, 478 

Horse-shoes, 20, n. 34 

Horses, breeds of, 76, n. 5; prices, and 
favourite colours, ib. 

Hospitality, 27,». 14; 48, ». 17 

House, the Grecian, 251, sqq. ; changes 
subsequent to the time of Homer, 
252; Vitruvius' account of, 252, sqq.; 
mostly faced the south, 259; plan of 
a large one, 263 

House-doors, 260: usually opened in- 
wards, 269; mode of locking, 270 

vaXos 6pa>pvyixeu7], 145, n. 22 

vdcop '6oKiov, 184, n. 12 

ward x ei P°s, 320 

v5poßa(p4s, 439 

vSpocpöpos, 364 

viraiQpov, 253 

VTT71V7), 457 

virepyov, 255; 266 
vn^phai, in the theatre, 409 
wroßdWeffdai iraidas, 219 
wrodrj/jLaTO, 445, sqq.; of animals, 20, 

n. 34 
viroAveiv, 318 



INDEX. 



505 



virScrraTov, 148, n. 23 
vTTodvßtSss, 104, n. 25 

iaTpaXeiTTTai, 381 
larpewv, 378 

laTpevecrOai Kara ypa/x/xara, 375 
Ice-houses, 337 

XÖCs, txöyo7rwXiTis, fish-market, 288 
iüTivos, 11, ft. 19 
Imprecations on tombstones, 396 
Ink, 162, ft. 13 
Inns, 27, ft. 14 
Inscriptions on tombs, 396 
Inscriptions on houses, 261 
Interment and cremation, neither ex- 
clusively practised, 390, sqq. 
Introduction, letters of, 48, ft. 15 
iiruoXeßrjs, 337 
laxddes, 331 
icrov Icrq), 338 
Ivory baskets, 92, ft. 7 

Jewellery worn by women, 200, ft. 6 

KdXafioi 7po0€?s, 162, n. 13 

Ka\6irovs, a last, 447 

KaAws £x e (vocrovvTi), 142, ft. 18 

/cafS^Aat, 156, ft. 5 

Kavdapos, 106, ft 31 

KairqKe~ia, considered disreputable places, 

281 
KarrriXoi, 280 

Ka7ri/o5d/f77, not a regular chimney, 271 
Kapßdrivai, 450 
Kapxhaiou, 106, «.31 
Kapivai, hired mourners, 389 
Kapva, 331 

Ka.raßavKaKr)creis, 222 
KaraXKayi), KÖXXvßos, agio, 291 
/caTaAvcrets, inns, 27, w. 14 
/caT<£(TT670£ SpSfxoi, 308 
KaraTOfJ-ai, /cep/aSes, 409 
KaTaxva/xara vewvi\T<av, 368 ; at wed- 
dings, 487 
Karaywyta, 27, ft. 14 
Ka.rwva.KT], 442 
KaropvTTtiv, 39 1 



KaTTVfia, 452 

/cai/tr/a, 443 

KuvoTpov, 392 

Kt'ipeadai iir] irevOet, 398 

Keipia, 1 37, ft. S 

KeKpv(pa\os, 460 

K4\<zvcr/*a, 109, ft. 1 

K€\ev(TTr)s, 109, ft. 1 

K-qiraia 0t)pa, 265 

Kepd/Aeia, 145, «. 22 

Kepas, drinking-horn, 106, ».31 

KepavvwdevTes, how buried, 401 

KripoirXdaT-qs, KrjpoirXaaTtKf), 223; 52, 

ft. 31 
kj'xAcu, 329 

KifiwAia yr), fullers' earth, 151, ft. 23 

Kivelu rhv cup' iepas, 352 

Kioves, 395 

/cAe^Spa, 212, n. 4 

KAifxciKtSes, 93, n. 8 

K\?vai, at meals, 318 

KAtVft, 1?6, w. 8; 290 

for a corpse, 387 

/cAoiö's, 370 

Kvacpsvtiv, or yvatyeveiv, 205, ft 15 

Kvecpahov, 137, ft. 8 

Knives, not used at meals, 320 

KoxXitopuX " > 320 

KwSeta, 212, ft. 4 

KdoSia, on the beds, 138, ft. 8; 442 

Kcfyx??, 159, ft. 7 

KoiTcoves, 265 

KdkciKes, 92, ft. 8 

KoAa/a5es, 93, ft. 8 

ko\oovit1)s, 373 

köKttos, 427 

Koixfxwrpiai, lady's maids, 364 
Kovfa, 151, ft. 23 
Koviafxa, 268 
KovTowopia, 1, ft. 2 
KOTtirarias, 76, ft. 5 

k6tvtgiu rrjv dvpav, Kpoieiv, and Kporelv, 
in opposition to iJ/o<£et>, 54, w. 32; 
269 

/ccfycu, dolls, 223 

/cdpa£, door-knocker, 52, ft. 32 

Kopivdia KÖpr], 246 



506 



INDEX. 



Kopivdid£e(r9ai, 246 
KopoirXadoi, xopoirXdcrTai, 223 
Kodopvos, 451 
Korraßelou, 350 
KÖTTaßos naranros, 349 

5t' o£vßd<pav, 350 

Kovpela, 279; 455 
Koupevs, 455 
Kpdßßaros, 139, re. 8 
Kpdveiov at Corinth, 24, re. 6 
Kpacrrrjpia, 136, re. 8 
Kparrip, 338 
npziaaov Sidovai, 353 
Kprims, 447, 448 

KpOKCCTÖS, 438 

Kp6}j.vov, 323 
Kpoaaoi, fringes, 440 
Kva/j.01, 323 
KÜaöos, 341 
Kvßeia, 354 

Kvßela, gambling-bouses, 355 
KvßLarav eis fj.axo.ipas, 186, re. 17 
KvßuTTripes, 101,». 22; 186, re. 17 
kvkXoi, 285; 359 
KfXiKi'Ses, 378 
Kt-A.il, 106, re. 31 
Kuv7?. 443 
Kvcpuu ; 370 

Labella, 395 
Aa/twi/i/caf, 449 

AafccDJ/i'Ceti', XaKwviaral, 63, re. 8; 419 
Aa,ata, 224 
Lamps, 156, re. 5 

Landscape- painting, neglect of, 46, re. 11 

Lanterns, ] 53, re. 1 

XdpvaKts Kirnapicrcrivai, 392 

AaTa|, or Xardyrj, 351 

Leathern chitons, 434 

XySiov, or XySapiov, 430 

KeLTovpyiai, 70, re. 23 

XeKidowwXides, 287 

\4kl8os, sold in the market, 61, re. 2 

\-f]Kv8oi VGKpav, 387; 396 

toji/of, 391, 396 

Letters surreptitiously opened, 160, 
il. 9 



Aev/c^ ^/ue'pa, 143, n. 19 

Libraries, 272, sqq.; their existence 

in early times doubtful, 273; public 

libraries, 275 
Xißvs, 484 

Lighting, methods of, 153, n. 1; 156, 
re. 5 

Lightning, burial of persons killed by, 
401 

Links carried in the streets, 153, re. 1 
Litters, the use of, 124, re. 23 
Loadstone, 129, re. 29 
\w7ro8vrai, 154, re. 2 
XovTTipes, 148, n. 23 
Xovrpov vviupiKov, 4S3 
Xovrpo<p6pos, 484 
Love-matches, 473; 477 
Xvxv'wv, 157, re. 5; for the cottabos 
350 

Avxvos, 156. re. 5 
Xvpa and KiQdpa, 234 

fj.axo.ipas KOTamvsiv, 186, re. 20 

fj.ayeipe7a, 290 

fj.ayevTLK7i, 381 

fj-ayyave'ta, 381 

Magic arts. 192, re. 35; 382 

fj-aXaxv, 323 

iuaA.077, 162, re. 12 

Maidens, presence of, at the Olympic 
games, 296; at gymnastic exercises 
in Sparta, 297 

Malt liquors, 334 

Manumission of slaves, 372; 169, re. 29 

Market-place, 277, sqq.; topography 
of, 278; when most frequented. ib.\ 
used as a lounging-place, 279; the 
kvkXoi, 285; fish-market, 288 

Marriage, 473, sqq.; regarded as a 
duty, 475; between relatives, 477; 
usual age, 478; dowry, 480; usual 
time of year, 4S2; preliminary so- 
lemnities, ib.; marriage-bath, 4S3; 
fetching home the bride, 485; 
marriage-feast, 458 

fjd£a, 322 

Meals, 310, sqq; different at different 



INDEX. 



507 



periods and in different states, 311; 
three daily meals, 312; the hfnrvov, 
313; practice of reclining at meals, 
317; ablutions before and after, 318; 
320; 329; no table-cloth used, 321; 
attendance at table, ib.; number of 
courses, 325; the dessert, 331 

Median garments, 433 

Medicine, state of, 381 

(j.4Aav, ink, 162, n. 13; pigment for 
the eyebrows, 174, n. 42 

/xe\avod6xov, 162. n. 13 

fxeMTovrja, 386 

Mensa, 395 

fiT]WTpa, or aaxTTpa, 197, n. 4 
Merchants and dealers, various classes 

of, 280 
fiepiSes, 314 
(leraßAriTitch, 280 
fierdviTTTpou, 329 

/ue'rauAos and. fiicravAos 6vpa, 257 ; 

265 
/ueVa|ct, 433 
fiiadapuia, 280 
(xiadaiToi, 373 
Hirpa. 427; 461 
jxuri/xaTa, /xi ri/JLela, 393 
lidva /ecu (vyd, 354 
Money lent on pledges, 122, «. 21 
Monkeys, kept as pets, 77, n. 5; taught 

to dance, 187, n. 24 
fMovox'iTwv, 417, 418 
p.Qv6iTeX(j.a, 449 
Monopolies, 284 
Mop/j-w, iu.opfAo\vKe7a, 225 
Mourning, duration of, 398 ; in what it 

consisted, ib.; mourning garments, 

399 

Moucrela, school-festival, 234 
Mules, use of, 127, n. 26 
Music, study of, 233 
fivara^, 457 
HuariXr], /xvarpov, 320 
(jlvOol ypauv /cat titOwv, 225 
Myrtle-market, 289; 94,«. 10 

vaiSiCt, 394 



Nails worn in shoes, 452 

Names of children, when given, 219 

vavXov, 385 

Negro slaves, 365 

vikpodaicrai, 389 

veKvcria, 400 

veoi, took no part in public affairs, 237; 

their pursuits and amusements, 74, 

n. 1; 76, n. 5; 239 
vevpScnraara, Marionettes, 185, n. 

15 

Nicknames, 40, n. 42; 220; of hetaeras, 
249 

Night-lights, use of, 35, n. 28 

VlK7)T7lpia, 314 

virpov, 151, n. 23 
Nudity in the gymnasia, 298 
vvfj.<paywy6s, 486 
vv/jL<pai, dolls, 223 

Nurses, were often free women, 221; 
Spartan nurses, ib. 

Oaths, frequent in conversation, 82, 
n. 12 

bßeKKTKoKvxviov, 157, n. 5 

6ßo\bs veKpou, 385 

oßoXoardTai, 71, n. 25 

bxQoißoi, 440 

olKrifxara, -nopvila, 244 

oIkoi TpUe\ufoi, kirT&nKivoi, 265 

oikovoixos, 364 

oiKorpißts, olKorpißatoi, 360 

QiVLcnrjpia, 454 

olvoxit], 341 

ulvoxdoi, 342 

olvonwAris, 284 

ofrcj? t&v oli/oy e|eAouv€tf, 105 w. 
29 

olvos. See TTi'rae. 
oivovTra, 322 

Olympian games, presence of women at, 
296 

oveipSiroXoi, cWtpo/cptTat,133. n. 4 
6(pda\/j.bs of a ship, 111, ». 2 
ocpdaXfxbs ßdcrtcavos, 189, ft. 28 
o\bov, fish-market, 288 
Ö7TTO tcdpva, 331 



508 



INDEX. 



Ordeals, 183, re. 12 
dp iyavos, 387 

Ornaments worn by women, 200, 
re. 6 

opTvyoKoirla, 71, re. 6 
Traxls, 295 

7rai8ayu)yeiov, school-mom, 226 
iraidaywyeiv avß-n 6(Tiov, 341 
iraiSaywyös, 226 
iraiSe'a, 217, sqq. 
7ra£5e'p&js, pigments, 174, w. 42 
iraidiov and iraiSäpiov, 222 
7rat8t(TK:€ra, iropve7a, 244 
iraihovöfioi, 225; 229 
irai5o7roie?a0at yvrjaicas, 474 
iraXaicrrpa, 294 
iraXiyKdirqAoi, 280 
Tra\L/j.\p7]arov, 162, re. 12 
iraWaKT), 360; 473, 474 
Palm-wine, 334 
irai/8o/aa, despised, 28, re. 14 
TraySo/ceToi/, 27, re. 14 
Travnyvpeis, 292 

Paper of the ancients, 161 re. 12; its 

price, 162 
7ra7T7ros, 457 
Papyrus, 162, re. 12 
irapaxo-pdrreiv, 292 
irapaxwrat, 151, re. 23 
irap6,/j.€(ros, ring-finger, 200, re. 6 
•jrapduv/jubos, or irdpoxos, 210, re. 2 ; 

485 

TrapaTrrjx^, 440 

irapairerdcr/xaTa, 269 

irapdari/iLOV, 110, re. 2 

Parasites, three classes of, 92, re. 8 

Parasols, 125, re. 24 

•jrapaards, Tracrrds, irpocrrds, 254, 266 

irapdevoi KardnAeHrToi, and QaXtxixsvS- 

/j.eua.1, 465 
Trdpv<pai, 440 
Passage-money, 43, re. 1 
Passports, 9, «. 17 
irarpSdev bvojxd^adai, 220 
Patterns of dresses, 439, 440 
Pavement of the streets, 28^ 



iretiai, 369 

ire/jL/naTa, 488 

irevTa\i8i(eiv t 354 

ireirAos, 428 

irepißapis, 451 

irepißhi)ii.a.Ta, 415; 418 

ireplSenrvov, 397 

7repi8e'pata of the children, 222 

TT€pid4paiov, collar, 370 

■jrepucadapTripia, 382 

TreplKevKa, 437 

irepiuriaa, 440 

Trep'nroXoi, 154, re. 2; 239 

Peristyle of the house, 253 

Trepi'Cwyua, 427 

irepovaTpis, 428 

Ilepci/fa, 450 

ireaaoi, invention of, 353 

Treraaos, 443 

7reTTeia, the two kinds of, 352 
ire'Ccu, 439 
<pai6s, 436 
(pa/ecu, 323 

(pavoi, torches, 153, re. 1 
(pap/Aaicda, 381 
(papfiaKo't, 378 ; 382 
<papfj.aKoir£>\ai, (pap/xaKorpißai, 378 
Pheasants, kept for show, 77, re. 5 
<pepvi] t 480 
<£idA?7, 106, re. 31 
(piXoTrja-'iai, healths, 343 
<f>\6/j.os, 157, re. 5 
(popelou, litter, 124, re. 23 
(pop/xos, 139, re. 8; 442 
(pvKOS, a pigment, 174, re. 42 
Picnics, 315 

Picturesque, sense of, 46, re. 11 

Pigeon-fancying, 77. re. 5 

Pigments, 174, re. 42 

ttiA'iSiov, 141, re. 17; a shoe, 451 

mAos, 443 ; 451 

mvaices ypa<piKoi, 162, re. 12 

irivdiaa, 144, re. 20 

vivos, 334 

ttIQtikos, used as a term of abuse, 40, 
re. 42 

ö lacards on the walls, 197, re. 4 



INDEX. 



509 



irXaKovs, 332 

irKarayai, 222 

irXar ay doviov, 190, n. 29 

Playthings of children, 222 

Pledges, left in pawn, 122, n. 21 

Tr\T]dovcra ayopd, at what hour, 278 

ttAvuclu, 205, ».15 

TTOSOKCLKT], 369 

Poets, read at school, 233 
irdoycof T<i>y.(t)POTpo<peti', 457 
rcoiKiKia TroiKi\fiaTa, 268 
Tt6\eis iraifciv, 352, 353 
ttSAos, sun-dial, 210, n. 3 
■noXvcpayia, Bceotians renowned for. 93, 

n. 9; 311 
iro\v(p6pos ohos, 338 
Trofx(p6Xvyas, 461 
irdpvai, classification of, 243 
iropvela, public, 243 
iropvacbu reAos, 243 
iröaa; game, 354 
iroais Sza x'oj/os, 337 
ttÖtos, 330 ; 333, sqq. 
irpar^p Aldos, 359 
irptvos aypla, 4, rc. 9 
irpoaywyeia, 495 
irpoßaaKavia, 191, w. 32 
irpoyd/xeia, 482 
irpoJ?, 480 

TTpOKTjpVTTeiV, 197, «. 4 

irpo/jLvrjaTpiai, 479 
irpoiTsixirsiv, 83, «.14 
Trpo(ppdy/j.aTa of the houses, 260 
irpoiTLveiu <piAoT7j(ri«s, 343 
irpoKOfxa, 312; 325 
Trpöa-rjßos, 238 

Trpo<TKecpdAaiov, 137, ».8; 140, w. 12; 

319; 407 
irpocrrds, 254; 266 

7Tp6(TTOOV, 265 

irporeAeia yd/j.wy, 482 

■nvdöetns, 386 

■npodvpa, 260 

\pr] (pHTpLar on u Ar) s, 273 

i//7?<pot, set in rings, 199, n. 6; used for 

reckoning, 232 
lprjtpOKAiicrai, \\)-t}<poTTCunTou, 187, 71. 22 I 



i^'aöos, 139, n. 8 

\pi/j.v6Lov, a pigment, 174, n. 42 

^coiiu^eii/, 221 

tyocpeiv tt]v dvpav, 54, n. 32; 269 

^i>XP a * TpctTre^aJ, 326 

iTTepa, or nrspvyss, 421 

irrepwTa and 7TTiAa>Ta Trpo<rfc<E<pdAaia, 

138, ». 8 
7TTi;etv ets k6Attov, 132, rc. 3 
TTueAot, bathing-tubs, 149, n. 23; coffins, 

391; 396 
irvActiv, 253 

Puppet-shows, 185, n. 15 
Trvpyos, for slaves, 266 
iTvpia, 149, «. 23 
7ry|i'5es, 378 
ttv^'lov, 162, w. 13 

Quail-fighting, 78, n. 6; 239 

pdßdot, stripes on the garments, 440 
paß5o<p6poi, or oaßSovxoi in the theatre, 

409 
ßalS La, 447 
pdcpavos, 217; 323 
Battles for childreu, 222 
Reading, how taught, 232 
Beclming at meals, 317; 319 
pivuv,pivbs eAneiv, 68, n. 17 
Bings, use of, 199, n. 6; fyycpOL. ib., 

worn as amulets, 191, n. 32 
pdixßos, 224 
Boofs of houses, 267 
poirrpa on the doors, 55, n. 32 
Bouge, use of, 174, n. 42 
pvp-jxa, 151, w. 23 
puTros, 163, ». 14 
pvrol Aaes, 285 
pi/T<fp, 106. n. 31 

aaKKOS, 460 

Salutation, forms of, 142, ?a. 18 
uay.<p6pas, 76, n. 5 

cavSaAia, worn only by women, 
447 

Sandals, 446 ; taken off betöre meals, 
318 



INDEX. 



aap8wos / 199, re. 6 
Sausages, 323 
<tx i<tt ^> 421 

Schoolmasters, pay of, 230 

Schools, 227, sqq.; not supported at 

the public expense, 228; hour at 

which they opened in the morning, 

231: vacations, 234 
Seals, affixed to documents, 159, re. 8; 

to doors, 270; forgery of, 159, re. 6; 

secured by capsules, 159, re. 7 
Sealing-earth, 163,». 14 
crriKifes, 365 
<re\iuov, 135, re. 7; 386 
ai\ixara, 393 
<rripi.K<x, 433 

Sesame cakes at weddings, 488 
Shaving, 458 

Ships, figure-heads of, 110, re. 2; names 
of, 111, re. 2; burden of, 112, re. 5 

Shoes, 445, sqq ; only worn out of 
doors, 445; the various kinds, 446, 
sqq.; women's shoes, 450; materials, 
451 ; colour, 452 

Sgnet-rings, 199, n. 6 

Silk manufacture, 432, 433 

Silver utensils, 5, re. 12 

civdctiv, 431 

aiavpa, 138, re. 8; 442 

aiTi&iv, 221 

o-Kdcpr), cradle, 221 

(TKrjvai, 28, re. 14; 285 

crKidSeiov, 125, n. 24 

<TKiad/)pas, sun-dial, 211, re. 3 

(TKijXTrovs, 139, re. 8 

GKipdcpeia, 355 

<rn6Aia, songs, 348 

aKVTOT6fxos, 451 

Slaves, 356, sqq.; origin of slavery, 358; 
names of slaves. 169, re. 30; prices of 
slaves, 359; number of slaves, 361 ; 
chiefly employed as artisans, 362, 
363; female slave?, 364; 474; 495; 
treatment of slaves, 365; usual 
punishments, 369; character, 371; 
manumission of slaves, 169, re. 29; 
372 ; presence of, in the theatre, 407 



Slave-market, 285; 359 
afxrjyfMa, or «r^/xa, 329; 151, re. 23 
Smoke, how disposed of, 271 
Snow, put into wine, 337 
Sophists and rhetoricians in the gym- 
nasia, 309; their fees, 235 
aopol, 391 
auarpa, 197, re. 4 
airdpya.ua, 217 
o-rrdpTia, 447 
Spas, 123, re. 22 
Spelling, how taught, 232 
acpaXos, 370 

vcptvhafxvos, 136, re. 8; 139, re. 10 

acpevSovT), 199, n. 6; head-dress, 459 

acppayis, 9, re. 17; 199, re. 6 

airouSai, 329 

Spoons, 320 

Stadiatse porticus, 304 

crT7?Aaf, 395 

<rre(pauoTrwAiSes, 287 

(TT7]d6de<TfjLos, 427 

(TTifxfxis, a pigment, 1 75, re. 42 

arAeyyls, in the baths. 150. re. 23, 

head-dress, 459 
ffToai, 265 
(TToixsiov, 211, re. 3 
<TTp4ß\ai, 370 
Streets, pavement of, 285 
<rrp6ßiXos, 101, re. 22 ; 224 
arpufiara, 3, re. 8; 183, re. 8 
(TTpcc/xarevs, CTTpccfj.aTÖdea/Ji.ov, 4, re. 8 
<TTp6(pioi>, 427 

u'6a>p, 183, re. 12 
Suicides, how interred, 401 
avKdßivov, a pigment, 174, re. 42 
o-vAAa^i'Ceif, 232 
avKKoyoi, 74, re. 1 
crv/xßoAa, 9, re. 17 

<rv/j.ßo\ai, äirb crvp.ßo\'2v ogiitvhv, 314 
(Tv/j-ixerpia yj.T&v< 427 
(rv/j.Troa-'iapxos, 341 
Sun-dials, 210, re. 3 
Surgery, state of, 380 
vvplTTGiv and K\a£eiv, signs of dis- 
approbation in the theatre, 410 
Surnames, 220 



IXDEX. 



oll 



Sycophants, 66, re. 13 

Symposia, 333, sqq.; of Plato, Xeno- 
phon, and Plutarch, contrasted, 333; 
different wines at, 335; the Sympo- 
siarch, 342; the rponos tt)s notreus, 
343; conversation and amusements, 
344 

raivia, 427 

TaivtoTTuXtSes, 289 

Tastetet, 491 

rdcpOL, 393 

Tapixv, 324 

TTj\4(piXov, 190, re. 29 

T7]\ia. frame on which quails fought, 

78, re. 9; 355 
Bd\aixos, 266 

6dTTT€LV, 391 

davfxaTOTTOiol, 180, re. 7; 188, re. 25 
Taverns, 27, n. 14 ; 74, re. 1 ; 281 

Theatres, 403, sqq.; presence of women, 
403; of boys, 406; entrance-money, 
408; arrangement of benches, 409; 
hour of commencement, ib.; behaviour 
of the audience, 410; social position 
of actors, 411 

6euTpci!)V7)s, 6€arpoTTw\7]S, 408 

Thebes, notorious for afxadia, 236 

driKai, 393 

6eol yajiT)Xioi, 482 

eewpiKdv, 408 

depairevTiKoi, 92, re. 8 

depicTTpia, 430 

depfxa Xovrpd, 123, n. 22 

84pfxoi, 323 

öepixbv v5wp, 336 

deadai T7]u \!/ri<pov, 353 

Thimble-rigging, 187, re. 22 

Qo'im] yafiiKT}, 487 

6opvße?v, 410 

ep-qvcpSoi, 389 

0pt'5a|, 323 

dpvaXA'is, 157, re. 5 

0upa, 260 ; 269; 54, re. 32 

auAeioy, 253 

KTjTrat'a, 37, re. 32; 265 

fiiaavkos and fx4rav\os, 257 ; 265 



6vpl8es, 270 
dvpwv, dupup€?ov, 253 
Bupapos, 261 
Ovaapoi, 440 

TIT077, 221 

TOKicrixSs, 280 

Tombs, where placed, 393; family- 
tombs, 394; usual forms of, 395; 
inscriptions on, 396 

Tombstones. 395 

toVos, 137, re. 8 

Torches, 153, rc. 1 ; at weddings, 486 
Toys of children, 222; 224 
Trade, respectability of, 281 
rpayrifxara, 331 
Tpdirefat, 140, n. 10 

grave -stones, 394, 395 

of the money-changers, 67, re. 

16; 69, re. 20; 71, re. 25; 72, re. 27; 

290 

irparai and devrepai, 326; 330, 

331 

cupeiv to.s rpdire^as, 329 

TpaTre(oTroi6s, 322 

Travelling, 3, re. 8; restrictions on, 9, 
n. 17 

TpTjTo'y, pass near Cleonse, I, re. 2 

rpiaKaSe?, 398 

rp'ißoou, or rpißaiVLOV, 419 

TpLXOLTTTOU, 460 

TpixoAdßiou, 455 
rpn]pav\T]s, 109, re. 1 
rpifx/xa, 336 

Trinkets, 200, re. 6; false, 188, re. 27 
TpiVa, 397 

Tpo^o's, 370; ruv Oav/xaroirotuv, 101, 

72. 22 ; game, 224 
rpocp-h, 221 

Tpdnos rrjs irdaeas, 343 
TvXeiov, or tuAtj, 137, re. 8 
TVfxßoi, 394 
rv/xirava, 370 

Vacations in schools, 234 
Vases in tombs, 396 
Veneeriug, 136, re. 8 
Virginity, test of, 183, re. 12 



512 



INDEX. 



Visits, made early in the morning, 57, 
n. 37; of the women, 469, 470 

Wages, daily, for manual labour, 29, 
n. 18 

Walking-sticks, 87, n. 18; 156, n. 4 
Walls, decoration of, 268 
Warming houses, method of, 271 
Washing clothes, 205, n. 15 
Watering-places, 123, n. 22 
Waxwork, artificial flowers, fruits, &c, 

53, n. 31 
Wax-candles, 156, n. 5 
Waxen writing tables, 163, re. 13 
Widows, married again. 478; 167, n. 20 
Wills, when opened, 165, n. 17; wit- 
nesses to, 166, n. 18; form of, 167, 
n. 19; duplicates of, 171, n. 37 
Windows, 270 

Wine, 334, sqq.; its cheapness, 334; 
various kinds, 335; various pre- 
parations of, 336; age, ib.-, mixed 
with hot or cold water, 337; mixed 
with snow, ib. ; proportions of the 
mixture, 338 ; not drunk during 
meals, 333; sale of, 280; 284 



Women, 462, sqq.; their social position, 
463; education, 465; 236; treat- 
ment before and after marriage, 466, 
sqq.; seclusion, 468; gymnastics ot, 
at Sparta, 297; presence in the 
theatre, 403, sq.; marriage, 473 : 
considerations which induced it, 475; 
its usages and forms, 479; dowries, 
481; solemnities at marriages, 483, 
sq. ; occupations of married women, 
491; punishment of infidelity, 494 
frequency of divorce, 497 

Writing, how taught, 232 

£av6al rpixes, 456 
£e'wa, 48, n. 17 
£evu>ves, 267 
^-qpaXoKpeiv, 294 
£v\ov, 370 
|uctti's, 441 
£v(TTol Bpo/xoi, 308 

(arpiKiov, 352 
Zev (Tucroi>, 205, n. 14 
^doviuv, 427 
£vy6s, 446 



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's R. I. Lectures on Light.. .„ 13 

's Molecular Physics 13 

Unawares 24 

Unwin'B Machine Design 12 

Ure's Arts, Manufactures, and Mines 18 

Vaughan's Trident, Crescent and Cross ... 19 

Walker on Whist _ 27 

Warburton's Edward the Third ... 4 

Watson's Geometry „ ^ 12 

Watts's Dictionary of Chemistry 16 

Webb's Objects for Common Telescopes ... 11 

Wellington's Life, by Gleig 5 

Whately's English Synonymes „ 8 

Christian Evidences 22 

Logic „ 6 

Rhetoric 6 

White's Latin Dictionaries ...„. 8 

Whit-worth's Measuring Machine 18 

Wilcocks'S Sea Fisherman 26 

Williams's Aristotle's Ethics ... 6 

Willich's Popular Tables 27 

Wood's (J. G.) Bible Animals 14 

Homes without Hands ...^ 14 

Insects at Home 14 

Abroad „ 14 

Out of Doors ... 1« 

Strange Dwellings 14 

(J. T.) Ephesus 23 

Woodward's Geology 14 

Wyatt's History of Prussia 3 

Yonge's English-Greek Lexicons 8 

Horace .. ... 25 

Youatt on the Dog „ „. 2S 

on the Horse „ — 26 

Zelleb's Socrates 6 

Stoics, Epicureans & Sceptics .... 6 

Plato 

Zimmern's Schopenhauer...« „.„ 



Spottiswoode & Co., Printers, New-street Square, London. 



NEW AND CHEAPER EDITION OF RICH'S ILLUSTRATED 
CLASSICAL DICTIONARY. 



Now ready, in One thick Volume, crown 8vo. price 7s. 6c?. cloth, 

A DICTIONARY 

OP 

ROMAN AND GREEK ANTIQUITIES. 

With about 2,000 Engravings on Wood 
From Ancient Originals Illustrative of the Industrial Arts 
and Social Life of the Greeks and Komans. 

By A. EICH, B.A. 

Sometime of Caius College, Cambridge. 
THIRD EDITION, REVISED AND IMPROVED. 



As the title of this edition states that 
the work has been revised and improved, 
the Author thinks it right to explain 
exactly what is meant by that an- 
nouncement, lest it should be under- 
stood as a mere conventional formula, 
or as implying either more or less than is 
intended. 

Large additions or material altera- 
tions are not to be expected. But the 
pages have been submitted to a careful 
revision throughout : and such changes 
or improvements introduced as a fresh 
perusal of them after many years might 
suggest. If anything seemed redundant 
it has been retrenched ; if deficient, 
more fully set out ; if matters upon 
which the opinions of scholars differ 
appeared to have been affirmed some- 
what too positively, such affirmations 
have been modified ; if with too much 
hesitation, greater decision has been 
expressed ; and, in general, if the lan- 
guage in which any explanation or 
description was conveyed seemed in- 
volved or confused, it has been stu- 
diously corrected in order to render it 



clear, precise, and free from, ambi" 
guity. 

The Greek Synonyms and the Index 
to them have received some considerable 
additions ; and some few additional 
illustrations have been introduced from 
originals discovered in excavations made 
since the previous publication, or which 
were at that time unknown to the 
Author, or had escaped his memory. 
Some few articles have likewise been 
added ; and others have had more mat- 
ter introduced into them, if interesting 
in itself ; but always with extreme care, 
so as not to destroy the original design, 
which was to produce a large book in a 
small compass, entitled to take its rank 
as fin authority amongst scholars, and 
be a, safe guide to the student, whilst it 
would serve no less as a manual of ready 
reference for artists, archaeologists, and 
all who interest themselves about the 
history and manners of bygone ages ; 
and especially of those two great and 
gifted families of the human race to 
whom our modern civilisation is ,so 
largely indebted. 



London, LONGMANS & CO. 



SCHOOL AND COLLEGE LATIN DICTIONARIES, 

By the Rev. JOHN T. WHITE, D.D. Oxon. 



Revised Edition, in square 12mo. price 12s. bound, 

THE JUNIOR STUDENT'S 
COMPLETE LATIN-ENGLISH 

AN DJ 

ENGLISH-LATIN DICTIONARY. 

By the Rev. J. T. WHITE, D.D. Oxon. 



, , fTHE ENGLISH-LATIN DICTIONARY, price 5s. 6d. 
separately ^ THE LATIN-ENGLISH DICTIONARY, price 7s. 6cZ. 



Critical Opinions of these Dictionaries : — 



'The mistakes into which boys are apt 
t o be led by the use of too advanced a Dic- 
tionary are here carefully obviated. When 
an English word is at all in danger of not 
being perfectly understood, it is explained 
before the equivalent Latin is given. If 
it has general meanings and applications, 
they are distinctly and methodically speci- 
fied, with suitable renderings for each. In 
addition to this, the authors are named by 
whom the Latin words are used, that the 
student may be able to see at once whether 
the word is peculiar to prose or poetry, or 
common to both. ...The plan of the book 
is good, and the result is a valuable acqui- 
sition for classical schools and students." 

ATHENÄUM. 

' Schoolmasters and schoolboys, we ven- 
ture to think, will welcome the appearance 
of this volume, or these volumes— for each 
part is published separately. It occupies a 
very useful middle position between the 
formidable octavos and quartos which 
belong to the sixth form and under- 
graduates' lecture-room on the one hand, 
and the lesser elementary dictionaries 
which are suited to beginners. The present 
work aims at furnishing in both its parts a 
sufficiently extensive vocabularyfor all the 



practical purposes for which a Junior 
Student is likely to require it; and, con- 
sequently, Dr. White has introduced into 
the English-Latin portion all English words 
likely to occur in passages not too difficult 
for translation by any boys not in the 
highest forms.' Guardian. 

1 These two works are excellent— are In 
fact models of lexicography. With the 
latter dictionary and a good grammar a boy 
may make his way through any author of 
the Golden Age with an ease of which one 
who pottered over Virgil twenty or even 
ten years ago never dreamt. He will have 
learned, moreover, in the process the ele- 
ments of etymology, and will have acquired, 
by running along the genealogies of words, 
by observing the steps by which one mean- 
ing passes into another, some idea of the 
science of languages. The printing is ex- 
cellent, and— what is of great importance, 
though by no means common — such a pre- 
tentious and otherwise excellent dictionary 
as Dr. Andrews' being in this respect 
deficient— the quantities are accurately 
marked. Taking their prices into con- 
sideration, these works are marvellously 
cheap.' The Sootsmax. 



WHITE'S COLLEGE LATIN-ENGLISH DICTIONARY (Inter- 
mediate Size), abridged for the use of University Students from the Parent 
Work (as below). Medium 8vo. price 18«. 

WHITE and RIDDLE'S LARGE LATIN-ENGLISH DICTIONARY 
(the Parent Work), founded on the larger Dictionary of Freund, as last revised 
by Himself. Latest Revised Edition. 2 vols. 4to. price 42«. 

A LATIN-ENGLISH DICTIONARY adapted for the USE of 
MIDDLE-GLASS SCHOOLS. By John T. White, D.D. Oxon. Joint- 
Author of White and Riddle's large Latin-English Dictionary. Square fcp. 8vo. 
price 3$. 

London, LONGMANS & CO. 



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